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History of the Moravian Church ; 

Fire and Snow ; Life of John Cennick ; 

The Downfall of Satan. 

Moravian Publication Office, 
32. Fetter Lane, London, E.G. 4. 


A. E. H. 





Book I. The Eighteenth Century ^^*^^ 

Pioneers, 1700-1800 3 

Book II. The Builders, 1800-1914 ... 207 

Book III. The Modern Advance, 1848-1914 321 

Book IV. Methods, Measures and Ideals 463 

Epilogue : By Bishop Arthur Ward . . 503 

Appendix 515 

Errata 581 

Index 583 


1. North American Indian Mission - facing p. 80. 

2. Eastern Hemisphere ; shewing Moravian fields 

or efforts in Europe, Africa, AustraHa, 

Palestine, Persia, India, Ceylon, Nicobar 

Islands, and Western Tibet - facing p. 160. 

Inset : detailed map of South Africa. 

Nj^' 3. West Indies and Central America - facing p. 208. 

4. Western Hemisphere ; shewing stations in 

Greenland, Labrador, Alaska, California, 
Surinam, Demerara - - - facing p. 321. 

5. North Queensland facing p. 416. 

6. Tanganyika Territory, Nyassa - facing p. 440. 

7. Tanganyika Territory, Unyamwezi 

facing p. 456. 

The maps are printed on the following principle : — 

Existing settlements or mission-stations, red. 
Former mission fields or stations, blue. 
Missions temporarily abandoned, green. 
All other places, black. 


— -f — 

For assistance in the task of writing this History — 
a task undertaken at the request of the British 
Province of the Moravian Church — I am much 
indebted to several friends, and to each of these I 
herewith tender my thanks. Bishop Arthur Ward 
revised the proofs, made many useful suggestions, 
and supplied me with invaluable information. 
Bishop H. R. Mumford read the MS., and suggested 
needful emendations ; and two other members of the 
Provincial Mission Board, the Rev. J. N. Libbey, M.A., 
and the Rev. H. J. Wilson, B.A., drew my attention 
to certain points of detail. Dr. Heber, who is now 
at Leh, read the chapter on Western Tibet. The 
Rev. Lorenzo Taylor, formerly a missionary in 
Nicaragua, read the chapter on that field. The 
Rev. T. L. Clemens, who has recently retired from 
Tobago, read some of the sections on the West 
Indies. Dr. S. K. Hutton read the first draft of the 
chapters on Labrador. Mr. E. Hutton, B.A., helped 
me to prepare the maps. Mr. F. T. Mann, B.A., 
corrected the proofs. The Rev. J. Connor, B.D., 

corrected the proofs and prepared the Index. The 
Rev. C. J. Klesel helped me to obtain valuable 
historical material. 

As these pages pass through the press, many 
British Moravians are shewing a renewed interest 
in Moravian Missions ; and, if this volume deepens 
that interest, one purpose for which it has been 
written will have been accomplished. 

Dublin, December, 1922, 




1. The Dreamer, 1700-31 3 

2. The Voice in the Night, 1731-2 . . 15 

3. The Danish West Indies, 1736-82 . . 24 

4. The British West Indies, 1754-1800 , 50 

5. Greenland, 1733-74 57 

6. The North American Indians, 1734-1808 78 

7. The South American Indians, 1735-1808 117 

8. The BushNegroes OF Surinam, 1765-1813 121 

9. South Africa : The Hottentots, 1786-44 126 

10. Labrador, 1752-1804 131 

11. The Jews, 1738-42 146 

12. The Flying Scouts, 1734-1822. . . .155 

13. zinzendorf as missionary leader, 

1731-60 167 

14. The Count's Successors, 1760-1800. . 187 



Chapter I. 
THE DREAMER, 1700—1781. 

Among the historic buildings in England, few are 
of greater interest to Moravians than that thrice 
famous house at Kettering where, on October 2nd, 
1792, William Carey, one of the founders of the 
Baptist Missionary Society, flung down on the 
parlour table some numbers of a missionary magazine 
entitled Periodical Accounts, and, addressing twelve 
other Baptist ministers, exclaimed : " See what 
these Moravians have done " ; and my first duty 
in this book will be to shew how much Carey meant 
by that oft-quoted remark. What, then, when Carey 
spoke, had the Moravian missionaries done ? How 
long had they been engaged at their task ? What 
Gospel had they preached ? What methods had 
they employed ? Which countries had they visited ? 
And how much success had they achieved ? Let 
us haste at once to the fountain-head, and follow the 
romantic story of the eighteenth century pioneers. 

For the origin of Moravian Missions we must turn 
both to a man and to a well-known religious move- 
ment. The man was Count Zinzendorf, the renewer 
of the Moravian Church, and described by a modem 
writer as the " F^yierj2f^Iodern_Missions."t The 
reUgious movement is generalTy knowri~as"Pietism ; 
and the key to this chapter will be found in the 
fact that while Zinzendorf founded Moravian MissionF, 

fMiM Brain, MiBaionaiy Review of the World, 1900, p. 329. 

4 A History of Moravian Missions. 

while he gave the first missionaries their instructions, 
and while he managed the whole enterprise down 
to his closing days, yet, on the other hand, he was 
brought up in Pietist missionary circles, studied 
Pietist ideals, learned from Pietist teachers, and 
both adopted and adapted Pietist methods of work. 
In Count Zinzendorf we find the leader ; in the 
Pietist Movement his environment ; and in certain 
Moravians his first recruits. 
1704-10 The story opens in his childhood. For about six 
years Nicholas Louis, Count Zinzendorf, who was born 
at Dresden on Ascension Day, May 26th, 1700, resided 
in his grandmother's castle in the little village of 
Gross -Hennersdorf in Saxony ; and though that castle 
is now a partial ruin, the visitor is still shewn the 
window from which the boy threw letters addressed 
to Christ. There, in his grandmother's beautiful 
home, the child, trained by Pietist teachers, learned 
not only to love the Lord Christ, but even to worship 
Him as God ; there, on more than one occasion, he 
met the great Pietist leader, Philip Spener ; and there, 
at what we should call a drawing-room meeting, he 
first heard the glorious news which made him a 
missionary zealot. At a meeting held some years later 
in Fetter Lane, London (August 31st, 1753), Zinzendorf 
told the story himself to a congregation of English 
Moravians, and the curious feature of his narrative 
is that, while he remembered the day and the hour, 
he was not quite sure of the year. " I know," he 
said, " the day, the hour, the spot in Hennersdorf. 
It was in the Great Room ; the year was 1708 or 
1709 ; I heard items read out of the paper about 
the East Indies, before regular reports were issued ; 
and there and then the first missionary impulse 
arose in my soul." We have come to the fountain- 
head of Moravian Missions. 

According to Count Zinzendorf himself, whose 

The Dreamer. 5 

evidence on this point is unimpeachable, his interest 
in Foreign Missions was first aroused by the story 
of certain exploits in the East Indies ; and now we 
must ask to what precisely he referred. There 
cannot be the least doubt about the answer. Among 
the more enlightened Protestants in Germany — 
those, that is, who had studied the works of Baron 
von Weltz, the missionary — the most enthusiastic 
were the Pietists ; the founder of the move- 
ment, Philip Spener, was a frequent visitor at 
Gross-Hennersdorf Castle ; and the work to which 
Count Zinzendorf referred was a certain Danish 
mission in the East Indies manned by Spener's 
colleague, August Hermann Francke. In those 
days Francke was undoubtedly the greatest 
missionary leader in the world ; and no one exercised 
a deeper influence over Zinzendorf 's mind. By this 
time Francke had already accomphshed wonders. 
By reading Leibnitz's missionary treatise, Novissima 
Linica, Francke became convinced that o ne of the 
chief dutigs^of jhe Church was to preach the Gospel 
to the heathen ; soon afterwarSs^^flTOl) he himself 
wrote a treatise containing an elaborate scheme for 
a Unive rsal Mission College ; and then, seizing the 
first chance that came, he supplied the three men — 
Bartholomew Ziegenbalg, Henry Pliitschau, and 
Griindler — sent out to the East Indies by Dr. Liitken, 
founder of the Danish College of Missions. 
For our purpose this Mission — begun at Tranquebar 
in 1706 — is of fundamental importance. At the very 
time when Count Zinzendorf was living at Gross- 
Hennersdorf Castle, these three men were sowing 
the seed on the Coromandel coast ; by the aid of the 
EngUsh East India Company, letters, forwarded 
free of charge, arrived at Gross-Hennersdorf Castle, 
describing the progress of the work ;? those letters 
were read aloud in the young Count's presence ; 

6 A HiSTOEY OF Moravian Missions. 

and thereby he first learned to take an intelligent 
interest in Foreign Missions. He was soon to hear 
far more from another source. He was soon to grasp 
the hands of the men themselves. We come to the 
second stage in his development. 
1710 At the age of ten Count Zinzendorf was sent to 

Francke's school at Halle ; that very year, as it 
happened, Francke published the first number of his 
little missionary magazine entitled, " History of 
the Evangelical Missions in the East for the Conver- 
sion of the Heathen."! During the whole of his six 
years at Halle (1710-16), Zinzendorf lived in a 
missionary atmosphere. His own account reads like 
an exaggeration. For the first two or three years of 
his stay at Halle, Zinzendorf, so far as I can discover, 
was still dependent for his knowledge of missions 
on written reports ; he had not yet seen any 
missionaries ; and yet he writes as though he had 
seen many, " In Francke's house," he says, " I 
had chances every day to hear edifying reports about 
the spread of the Kingdom of God, to speak with 
witnesses from foreign lands, to make the acquaintance 
of missionaries, and to see martyrs and prisoners ; 
and all this strengthened my zeal for the cause of 
Christ." Let us now see how far this statement 
is true. With every allowance for exaggeration, it 
does at least contain a kernel of fact. In a letter 
to his Aunt Burgsdorf, dated November 14th, 1713, 
Zinzendorf distinctly mentions that for some time 
Henry Pliitschau, one of the missionaries from 
Tranquebar, had been staying at Francke's house ; 
Pliitschau, he says, had brought with him a convert 
named Timothy ; and the Count was so interested 
in Timothy that he actually asked his mother to 
send the young man a present. But the next event 

fThia is goiK^nilly regarded fts the first MisBioiiary Magazine ever 
published. It continued in various forms till 1880. 

The Dreamer. 7 

was of far greater importance. During the greater 
part of 1715 all the three leading missionaries from 
Tranquebar, i.e., Ziegenbalg, Pliitschaii, and 
Griindler, were home on furlough at Halle ; every 
day these three men dined at Francke's house ; 
and the Count, being a noble, enjoyed the same 
privilege. At the dinner table Zinzendorf sat 
between Francke and his wife ; and opposite to 
him sat the three missionaries. 

And now we come to the Count's first missionary 1715 
act. Among his schoolboy friends at Halle the chief 
was Count Frederick de Watteville ; Watteville, 
like Zinzendorf, sat at Francke's dining-table, and 
heard the three men from the East discourse ; and one 
day the two boys, strolling beside the red palings 
outside the school, formed a solemn covenant. In 
his " Natural Reflections," Zinzendorf himself 
describes the covenant as follows : — " We resolved," 
he says, "to do all in our power for the conversion 
of the heathen, especially for those for whom no one 
else cared, and by means of men whom God, we 
believed, would provide." In those words we find 
the key to our story. The two boys had formed a 
threefold resolution. First, they resolved to further 
Missions ; secondly, they would give their attention 
to despised and neglected races ; and thirdly, if 
they could not go themselves, they would trust in 
God to find recruits. For the third resolution they 
have been severely blamed ; and Ritschl, in 
his History of Pietism, says that Zinzendorf 
refused to become a missionary himself because he 
considered a missionary's work beneath the dignity 
of a lord. To that accusation, however, there are 
three answers. First, in 1716 Zinzendorf and 
Watteville both vowed to go to India themselves ; 
secondly, Zinzendorf's guardian intervened, and 
compelled him, whatever his wishes, to study law 

8 A History of Moravian Missions. 

at Wittenberg ; and, thirdly, Zinzendorf afterwards 
said to Cardinal Noailles in Paris : "If God had 
chosen me for the office, I should be willing to run 
the risk of going abroad." The chief point to notice, 
however, is the origin of the covenant. On that 
point Zinzendorf's evidence is decisive. According 
to his own explicit statement, made at Fetter Lane, 
London, Watteville and he were influenced, not by 
reading books or hearing reports, but solely and 
entirely by the conversation of the three missionaries 
from Tranquebar. " We did not," he says, " come 
to our resolution by reading the Bible ; nor by reading 
descriptions of journeys ; nor even by reading reports 
that came to the Society through the English post. 
The men who moulded our conduct were these three 
apostles, Pliitschau, Ziegenbalg, and Griindler. For 
nearly a year we dined with them daily ; we even 
talked to them ; and they gave us an idea of the work 
which we could never have obtained from mere 
reading." Nor was even this the full extent of the 
missionaries' influence. For us English readers the 
interesting point to notice is that, in 1710, two of those 
missionaries, Ziegenbalg and Pliitschau, were enrolled 
as corresponding members of the S.P.C.K. Each 
of these two missionaries came to London, and 
attended meetings of the Society ; each, on his 
return to Halle, gave an account of his experiences ; 
and, taking this English Society as a model, 
Zinzendorf, just before he left school, designed, 
though he did not yet actually establish, what was 
afterwards known as his " Order of the Mustard 

Thus, at the early age of fifteen, Zinzendorf, 
inspired by the conversation of the three missionaries 
from Tranquebar, had not only begun to dream 
dreams, but had formed more or less definite plans 
for the conversion of the heathen. During the next 

The Drbamsr. 9 

six years, however, he was unable to take any definite 
steps. At that time the prevailing opinion in 
Germany was that any attempt to convert the 
heathen was waste of time. His friend, Francke, 
was commonly regarded as a fanatic ; most of 
the Lutheran clergy had little evangelical zeal ; 
and one famous preacher, Ursinus, who seems to 
have been a popular type, express ed the opinion 
that the heathen did not poss ess immnrtitl snnls. 
^^ It is^u ^elesg," >^^ «i»id. " ^^^^ tfi-p-nivvfrt savagi^ 
who have nothing human about them except the 
shape ojjtheir bodies. Such are the Greenlanders, 
the Lapps, tEe Samoyedes and the cannibals." 
Another eminent preacher, Neumeister, declared 
that Foreign Missions were unnecessary ; and closed 
his sermon on Ascension Day, 1722, with the lines : — 

In former times 'twas rightly said. 

Go forth to every land ; 
But now, where God hath cast your lot, 

There shall you ever stand. 

In the Lutheran Church, therefore, Zinzendorf found 
but little support. 

His first recruits came from another source. As 
soon as Zinzendorf had completed the education 1722 
designed by his guardian — first at Wittenberg 
University and then by means of the usual grand 
tour — he took office, for the time being, as Aulic 
Councillor at Dresden ; then (1722) he married 
his cousin, Erdmuth Dorothea, bought from his 
grandmother the estate of Berthelsdorf, ten miles 
from the Bohemian frontier, installed his friend, 
John Andrew Rothe, as pastor, and devoted his 
leisure to the task of establishing a " Church within 
the Church " in the village ; and, almost immediately 
/ after the purchase, he was informed by his steward 
I that some persecuted Protestants from Moravia, 

10 A History of Moravian Missions. 

led by Christian David, a carpenter, desired to 
settle on his estate. Without a thought of 
the future, Zinzendorf gave his consent. He had 
never heard of these Moravians before. For a 
hundred years the brave descendants of the old 
Bohemian Brethren had held the faith of their 
fathers in the Kineland of Moravia. They had 
i buried their Bibles in their gardens, had held their 
meetings at midnight in garrets and stables, had 
preserved their records in dovecots and in the thatched 
roofs of their cottages, and had feasted on the glorious 
promises of the Book of Revelation ; and now, when 
persecution broke out afresh, they bade farewell 
to their ancient homes, left their goods and chattels 
behind them, and built on Zinzendorf's estate the 
far-famed settlement of Herrnhut. In these men, 
though he knew it not, Zinzendorf was soon to find 
his first missionaries to the heathen. From 
Senftleben came Christian David, one of the first 
missionaries to Greenland ; from Sehlen, the Neissers, 
some of whom preached to the Indians ; from 
Zauchtenthal the Nitschmanns and David Zeisberger, 
the great apostle to the Indians ; from Kunewalde, 
George Schmidt, the first missionary to South 
Africa, and Frederick Bohnisch, another Greenland 
pioneer ; and from Mankendorf, Matthew Stach, 
the founder of the Greenland Mission. It is simply 
amazing how events turned out. At the time not 
one of these men had the least idea of becoming a 
foreign missionary. For that task, however, no men 
could be better fitted. Each had the blood of 
martyrs in his veins ; each had learned to suffer for 
his faith. Some had been chilled to the neck in 
wells ; some had been yoked with oxen to the 
plough ; some had lain in dungeons swarming with 
vermin. For the sake of Christ they had left all 
behind them ; for the sake of Christ they were 

The Dreamer. 11 

soon to march beneath the banner of the Cross. 

Meanwhile, another force was at work. In addition 
to providing a home for the emigrants from Moravia, 
Zinzendorf gave a welcome to other persecuted 
Protestants from various parts of Germany ; among 
these were a few Schwenkfelders, Evangelicals from 
Swabia, and Pietists from the immediate neighbour- 
hood ; and some of these last, in due time, became 
Moravian missionaries. From Miinchroth, in 
Wiirtemberg, e.g., came Leonard Dober, the first 
missionary in St. Thomas ; from Pommerschwitz, 
in Upper Silesia, Dober's great successor, Frederick 
Martin ; from Wernigerode, Louis Dahne, after- 
wards a missionary in Surinam ; from a village 
near Lobschutz, in Upper Silesia, John Beck, a 
well-known leader in Greenland ; and from Grabow, 
in Brandenburg, Solomon Schumann, the Apostle 
to the Arawacks. Thus did two streams meet 
at Herrnhut to form the broad river of Moravian 
Missions ; and therefore, in Zinzendorf's missionary 
army, we find two distinct elements. One part 
consisted of descendants of the old Moravian Church ; 
the other consisted chiefly of Pietists ; and the two 
formed a powerful combination. The Moravians 
were stern and laid the chief stress on ethics ; the" 
Pietists were more evangelical and sentimental ; 
and some time elapsed before the two elements 
could be thoroughly fused. 

It was here that Zinzendorf shewed his organizing 
genius. For two or three years there existed at 
Herrnhut a considerable amount of ill-feehng between 
the Moravians and the Lutherans ; and Zinzendorf, 
acting as mediator, not only changed the duel 
into a duet, but organized the whole community 
into an efficient fighting force. His process of training 
lasted four years ; and during those four years he 1727-31 
employed four methods. First, to teach the settlers 

12 A History of Moravian Missions. 

obedience, he persuaded them to sign their names 
to a number of Statutes, known as the Brotherly 
Agreement (July 4th, 1727) ; secondly, to teach 
them Christian charity, he invited them to a Holy 
Communion in Berthelsdorf Parish Church, and there 
t;he Brethren were all so filled with the Spirit that 
that day (August 13th, 1727) was justly regarded as 
the spiritual birthday of the renewed Moravian 
Church ; thirdly, he deepened their spiritual 
experience by means of Bands, Classes, Hourly 
Intercessions, Singing Meetings, and the Daily 
Watchword ; and fourthly, and above all, he not 
only sent some of the settlers on reconnoitring 
expeditions to England, Denmark, Sweden, Hungary, 
Moravia, and the Baltic Provinces, but also, in con- 
nexion with these expeditions, established a monthly 
Missionary Prayer Day. Meanwhile, his missionary 
schemes took definite form. In 1727 he wrote to 
the Danish Court and offered to send Moravian 
Missionaries to Greenland ; in 1728, on the first 
Prayer Day, February 10th, he propounded plans 
for preaching the Gospel in the West Indies, Green- 
land, Turkey, and Lapland ; and next day, February 
11th, led by one Leonard Dober, twenty-six young 
men made a League and Covenant to respond to the 
first clear sound of the bugle call. In those twenty- 
six men we find the vanguard of the great Moravian 
missionary army. During the next four years they 
1728-32 endeavoured to prepare themselves for the mighty 
task. Each evening, after a hard day's work in the 
open air, they met in a common room and studied 
medicine, geography, and__languages ; sometimes 
Zinzendorf himself gave them lectures on Church 
history ; and standing on the Pisgah heights of hope, 
they declared that they desired to be ready when the 
blessed time should come. At the monthly Prayer 
Day, Zinzendorf was at his best. Sometimes he 

The Dreamer. IS 

read out a piece of news in vivid dramatic style; 
sometimes he read a letter from a travelling brother ; 
sometimes he introduced a i-isitor from Denmark or 
Lapland ; and sometimes, on the spur of the moment, 
he even composed and sang a missionary hymn. 

For the history of modern Protestant Missions, 
the importance of these events can hardly be over- 
estimated. In one sense Zinzendorf's work may be 
called unique. By means of the foregoing methods 
he changed a band of refugees into a missionary 
army ; and history, says Dr. Bemhard Becker, 
supplies no similar example. The change at Herrnhut 
was wonderful. In bidding farewell to their ancient 
homes, the emigrants had merely sought a city of 
refuge, and their marching song contained the lines : — 

Himself will lead me to a spot 
Where, all my cares and griefs forgot, 
I shall enjoy sweet rest. 

But now the Count had given them a new ideal. 
In the past they had longed for peace and quiet ; 
now they were eager to face 

Strange scenes, strange men, untold, untried 

success ; 
Pain, hardships, famine, cold, and nakedness. 

Behind them lay the Moravian dales and the cleft 
defiles of the Saxon Switzerland ; before them, dreary 
frozen shores and palmy islands set in summer seas. 
The Count had found his men, and the men had 
found their caUing. 

Let us pause to glance at the chain of cause and 
effect. It is a curious fact that Moravian Missions 
can be traced to the example of the Jesuits. On 
his visit to Rome, the philosopher Leibnitz met some 
Jesuit missionaries who had worked at Pekin. 
Inspired by their zeal, he wrote his missionary 
treatise Novissima Linica ; this treatise opened 

14 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Francke's eyes ; Francke inspired the " three men 
to the East " ; the three men stirred the zeal of the 
Count ; and the Count trained the refugees at 

Note. — Was, then, the zeal of the first Moravian missionaries 
due entirely, humanly speaking, to the influence of Zinzendorf ? 
One other influence has, of course, been suggested. In his 
" History of the Moravian Church during the Eighteenth and 
Nineteenth Centuries," Bishop J. T. Hamilton points out (p. 50) 
that Bishop John Amos Comenius, in his "Judicium duplex 
de regula fidei " (published 1644), declared that it was the duty 
of the Church to evangelize the heathen, and Comenius, he 
says, was also thinking of a mission to the Mahometans, and 
had planned the translation of the Scriptures into Turkish. 
Had Comenius, then, any influence over the settlers at 
Herrnhut ? I fear not. For anything I know to the 
contrary, some of those settlers may conceivably have read 
his book. No proof to that effect, however, has as yet been 
discovered ; and, if the settlers had not read the book, it 
cannot have influenced their conduct. 

Chapter II. 


As soon as the fighting force was ready, the 
marching order rang out. The next scene of the 
story is in Denmark. For some years Count 1731 
Zinzendorf, who had a Httle royal blood in his veins, 
and claimed connexion with the Danish Royal 
Family, had lived on terms of friendship with 
Christian, the Danish Crown Prince. In 1730 this 
young man succeeded to the throne as Christian VI., 
and next year the Count was invited to be present 
at the Coronation at Copenhagen. The invitation 
caused him great perplexity. For some indefinable 
reason, he was afraid to go ; yet, on the other hand, 
he hoped that if he presented himself at Court he 
might receive some official appointment which would 
aid him in his missionary plans ; and, not being able 
to settle the question himself, he summoned a meeting 
of the Brethren, and put the matter to the vote. 
The number present at the meeting was fifty-seven. 
For the journey thirty-eight votes were cast ; against 
it four ; and the other Brethren declined to give 
an opinion. The Count consulted the Lot ; the 
Lot said " Yes " ; and, taking four Bretliren with 
him, the Count set off for Copenhagen. " I have,'* 
he wrote in his diary, " a clear con^dction that 
God has a secret purpose in this journey which will 
come to light in His own time." In a few days his April 25th 
premonitions were justified. At Copenhagen he 
met Count Laurwig, Master of the Horse. This man 
had in his service a negro-slave from St. Thomas, 
named Anthony Ulrich ; and Anthony soon poured 
into Zinzendorf's ears a heart-rending tale about 
the slaves. He spoke of his own brother and sister, 


IC A History of Moravian Missions. 

Abraham and Anna, and of their keen desire to hear 
the Gospel. 

" If only some missionaries would come," he said, 
" they would certainly be heartily welcomed. Many 
an evening have I sat on the shore and sighed my 
soul towards Christian Europe." To Zinzendorf 
this was a genuine message from God. Without 
the slightest hesitation, he arranged with Count 
Laurwig that Anthony might, a few weeks later, 
pay a visit to Herrnhut ; then, on his own return to 
Herrnhut, he summoned the Brethren to a meeting, 
and repeated Anthony's tale (July 23rd) ; and that 
address stirred the soul of the first Moravian 
missionary to the heathen. 

Again the effect was swift. That night another 
missionary star began to shine. As young Leonard 
Dober lay tossing on his couch his soul was sore 
distressed ; and thinking about the benighted 
slaves of whom the Count had just spoken, he heard, 
he was sure, a stern Voice bid him rise and preach 
deliverance to the captives. " Thou art the 
chosen man for St. Thomas," it said. But whence 
the Voice came he could not surely say. On the one 
hand, it might be his own excited fancy ; on the other, 
it might be the Voice of God. Again and again 
he heard the haunting words. With his mind 
still torn in twain he fell asleep. jIn the morning 
he consulted his Text Book ; and opening it at 
July 24th random, he read the message, " It is not a vain thing 
for you, because it is your life, and through this 
thing ye shall prolong your days. Deut. xxxii., 47." 
As these words, however, were not the text for the 
day, he could hardly take them as God's answer to 
his question ; and he was, moreover, perfectly sure 
that if God had chosen him for the foreign field He 
would speak in still clearer tones. He determined 
to consult with his friend, Tobias Leupold. The 

The Voice in thz Night. 17 

day faded, the evening fell, and the two young 
men, as their custom was, strolled together among 
the brushwood that fringed the City on the Hill. 
And then Leonard Dober laid bare his heart, and 
learned to his amazement that all that day Tobias 
had been in the same perplexing pass. Each had 
heard the same solemn Voice in the night : each had 
fought the same doubts : each had feared to speak 
his mind, and had wondered what the other would 
say ; and now they looked into each other's eyes, 
knelt together in the gloaming, and, joining their 
trembling voices in prayer, asked to be guided 
aright. Sacred and glorious was the moment. As 
they rose from their knees they felt assured that the 
answer would soon be given. 

Within half-an-hour it came. As soon as they had 
finished their conversation, they joined the rest 
of the Single Brethren : and the whole company, 
striking up a hymn, marched two-and-two past 
Zinzendorf's house. The Count was standing at the 
door, with his friend Melchior Schafer, the Pastor 
of GorUtz, by his side ; and just as the two young 
men drew near, he stepped forward and said : " Sir, 
among these young men there are missionaries to 
St. Thomas, Greenland, Lapland, and other 

At these words the hearts of Dober and Leupold 
bounded with secret joy. Next day (July 25th) 
they met again, and drafted the following letter.f 
It was the first offer for service in Moravian Missions. 


To His Highness the Count. 

My Deah Count, 

I know that I may speak quite plainly to 

tThe German original, withered and yellow, lie* to-day in the 
Hermhat Archivea. 

18 A History of Moravian Missions. 

you, and that you will not take it amiss if I tell 
you about an incident that occurred just after you 
told us about your journey. On that very evening 
it came home to Brother Leonard Dober that he 
must go to the slaves. (We did not meet, however, 
till yesterday evening.) " If only you are fit for 
the work," said he to himself, " you and Leupold 
must go." With this thought in his mind he fell 
asleep. No other Brother's name occurred to him. 
In the morning he woke up with the same idea. 
" You must now see," he said, " whether this is 
only fancy." With this intent he opened his 
Text Book, and read the text for August 8rd 
(Deut. XXXII., 47). He then resolved that he 
would consult with me, and that if I had the 
same idea he would consider the matter settled. 
In this way he would lay the case before God, 
and notice what occurred. In the evening we 
met and went together into the brushwood. He 
said he had something private to say to me, told 
me the whole story, and added that the matter 
had been on his mind all day. In reply, I said 
that the same thought had several times occurred 
to me, that the affair concerned us both, that I, too, 
as I was walking home, had resolved that if the 
Brethren called us both I could say nothing against 
it, and that I had thought of no colleague but him 
and no people but the slaves. It was this that 
impressed us so much : we had both had the 
same thought. No doubt to some all this will 
sound egotistical ; but when we remember how 
our friendship began, what obstacles lay in the way, 
and how, if we had followed our natural feelings, 
we should never have come together at all, we 
feel that our action is justified, and can only be 
thankful for the favour God has shown us. Last 
night we had another encouraging experience, 

The Voice in the Nicht. 19 

I heard the words about Greenlanders and Lap- 
landers, and resolved to write to you. I had no 
further chance of seeing Dober last night. To-day 
I saw him again and asked his opinion. He said he 
thought of suggesting himself that I should write 
to you. Dear Brother, please keep the matter 
private, think it over, and let us know your 
opinion. May the Lord lead us in the right path, 
rough though that path may be. 

I remain, for ever. 

Your obedient fellow-member, 

July 25th, 1781. 

As soon as this modest proposal was ready, 
Leonard Dober shpped it into Zinzendorf's hands. 
The Coimt was charmed, discussed the project with 
them, and then, without revealing their name*, 
read the letter to the congregation. 

Four days later, July 29th, Anthony Ulrich arrived 
at Herrnhut. He had come at Zinzendorf's request, 
p'pr the first time in the history of the Christian 
Church a negro slave from the West Indies stood up 
to address a congregation of orthodox Lutheran 
Protestants ; and the chief burden of his message 
was that no one could possibly preach to the slaves 
unless he first became a slave himself. They had 
to work all day, he said, on the plantations ; they 
had to slink off to their huts when the curfew sounded ; 
they were not allowed to go out after sunset ; and, 
therefore, no one could preach the Gospel to them 
unless he worked with them among the sugar canes. 
His speech made Dober and Leupold keener than 
ever. If they could only win one soul thereby, 
they wer« ready, they declared, to sell themselves 

ao A History of Moravian Missions. 

as slaves. f For a year the issue remained in 
doubt. With all their evangelistic zeal, the 
Brethren had common-sense. Some said that the 
offer was reckless and premature ; some dubbed 
it " the pretty imagination of young officious minds " ; 
and some even called it a bid for fame. For these 
doubts and fears the Brethren had their own reasons. 
They had heard of Egede's dismal failure in Green- 
land. As Egede, they said, was not only a scholar 
but a faithful preacher, it did not seem likely that, 
while he hadi ^failed, two ignorant mechanics 
would succeed. To these arguments, however, 
the Count had a convincing reply. He had 
studied Egede's methods ; he could see why Egede 
had failed ; he believed that if the Brethren tried 
a new method they would succeed ; and in a letter 
to a friend in England he explained what that 
method was, and thereby made his first contribution 
to the Science of Foreign Missions. In that letter* 
we find the germ of all his later ideas. " You are 
not," he wrote, " to aim at the conversion of whole 
nations : you must simply look for seekers after 
the truth who, like the Ethiopian eunuch, seem ready 
to welcome the Gospel. Second, you must go 
straight to the point and tell them about the life 
and death of Christ. Third, you must not stand 

•fl must here correct a very widespread error. In an 
article in the Hibbtrt Journal (January, 1920), entitled 
" Is Christ Alive To day ? " (p. 368), Miss Constance Maynard 
says that some of the Moravian missionaries " voluntarily 
sold themselves as slaves to work with a gang in the cruel 
cotton plantations." This is not correct. No missionary 
ever became a slave. The truth is that, so far from being 
slaves, some of the missionaries, both in Surinam and in the 
West Indies, were compelled, much against their will, to 
become slave ownen. They could find no other way of 
earning a living. 

*Dated Hermhut, April 12th, 1732 ; addressed, probably, to 
a member of the S.P.Q. For the letter in full, see BQdingsche 
Sammlungen, Vol, III., p. 189. 

The Voice in the Night. 21 

aloof from the heathen, but humble yourself, mix 
with them, treat them as Brethren, and pray with 
them and for them." To Dober himself he talked 
in a similar strain. He encouraged him from the 
outset, defended him against his critics, took him 
with liim on a trip to Thuringia, and gave him 
detailed instructions about his work. " What is it," 
he asked, " that the heathen know already ? They 
know that there is a God (Rom. i., 19, 20) ; and, 
therefore, the man who tells them of God is simply 
wasting his time. ^Qliat2sj.tJth^t,they^do not know ? 
They do not know that Christ came into the world 
to save sinners ; and, tjierefor e^ the missionary 
paust al ways be gin with the Gospel Message. And 
how is it that missiohaHes have laired"rn~the past ? 
They have failed because, instead of preaching 
Christ, they have given lectures on theology." 

The effect on Dober was encouraging. In spite of 
the objections of his critics, he felt that he was called 
to a mighty task, and, therefore, he wrote another 
letter and re-stated his resolve (June 16th, 1732). June 16th, 
His plea was beautifully simple : " I know the grace of 1732 
Christ myself, and I know that in St. Thomas there 
are slaves who cannot believe because they have not 
heard. If another Brother will go with me, I am 
ready to become a slave myself." The appeal went 
home, the Brethren yielded, and the matter 
appeared to be settled. But now, strange to say, 
the Count himself still doubted. For the second 
time he submitted a Foreign Mission issue to the 
Lot. " Are you willing," he said to Dober, " to 
consult the Saviour by means of the Lot ? " 

" For myself," replied Dober, " I am already sure 
enough, but I will do so for the sake of the Brethren." 

A meeting was held (July 16th) ; a box of Scripture July 16th 
passages was brought into the room ; and Dober drew 
a slip bearing the words : " Let the lad go, for the 

a A History of Moravian Missions. 

Lord is with him."| Thus was the final verdict 
given ; and Dober made ready for his journey. 
But once again the Lot had to shape his plans. It 
decided, not only that Dober might go, but that his 
friend Leupold must stay at home. He chose 
another companion, David Nitschmann. As we 
look at the faces of those two pioneers, we see how 
two distinct movements had clasped hands at 
Herrnhut. The first, Dober, was a Lutheran from 
Wiirtemberg ; the second, Nitschmann, was a 
Moravian from Zauchtenthal ; and thus the two 
elements of which the Renewed Moravian Church 
was composed joined hands to begin the work of 
Foreign Missions. Let us not despise them 
as ignorant mechanics. Leonard Dober was only a 
potter ; David Nitschmann was only a carpenter ; 
and yet there were not two men in the world more 
fitted for their task. Each had a clear conception 
of the Gospel ; each possessed the gift of ready 
speech ; and each knew exactly what Gospel to 
preach. At an evening meeting (August 18th) the 
Brethren assembled to wish the two men God-speed ; 
the feeling at Herrnhut was intense ; and before the 
Brethren parted that night they sang about a 
hundred hymns. Among others they must have 
sung the following lines, written by Zinzendorf a 
few weeks before : — 

" We will count our lives a treasure. 
While reserved for His use, 
But at His command, with pleasure 
Wealth and life for Jesus lose." 

AugZlst, The birthday of Moravian Missions now arrived. 

1732 At three o'clock in the morning (Thursday, August 

21st, 1732) the two men stood waiting in front 

of Zinzendorf's house. The Count had spent some 

fNot a text ; there ia no ■uch text in the Bible. 

The Voice in the Night. 88 

hours that night in prayer and conversation with 
Dober. His carriage was waiting at the door ; the 
grey of morning glimmered ; and silence lay upon 
Hermhut. Not a Brother or Sister was up to see 
these heroes set off. The Count took the reins and 
drove them as far as Bautzen. They ahghted 
outside the sleeping town, knelt down on the quiet 
roadside and joined the Count in prayer. The 
Coimt laid his hands on Dober's head and blessed 
him. His last instructions were of a general nature. 
"Do all in the spi rit of Jesus Christ," f he said. He 
gave them a ducat apiece. The~two heralds rose 
from their knees, bade the Count good-bye, and 
stepped out for Copenhagen.* 

■fin most histories of Moravian Missions it is stated that theie 
were Zinzendorf's only instmctions. The foregoing narrative 
shows that this is not true. 

*The connexion of the Moravian Chnrch with Denmark had 
another interesting result. Many of the early Moravian 
missionaries were Dane s. The most Important were :— 

(1) Labrador: Jens ilavein Drachart, Jensen, and Dr. Brasen ; 

(2) Greenland : John Sorenden ; (3) Tranquebar : Brodersen ; 
(4) Danish West Indies Heller, MattMesen, Wied; (5) BritiBh^ 
Waat Indies; Bentien, D aVih^, Arinlj^h Note, also, m the 
nineteenth centnry, Rasmns Schmm^, in Surinam, and 
Jean Paul Jiirgensen on the Moskito Coast. Nor do even these 
facts complete the tale. As these pages are passing through 
the press, eight Danish missionaries are on their way to 
resume the work in Unyamwezi. 

Chapter III. 


1. The First Two Pioneers, 1782-4. 

As the two pioneers set out on their journey 
they looked more Hke pedlars than preachers. They 
carried bundles on their backs ; they wore brown 
cut-away coats and quaint three-cornered hats ; and 
they had between them about thirty shillings in 
their pockets. With swinging strides they marched 
along. The pace was thirty or forty miles a day. 
From time to time they paid passing calls at the 
houses of Christian friends. 

" Back ! Back to Herrnhut," said the friends, 
" there is danger and death ahead." 

But the Brethren had put their hands to the 
plough, and did not stay to argue. They were 
marching as volunteers of the Lutheran Church ; 
they had Luther's mettle in their blood ; and now, 
like Luther at the Diet of Worms, they answered ; 
" We can no other : the will of the Lord must be done." 
From one friend only did they hear a word of cheer. 
At Wernigerode they called on the Countess of 
StoUberg. She gave them a pleasant surprise. She 
asked Dober how he felt when he left his father 
and mother, brought him a Halle box of texts, and 
asked him to draw one out. He drew the words 
from the forty-fifth Psalm : " Hearken, O Daughter, 
and consider and incline thine ear : forget also thine 
own people and thy father's house." The Countess 
was delighted. Once more the Voice of God was 
urging them onward. " Go then," she said, " and 
even if they kill you for the Saviour's sake, He is 
worth it all." 
Sept. 15th They arrived a few days later at Copenhagen, 


The Danish West Indies. 25 

made their way to the Palace, presented their letters 
of introduction, and boldly announced their purpose. 
Their arrival created a sensation. Never, since the 
days of Hamlet, had such a brace of fools been seen 
in Denmark ; by friend and foe alike they were 
laughed to scorn ; and when they said that they 
were willing to work as slaves, they were told that 
they must be moonstruck. In vain they applied 
for a passage to the Directors of the Danish West 
Indian Company. The Directors flatly refused. 
" It is no use taking artisans to St. Thomas," they 
said ; " there is nothing for artisans to do, and the 
two men would never be able to earn their living." 
Still worse, their old friend, Anthony Ulrich, now 
turned traitor. As soon as he saw which way the 
wind was blowing, he changed his tune, denied aU 
that he had said about his brother Abraham and his 
sister Anna, declared that neither they nor any other 
slaves had the least desire to hear the Gospel, and 
joined with all the fine lords and ladies in denouncing 
the Brethren as fools. 

Von Pless, the King's Chamberlain, raised a very 
serious difficulty. As the Brethren were not to be 
paid for preaching, von Pless could not understand 
how they would come by a living. They were not 
ordained ; they could not be recognised as clergy- 
men ; and they had no Society behind them to 
supply the funds. 

" How do you intend to earn your living ? " 

" As slaves among the slaves." 

" But that is impossible," retorted Von Pless. 
" It will not be allowed. N o whi te man eygr works 
asji slave." 

" Very well," replied Nitschmann, " I am a 
carpenter and will ply my trade." 

" But what will the potter do ? " 

" I," said Nitschmann, " shall do work enough to 

26 A History of Moravian Missions. 

keep both. Besides," he added, " he will be able 
to help me a little." 

At these words the Chamberlain was overcome 
with amazement. Such fine resolution he had never 
met before. 

" Ha ! Ha ! That is something like," he exclaimed. 
" At this rate you will stand your ground the wide 
world over." 

They began by standing their ground at Copen- 
hagen. For some days the prospect looked so black 
that the Brethren lost their courage ; their resolution 
was " sicklied o'er with the pale cast of thought " ; 
and Dober suggested that Nitschmann should return 
to Herrnhut. But the clouds of doubt soon lifted. 
The carpenter remained firm. At some point in the 
proceedings a friend suggested that they should 
enlist in the Danish Army. They rejected the 
suggestion with contempt. At another point they 
felt so deserted by man that once again they turned 
for guidance to the Text Book ; and there they 
read the cheering message: "Hath He said, and shall 
He not do it ? or hath He spoken, and shall He 
not make it good ? " With these words to inspire 
them, they kept the flag still flying. Steadily, 
surely, slowly the tide turned in their favour. At 
the end of two months the two men in brown coats 
had changed the tone of the whole Court of 
Copenhagen. Never in the history of Denmark 
had such a moral revolution been known. They 
had changed the Sadducees into zealots, had won the 
esteem of all, and had now, not only the Royal 
Family, but the whole Court on their side. The 
Queen herself expressed her good wishes. The 
Princess Amelia invited them to Court, and gave 
them a Dutch Bible and some money. Von Pless 
offered Nitschmann ten guineas more ; Nitschmann 
refused ; and Von Pless forced the guineas into hig 

The Danish West Indies. ^ 

pocket. Dr. Grothausen, the King's physician, 
gave them a spring lancet, and showed them how to 
open a vein. The Court spoke openly in their 
favour. The Royal Cupbearer, Martins, found them 
a Dutch ship on the point of sailing for St. Thomas. 
Some humbler friends suppUed them with carpenter's 
tools. They had now more money than they needed 
to pay their passage. At the last moment Anthony 
Ulrich changed his tune again, and gave them a 
letter addressed to his , brother and sister ; and 
finally a member of the Privy Council spurred them 
on with the words : " Go in the name of the Lord. 
Our Saviour chose fishermen to preach the Gospel, 
and He Himself was a carpenter and a carpenter's 
son." Thus Dober and Nitschmann held the 
fort, and the Moravian battle of Copenhagen 
was won. 

And so, with Royalty beaming upon them, the 
two pioneers set sail (October 8th). The voyage 
lasted over two months. The weather was stormy, 
the crew were heathen, and the captain called 
himself an atheist. As they "crossed the line"! 
the Brethren received the usual novice's ducking. 
The sailors roared with drunken laughter. Amid 
their trials the Brethren kept on smiHng. As the 
language of daily life in St. Thomas was Dutch, 
it was to their advantage, after all, to sail in a Dutch 
ship. They studied their Dutch Bibles, preached 
to the crew, and won their good-will by helping 
to work the ship. David Nitschmann even touched 
the heart of the captain. The ship's carpenter 
spoiled the captain's wardrobe ; David Nitschmann 
repaired it ; and the godless old salt was so dehghted 
that when they landed in St. Thomas he urged 

tA ship does not usually ' cross the line " on the way from 
Denmark to the West Indiet. But the ship may poenbly 
have been blown out of her coarse. 

28 A History of Moravian Missions. 

the planters to give Nitschmann a job. Some- 
times the sailors amused the Brethren by spinning 
yams about the horrible diseases that attacked white 
men in the West Indies. The Brethren were not 
dismayed. As the captain knew no better argument, 
he repeated the time-honoured insult that preachers 
preached only for money. Instead of replying, 
the Brethren did good works, talked to the cook 
about his soul, and watched by the bunk 
of an ailing sailor. " On the whole," wrote 
Nitschmann, " the people were very kind, but 
we sorrowed for their blindness. Not one on 
the ship knows the Lord, and we long for Christian 

At last, on Saturday, Il ecember 13th, 1732, the 
ship cast anchor in St. Thomas harbour. The 
mid-day sun was blazing ^verIiea3T"'tEe Brethren 
stood on the deck of the little ship, and there before 
them lay the " First Love of Moravian Missions." 
The scene was a panorama of beauty. Along the 
winding beach the sand was gleaming like crystals 
of silver ; the rocks were as yellow as gold ; the 
cactuses and fronded palms adorned the vales ; the 
scarlet roofs of the town of Tappus flashed in the 
noonday sun ; and the billowy hills, in living green, 
stood out limned clear against the dome of blue. 
To the Brethren, however, these beauties brought 
no delight. Not once, either in letter or diary, 
did they mention the charms of nature. For the 
first time since they left Herrnhut they were feeling 
sad at heart. The text for the day sounded almost 
Hke a mockery. " The Lord of Hosts," they read, 
" mustereth the host of the battle." At present 
the host consisted of two tired men. " We suffered," 
they wrote, " all the pangs of childbirth." Let us 
not condemn them for their gloomy fears. As these 
Brethren gazed upon the scene of their labours, 

Tke Danish West Indus. 29 

they knew full well that their first duty was to 

earn an honest living. They had spent most of their 
money on the voyage, and, for anj-thing they knew 
to the contrary, they would not be able to find 
emplo\Tnent. At three o'clock in the afternoon 
they landed, enquired for a planter named Lorenzen, 
and gave him a letter of introduction which they 
had brought from an old friend, Henry Daniel, 
in Copenhagen. On the following day, they attended 
pubUc service. The service was held in a room in the 
fort ; the day was the Third Sunday in Advent, 
and the Brethren noted that in the Proper Lesson 
there came the words : "To the poor the Gospel is 
preached." At the close of Di\'ine service, a negro 
stepped forward and said that Lorenzen wished 
to see them. He welcomed them warmly, offered 
them a half-built house as a home, said that they 
might finish the building, and promised to find them 
further employm,ent. With their minds at ease 
they sought out Abraham and Anna, and read 
them their brother Anthony's letter. It contained 
the words : " And this is life eternal, that they might 
know Thee, the true God, and Jesus Christ Whom 
Thou hast sent." From that text the Brethren 
preached their first sermon to the slaves. It is 
marvellous how they made themselves understood. 
The official language of St. Thomas was Danish ; 
the language of the planters in daily hfe was Dutch ; 
thg^ language of the negroes was Creole ; and the 
Brethren stammered in a jargon of Dutch and 
German. For all that they made it clear that 
Chjist had died for blacks as well as whites. The 
poor slaves clapped their haiids for joy. "They felt 
the truth," said Dober, "rather than understood 
it." The first seed was sown ; the great work of 
Moravian Missions had begUA ; and thus for the 
first time in history the negro slaves,. of. the. West 

80 A HiSToaY OF Moeatian Missions. 

Indies heard from the lips of simple men : — 

" A Voice from Heaven that bade the outcast rise 
From shame on earth to glory in the skies. "f 

The fight for the faith began. The Brethren 
soon found themselves in a moral hell. For sixty 
years St. Thomas had been the scene, not only of a 
brutal reign of terror, but of scandalous and shame- 
ful immorality. In theory the island was now a 
Danish colony ; in fact, it was under the rule of the 
Danish West Indian Company. Above the castle 
fluttered the Danish flag, and beneath its folds the 
planters did that which was right in their own eyes. 
At the head of affairs was a Governor. As this man, 
however, was elected by the planters, he had little 
more real authority than a dummy figure. If he 
pleased them, they ignored him ; and if he displeased 
them, they dismissed him. The island was divided 
into ten plantations : the chief products were indigo, 
millet, tobacco, sugar, and sweet potatoes ; the 
number of whites was about three hundred and the 
number of slaves three thousand ; and the chief 
concern of the three hundred whites was to keep 
the three thousand slaves in order. We can easily 
imagine how the feat was performed. In creed the 
planters were Christians. Some were pious 
Huguenots, banished from France ; some belonged 
to the Lutheran State Chiu-ch ; and some, probably 
the great majority, were members of the Dutch 
Reformed Church. But in conduct most of 
the planters were hypocrites. As long as they 
did no work on the Sabbath, they imagined that 
they were the chosen people of God ; and one 
Governor, Jorgen Iversen, had laid down the law 
that all planters must attend Divine worship on 
Sundays, and that every employer who allowed his 

t James Montgomery. The " West Indies." 

The Danish West Indies. SI 

slaves to work on the Sabbath must pay a fine of 
thirty pounds of tobacco. At this point the 
Christianity of the planters ceased. Let it not be 
said that they treated their slaves as cattle. No 
sensible farmer treats his cows as badly. At first 
sight the slaves looked happy enough. They were 
commonly divided into three classes. Pure Negroes 
from the Gold Coast were called Bussals ; pure 
^pgrnp/t^ born in St. Thomas were called Xiefiles ; 
and Negroes with a drop of white blood in their 
veins were generally called Mulattoes. For all 
^^ctjcal pur^ses, however, the three classes were 
pD_-the-^s§me level. They had much the same 
external appearance, and they lived the same kind 
of life. They had stalwart figures ; they had 
smiling faces ; they loved a joke ; and they laughed 
and chattered at their work. Each family man 
had his own httle wooden hut, his own backyard, 
his own fowls, his own home-fed pig, his o^n little 
plot of yams and maize. As their j£ages„were. low, 
th^y'-~«QiiM _never p ut money in the bank ; but 
as they had little chance of spending, they hardly 
ever became paupers. In the teeming sea they 
found congers, crabs, anchovies, mullets and other 
fish ; ip- . t he. .fores ts Jhey. gathered oranges, bananas 
and_sw«etsops. They had not, except in the busy 
season, to work as hard and long as a British plough- 
man ; they had a half-holiday on Saturday and a 
whole holiday on Sunday ; and thus, m many, 
^^^ays,-- they were better off| than thousands of 
working-men in England to-day. 

Beneath the smiling faces, however, beat many 
an aching heart. In body the Negroes were 
plump ; in soul they were starved to death. 
In the Arctic regions it is commonly said that 
the - -£»ly way to keep the sledge-dogs from 
snapping is to thrash them until the^Jave no 


82 A History of Moravian Missions. 

more spirit Ig ft. The plante rs pursued the same 
poC cvin St. ThomasT" lliey "regarded the slaves 
as a pack of dangerous animals. As long as the 
blacks had a spark of fire in their blood, there was 
always the danger that they would rise in rebellion : 
and, therefore, said the planters, they must be cowed, 
crushed,-_ajid^hammered into the shape of ignorant 
cowards. In order" SfSt'fo^ destroy tKeir national 
instincts, the planters forbade them to hold their 
dances to the beat of the gumbah. As soon as the 
curfew drum had sounded, all slaves had to hie to their 
huts. No meetings outside the plantations were 
permitted. For the first offence against these laws, 
thfi— CJilj^it _was floggedj Jot the second, his ears 
were-xaifc^ off ; for the third, he was hanged on a 
gallo■v^[S .and his head was spitted on a pole. If a 
slave tried to run away, he was branded and 
hanged ; if he stole an orange or yam, he was 
branded and hanged ; if he raised his stick to smite 
a white man, he was branded and hanged. For 
smaller crimes there were smaller punishments, the 
loss of an ear or leg, a brand in the forehead, or a 
few hundred lashes. The planters were expert 
floggers. The whip used was called the "tschikefell" 
(cow-hide). It was made of hard twisted cow-hide 
leather, and was studded with iron points. The 
criminal was either lashed to a post or stretched face 
downwards on the ground ; the flogger took his 
stand at striking distance ; and then, with the aid 
of the iron points, he flicked chips of flesh out of the 
quivering, writhing body. At each stroke the 
victim, obedient to instructions, sang out " Thank 
you, Massa"; and when the operation was over, 
his gashes were rubbed in salt water. Secondly, the 
pl&iiters_Jixade_,inxQads_jon family Jife. Sometimes 
they sold the husband without the wife, sometimes 
the wife without the husband. No negro could be 

The Danish West Indies, 3S 

legally married ; no private contract was binding ; 
and the only system allowed by law was a system of 
free love which led to the most appalling immorality. 
For t hat im morality the negroes were Uttle to blame. 
It was pracTicalh'forced upon them by the planters. 
As the planters were not very moral themselves, 
they quite approved of the practice ; and although 
they spoke of the blacks as beasts, they often treated 
the women as concubines. 

Above al l,_^e planters had done th dr best to rob 
the ne groes o^ rehfi rionT They told them that thrist 
had died for white men only, and that all blacks^ 
wgyp fTPA ted by the devi l. They forbade them to 
hold religious serN-ices, or even to keep a fetish ; 
ATu^ thfi only ^'^^^gi'-^ZLlJl^Jl'^C^j^/'^ ^°^' possessed was 
a_vagu£ja£lief . ijD_a_distant _Gpd and a terror of eviF 
sgmts Jiaunting every stone and tree . " Oh ! God," 
ran the negroes' morning prayer, " I know Thee 
not, but Thou knowest me ! I need Thy help ! 
Oh ! God, help us I We know not whether 
we shall live till to-morrow ! We are in Thy 

The work of the Brethren began in a modest way. 
At first they had a fairly pleasant time. As long 
as Nitschmann remained on the scene, they found 
it easy to make ends meet. A planter, Carstens, 
gave them regular work, and before long they 
were able to build a house on his estate. As pubhc 
meetings were not allowed, they could only deal 
with the negroes one by one. Instead, therefore, 
of addressing crowds, they earned their living by 
day as carpenters, and visited the huts of the negroes 
after sunset. With the slaves their first experiences 
were disappointing. The poor wretches gave tlie_ 
Gospel a minted reception. By observing the conduct 
of the planters, who often went to Church on 
Sunday and committed adultery on Monday, the 

84 A History of Moravian Missions. 

negroes concluded that religion had nothing to do 
with morals ; and, therefore, while they welcomed 
the hope of Heaven, they rejected the Sermon on the 
Mount with disgust. David Nitschmann gives us 
a striking example. In his diary he says that on 
his way to St. Thomas he had a wonderful dream. 
He dreamt that he and Dober had landed, that they 
met a blacksmith named Alexander, and that 
Alexander welcomed them and rejoiced to hear the 
Gospel. The dream came true. Alexander was a 
promising pupil. He visited the Brethren nearly 
every night ; he confessed the sad state of his heart ; 
he asked to be taught to sing and pray ; and he 
probed the Brethren with interesting questions about 
the Christian Creed. Amid the lessons the Brethren 
discovered that Alexander was both a drunkard and 
an adulterer. They told him that unless he mended 
his ways he could never pass through the Gates into 
the City. At first, Alexander was astonished ; 
then he looked puzzled ; then he grew careless ; 
and then he went away in a rage. 

But Dober's hardest trials were still to come. At 
the time when he and Nitschmann set out from 
Herrnhut, it was distinctly understood among the 
Brethren that Nitschmann was going, not to preach, 
but simply to spy out the land, and bring back 
a report to Herrnhut. He was already a middle- 
aged man ; he had left a wife and children behind ; 
and now (April 17th, 1733), having done his 
appointed duty, he set sail for Herrnhut. 

For fifteen months Dober toiled alone in St. 
Thomas. He nearly died of starvation. For a 
carpenter there had been work in abundance ; 
for a potter there was scarcely any. He found 
himself in the ranks of the unemployed ; his pig- 
mill broke ; the earth was not suitable for making 
clay ; and the planters, chuckling over his mis- 

The Danish West Indies. 35 

fortune, said, " Perhaps a glazier will be coming 

He appealed to the negroes and offered to work 
for them. " No," they replied, " that is against 
the law." He tried to earn a little money by 
fishing. The fish — so he reported — refused to 
bite. At this crisis, Gardehn, the Governor, 
came to his aid. He was a pious man, with a 
glimmering sense of duty. He often prayed hours 
together in his chamber, prepared devoutly for the 
Sacrament, and held family worship with his slaves ; 
and now, thinking highly of Dober's character, he 
offered him the post of house-steward. 

" I offer you this situation," he said, " simply 
in recognition of your godly character. Let me warn 
you to keep true to your God, to walk faithfully in 
His sight, and especially to avoid the sins so 
prevalent in this island." 

With meekness Dober promised obedience, and 
with joy he entered on his duties. The only 
condition he laid down was that he should have 
certain fixed hours for visiting the slaves. For 
the first and only time in his life he lived in comfort. 
He had a new suit of clothes ; he sat at the 
Governor's table ; he was waited on by a butler ; 
his duties were light and his pay was good ; and 
as long as he kept the house in order he was allowed 
to visit the slaves as much as he pleased. 

But this change did the holy cause more harm than 
good. As long as Dober lived in the Governor's 
house, the slaves regarded him with suspicion. He 
felt uneasy himself. He had been brought up as a 
working-man, and was not at home in genteel society ; 
he was bored by the task of learning "to be high " ; 

tThe point of the joke was that glass windows were not then 
used in St. Thomas, A glazier, therefore, would find nothing 
to do. 


36 A History of Moravian Missions. 

he had not as much time for visiting as he wished ; 
and the whole situation was against his previous 
conceptions. " I felt ashamed," he says, " that I 
had not been able to carry out my original design 
of becoming a slave." He hated the style of life ; 
he felt like a bird in a cage ; and he said that he 
would never have taken the post unless God had 
shown him the way. He was able soon, however, 
to burst his bars. 

For some years the slaves in the neighbouring 
island of St. John had behaved so quietly that the 
planters had neglected their usual precautions. 
In the fort in Coral Bay there was only a garrison 
of ten. The negroes seized their chance. They 
formed a plot to murder all the whites, stormed 
the garrison, hacked the ten soldiers to pieces, 
razed houses all over the island, fired the plantations, 
murdered whites, and marched in triumphal pro- 
cession with a planter's head on a pole. For six 
months they revelled in blood and fire. At length 
a French ship arrived from Martinique. The negroes 
were at bay. They held a meeting, and discussed 
what they should do. They had two courses before 
them. To live was to fall once more into the hands 
of planters ; to die was to fall into the hands of 
demons. The negroes preferred the demons. With 
one consent three hundred rebels committed 
suicide. It is not quite certain how they per- 
formed the feat. According to one tradition, they 
shot themselves ; according to another, they jumped 
down a precipice, and the scene is still pointed 
out to visitors. In either case the moral was the 
same. Never before had Dober realised how 
bitterly the slaves hated their masters. The news 
of the suicide angered the slaves in St. Thomas, 
and Dober saw that for their sakes he must take a 
definite stand. Amid the excitement his own health 

The Danish West Indies. 87 

broke down. His converts watched by his bedside, 
and Dober was so touched by their devotion that he 
resolved henceforth to Hve in their midst. He 
handed in his resignation to tlie Governor. The good 
man was staggered. " I don't understand you," he 
said, "there must be something else on your mind." 
But Dober held to his point. For the sake of the 
slaves he incurred the Governor's displeasure, returned 
to Tappus, and earned his living, first as a night- 
watchman, and then as a plantation overseer. He 
had now, in the eyes of polite society, disgraced him- 
self. Of the so-called Christian prosperous planters, 
only three — Lorenzen, Carstens, and his employer, 
Beverhout — had a spark of sympathy with his 
efforts. His situation was pitiful. In order to please 
the slaves once more, he had to resign the post 
of overseer. But the slaves did not respond by 
obeying his precepts. He had made a little im- 
pression on Abraham and Anna ; he had two more 
converts, Gerard and Henry, and the rest continued 
their wicked life as before. 

At length, on June 11th, 1734, he heard to his joy 
that a vessel had arrived from Copenhagen. As soon 
as he had finished his daily work he sent a messenger 
dowTi to the harbour to ask if any letters had arrived 
from Hermhut. The messenger loitered. The dark- 
ness fell ; the slaves had gone to their huts ; and 
Dober, who had set out to meet the man, sat down 
on the lonely roadside beside a watch-fire. Never 
before had he felt so sad at heart. For fifteen months 
he had heard no word from home. The frogs were 
croaking along the silver beach ; around him, through 
the flickering firelight, shimmered the purple haze ; 
and Dober pondered, lone and lorn, on the grand 
old days at Hermhut. From the quay the murmur 
of voices broke on his ear. With a thrill of mingled 
hope and fear, he waited. The sound drew nearer. 

88 A History of Moravian Missions. 

What tones were these that broke the evening 
calm ? Instead of the lilting song of a slave, he 
heard the homely burr of the fatherland, and instead 
of the returning messenger, he saw his old friend, 
Tobias Leupold. Once more the two friends had 
met at eventide. With joy they rushed into each 
other's arms, and hour after hour they sat that 
night in eager conversation. Strange news had 
Leupold brought. He had come, he said, with a 
gallant band to begin new work in St. Croix. The 
missionary career of Dober was over. At Herrnhut 
he had been elected by Lot to the post of Chief 
Elder ; he would now be the general manager of the 
foreign work ; and, therefore, by the command of 
God, he must leave St. Thomas for Herrnhut. With 
a breaking heart, he parted once more from Leupold. 
Thus, having sown the first Gospel seed in St. 
Thomas, did Leonard Dober make way for a greater 

2. Frederick Martin, 1736 — 1750. 

The next man was the real founder of the work 
in the Danish West Indies. As the silvery mist 
stole gently down on the Roman Catholic village of 
Ponmierschwitz, in Upper Silesia, a young man, 
named Frederick Martin, who had been imprisoned 
for his faith, broke through his guards and fled to 
Herrnhut. A few weeks later he was appointed to 
succeed Leonard Dober in St. Thomas ; and so 
successful were his efforts that Zinzendorf called 
him " The Apostle to the Negroes." During his 
fourteen years' activity he pursued five methods, 
(a) His first task was, not to preach the Gospel, 
but to earn his own living. The situation in the 
West Indies was remarkable. For over one hundred 
^ ;\ years no missionary in the West Indies received 
\^ J from the Moravian Church one penny of salary for 

The Danish West Indies. 89 

his services ; ^ach man, during all that period, 
h ad fir st to .e_arn his own living ; and Martin solved 
the problem in a manner which many of his successors 
had to follow. As soon as a convenient opportunity- 
arose, Martin, without waiting for instructions from 
Herrnhut, and using money advanced for the purpose 
by the friendly planter Carstens, b ough t a small 
plantafeioR— about . four miles from Tappus. In due 
tinie. -the— Herj-nhut authorities sent the money, 
and__t]iu&-±h£ Moravian Church became the owner, 
not^onl^of a plot of land, but also of the slaves who 
^'orked upon it. For that conduct the Church was 
not in the least to be blamed. In those days no other 
course was possible. According to the law of the land, 
the slaves on any estate were simply an integral 
part of the property ; and no one could possibly 
buy the land unless at the same time he also bought 
the slaves. For four reasons Martin held that he had 
set a good precedent : (1) He had land on which 
he could build a Church. On this estate, in fact, 
the first Church for public worship was built. At 
first the estate w^as called " The Brethren's Planta- 
tion " ; then Martin named it " The Brethren's 
Toot-oo," because, like the toot-oo shell blown by 
the planters, it summoned the negroes to work ; 
then Zinzendorf named it Posaunenberg (Trombone 
Hill) ;t and finally it received its present name, 
" New Herrnhut." (2) He had not to toil all day in 
the sweat of his brow, and could devote his main 
energies to spiritual work. (3) His converts were 
close at hand, and that fact made pastoral over- 
sight much easier. (4) By his own personaL. 
conduct he could shew the other planters that a 
slave owner need not be a brute. In reply, however, 
to these arguments, it may be asked why, after buying 
the estate, Martin did not set the slaves at liberty. 

flaaiah xvm., 3. — "And when He bloweth a trumpet, hear ye." 

40 A History of Moravian Missions. 

In reply to that question three answers may be given : 
(1) On the slavery question Martin was a child of 
his age. There is no proof, so far as I know, that 
he regarded slavery itself as wicked. (2) Had Martin 
released all his converts, the Danish Government 
would probably have expelled him. For the time 
being, at least, he had to take the law as he found it. 
(3) At Copenhagen the Princess Sophia asked David 
Nitschmann a natural question : 

" Would not the slaves be more easily converted," 
she said, " if all who confessed Christ were at once 
set at liberty ? " 

" No," replied Nitschmann, " that would be the 
way to make hypocrites." And with that opinion 
Martin seems to have agreed. 

(b) His_secon^ jneUiod was systematic discipline. 
In order to teach his converts the real ethical meaning 
of the Christian religion, he not only formed them 
into " Bands " for Bible study and prayer, but 
even taught them to pay into a poor-box and buy 
their own candles for the evening meetings. Thus 
they learned both to help each other and to support 
the Church. Some of his converts, of course, came 
from other estates, and these were always in- 
structed to be diligent, honest, and obedient. 

(c) Hjs third method was education. At his own 
home" he even kept a small boarding-seiiool ; there, 
for the first time, negro children were taught" to 
rcad_ and write ; and Martin's example, as far as 
possible, was followed by most of his successors. 

(d) His fourth method was the personal intervfew. 
For some months Martin devoted all his spare time 
to the task of making the personal acquaintance of 
every negro on the island. With a friendly smile 
upon his face he shook hands with them all. By 
this means he gained their confidence ; the negroes 
felt that he was interested in their welfare ; and 

The Danish West Indies. 41 

the consequence was that, though he could hardly 
be called an eloquent speaker, the negroes attended 
his evening ser^dces in crowds. 

(e) His last method was ecclesiastical organization. 
As soon as he received official authority, i.e., as 
soon as he was ordained, Martin began, not only to 1737 
baptize his converts, but also to conduct the Holy 
Communion, celebrate marriages at Church, and 
appoint " helpers " and other church officials ; and 
thereby he formed the nucleus of a free independent 
Church in St. Thomas. 

Meanwhile, however, his enemies rallied their 
forces. As soon as Martin^Hoegan to baptize hrs~~ 
converts, the planters realised that, from their 
point of view, he was a dangerous character ; and 
led bv a certain Pastor Borm, of the Dutch Reformed 
Church, they now made a systematic attempt to 
destroy the mission. For about two years, there- 1737^9 
fore, Martin was subjected to various forms of attack. 
The first blow in public was struck by Pastor Borm. 
With the full approval of the Dutch Reformed 
Council, John Borm handed in to the Governor a 
document accusing Martin of two serious offences. 
His first offence was of a singular nature. According 
to Borm, Martin's ordination had not yet been 
confirmed by the King of Denmark. Martin, there- 
fore, he said, was still a layman. He had no right 
to baptize at all ; his Holy Communion was a farce ; 
and those couples whom he had married were living 
in adultery. Still worse, contended Borm, Martin 
was grossly ignorant of theology, and was ^ite 
unfit_ to_give religioiis, instruction. For the sake 
of peace the Governor suggested that Martin should 
cease baptizing until the required confirmation from 
Denmark arrived; and then, when Martin flatly 
refused, the Governor evaded the question by paying 
a visit to St. Croix. The next blow exhibited 

42 A History of Moravian Missions. 

strategic skill. At this early period in the history 
of the renewed Moravian Church, many Moravians, 
like the Quakers, conscientiously objected to taking 
an oath ; of those Moravians Frederick Martin 
was one, and now he and his colleague, Freundlich, 
were summoned to give evidence in a case of theft. 
The result can be imagined. For their refusal to 
give evidence, Martin and Freundlich were first 
fined £4 10s. ; then, as they refused to pay, this 
sum was increased to £20 ; and finally, Martin, 
Freundlich and Freundlich's wife were all three 
imprisoned in the castle. The next blow was still 
more deadly. As soon as Martin was safely in jail, 
the Governor, the Sheriff, John Borm, and the rest 
of the Dutch Reformed Council, formed themselves 
into an examining board ; and now Martin and seven 
of his converts were summoned before this Board 
as heretics. The whole future of the mission was 
now at stake. In order to confuse the minds of the 
negroes, and compel them to give absurd answers, 
John Borm, the official examiner, submitted a series 
of conundrums. " Is God," he demanded, " a 
man ? Does he live in Guinea ? Has Martin ever 
baptized in his own name ? Has he ever mixed 
blood with water ? Has he ever told you that his 
teaching is superior to the Lutheran or Reformed ? 
Has he told you that after death the blacks will 
rule over the whites ? Has hgjever made you jgay 
hiin_ot.w;ork for him in returnfor his instructions ? 
Has he everHS^^fiytliing in the Communioh'besides 
bread and wine ? " 

And now the cruel planters adopted still more 
diabolical tactics. At one time they informed the con- 
verts that Martin was an evil spirit, able to fly across 
the sea by night and back again in the early morning ; 
and frequently they also warned them that all black 
converts would blaze in hell like touchwood. Some- 

The Danish West Indies. 48 

times thev burned the negroes' school-hoolcs^jand 
buffetedj;h£m.irLtliaface.with the blazing papers ; and 
sometimes they even poured boiling sealing-wax over 
the bodies of his female converts. In spite, however, 
of these intimidations, most of the converts still 
remained loyal. Each evening they visited the castle 
and heard Martin preach through the bars of his cell ; 
his assistant, Mingo, maintained the Sunday services ; 
and at night the negroes sang so lustily that the 
planters could not sleep. 

The deliverance was sudden and s^N^ft. At the 1739 
very time when Pastor Borm was endeavouring to 
destroy the mission, certain critics in Saxony were 
remarking that, while Zinzendorf sent out others 
to die in foreign climes, he had not the courage 
to risk his own life ; and partly because he wished to 
repel this charge, and partly because he was anxious 
about Martin, he now set sail for St. Thomas. His 
companions were Valentine Lohans, Mrs. Lohans, 
and George Weber. As the ship sailed into St. 
Thomas harbour (January 29th, 1739), the Count, 
catching sight of the castle, was smitten by a sudden 

" What if I should find no one there ? " he asked. 
" What if the missionaries are all dead ? " 

" Then we are there," replied George Weber, 

" Gens aeterna, these Moravians,"! exclaimed 
the Count. 

His arrival in St. Thomas caused a sensation. 
" I burst into the castle," he ^\Tote to his wife, 
" like thunder." At his request, the prisoners 
were released, and the Governor promised, not only 
that Martin might practise all ecclesiastical rites. 

tThis famous remark must not be misunderstood. The Count 
was thinking, not of members of the Moravian Church in 
general, but of those who had emigrated from Moravia, 
such as Matthew Stach, George Schmidt," "aETd — Dirul 
Nitschmann. - . 

44 A History of Moravian Missions. 

but that he should be persecuted no more. For 
three weeks the Count was busy as an organizer. 
He began by dividing the island into four districts. 
At New Herrnhut he stationed Martin as Superin- 
tendent ; at the Perl he stationed Weber ; at 
Muskito Bay, Valentine Lohans ; and at Tappus, a 
native helper. The chief converts, also, were given 
positions of trust. He appointed Peter Chief Elder 
of the Brethren, and Magdalene Chief Elder of the 
Sisters, and others were appointed as helpers, advisers 
and distributors of alms. The system of " Hourly 
Prayer " was introduced ; each plantation on the 
estate was to have its spiritual overseer ; and the 
converts were to form themselves into " Bands." 
On Sunday, February 15th, he addressed the converts 
at a mass meeting, and laid before them his ideals 
of Christian conduct. " I have," he said, " five 
points to impress upon you. First, think constantly 
about Jesus Christ ; let Him be as present to your 
minds as though you saw Him on the Cross. Second, 
deal honestly with Martin and his colleagues, and 
never pretend to be holier than you are. Third, 
if you are expelled for misconduct, ask for grace to 
repent. Fourth, be true to your husbands and wives, 
and obedient to your masters and bombas. The 
Lord has made all ranks — kings, masters, servants 
and slaves. God punished the first negroes by 
making them slaves,f and your conversion will 
make you free, not from the control of your masters. 

fGenesis IX., 20 — 25. — From this speech it is quite clear that 
Zinzendorf had no sympathy vith slave emancipation. In 
common with other theologians, he held that the negroes were 
descended from the Canaanitcs. The whole argument, 
roughly speaking, ran as follows : — Ham insulted his father, 
Noah. For this sin. Ham's descendants, the Canaanites, 
were condemned to slavery. The Negroes were descended 
from the Canaanites. Therefore, slavery is a Divine 
institution. Zinzendorf even th ou g ht it wropg to teach 
negroHslavea to read and write. 

IThe Danish West Indies. 45 

but simply from your wdcked habits and thoughts, 
and all that makes you dissatisfied ^\-ith your lot. 
Fifthly, think kindly of all the negroes who have not 
yet heard the Gospel." 

The last round in the combat now began. As 
soon as Zinzendorf was safely out of the way, the 
planters made one more attempt to ^\Teck the 
mission. Pastor Borm, in a letter to a friend at 
Amsterdam, declared that the negroes taught by 
Martin still knew nothing of God ; one planter, 
in another letter, asserted that they worshipped 
Zinzendorf ; and only a week after Zinzendorf had 
left St. Thomas, six ruffians, armed with daggers 
and pistols, attacked the house where Martin and 
his colleagues were conducting an evening service, 
burst open the door, and threatened to make a 
speedy end of the negroes. The leader of the gang 
was drunk, and foamed at the mouth. For a few 
moments there was a serious danger that 
both the missionaries and the negroes would 
be murdered. " Hew them," roared the frenzied 
leader, " shoot them, stab them, strike them 

The scene in the room became one of wild confusion. 
With perfect coolness, Martin, Weber and Mrs. 
Weber faced the six raging invaders ; the negroes 
escaped through a back window ; and now the 
leader informed Martin that if he did not bring 
back the negroes he would stab him to the heart. 
Martin stood firm ; the gang felt baffled ; and, 
cursing loudly, the whole six departed. The final 
issue, however, was decided, not in St. Thomas, but 
in Denmark. On his return journey to Herrnhut, 
Zinzendorf called at Copenhagen. There he inter- 
viewed the King, and the King, in response to his 
request, confirmed Martin's ordination, instructed Mar. 13th 
Pastor Borm to leave the Brethren in peace, issued 1739 

46 A History of Moravian Missions. 

an edict granting the Brethren full religious liberty, 
and declared that all who molested them again would 
be severely punished. 

3. The Extending Cause, 1740-82. 

As the triumphant Count re-crossed the Atlantic, 
bright dreams of coming glory cheered his soul ; and 
soon after his arrival at Herrnhut, he sent out two 
men, Albin Feder, a learned theologian, and Gottlieb 
1740 Israel, a lame tailor, to assist Frederick Martin in 
St. Thomas. On the voyage out the two men had 
an amazing adventure. First, they sailed in a 
Danish ship to St. Eustace ; there, the vessel having 
reached her destination, they changed into an 
English barque bound by way of St. Thomas for 
Jamaica ; and then (January 17th, 1740), near 
the rocky islet of Skrop, so fierce a gale arose 
that the captain thought it best to cast anchor 
and trust to the strength of his cables to weather 
the storm. His policy, however, proved a mis- 
take. Owing to a sudden change in the wind, 
the stern of the ship was broken to pieces against a 
rock. The captain cocked his pistol ; the long- 
boat was manned ; the captain and his men pulled for 
the shore, and Feder, Israel, and a few negro hands 
were left on the sinking ship. For missionaries and 
for negroes alike there was now only one chance of 
safety. In his narrative, Israel says that he 
himself, Feder and three negroes managed some- 
how to drop from the bowsprit on to a half-sunken 
reef extending to the shore. For some minutes 
all five clung to their perilous perch ; then Feder, 
who tried to advance, was swept off his feet and 
drowned ; and, while the raffle smote him on 
the face, and the lightning flashed, Israel called 
out to his colleague: "Go hence in peace, 
beloved brother," and sang, with a cheerful voice, 


The Danish West Indies. 47 

Count Zinzendorf's famous " Single Brethren's 
Song " :— 

Where are ye, ye sons of the spirit of grace, 

Who the Cross of your Lord love to share ? 
Your path in the future what vision can trace, 

At home or in regions afar ? 
Ye breakers of walls, why shrink from the view ? 
The rocks, the wild forest-brakes and the caves, 
The isles of the heathen, the high-rolling waves, 
These, these are the places for you. 

For several hours Israel still clung to the rock ; then 
the captain flung a rope from the shore, and finally, 
a few weeks later (February 18th), Israel, half naked 
and half dead, appeared at Trombone Hill in St. 
Thomas. Let us see why his arrival was important. 
For the explanation we must return to Herrnhut. 
As Zinzendorf ^\as burning some waste paper, he 1734 
noticed one sheet flutter unburnt to the ground. 
Picking it up, he read the words : — 

" O ! Let us in Thy nail-prints see 
Our pardon and election free," 

and taking these words as a special message from 
God, he founded his so-called " Blood and Wounds 
Theology." During the next thirty or forty years 
that theology played a prominent part in Moravian 
Missions. The first man to preach it abroad was 
Gottlieb Israel ; and the first result of his preaching 
was that, just as John Weslej-, by preaching judgment 
and the need of conversion, led the EvangeUcal 
Revival in England, so Israel, by preaching the 
Suffering Christ, led the EvangeUcal Revival in St. 
Thomas. Between St. Thomas and England, how- 
ever, there was one important difference. In St. 
Thomas far more attention was paid to the individual. 
On Sunday mornings all the converts had their Bible 
lesson ; on Wednesday they had Band Meetings ; 

48 A History of Moravian Missions. 

once a month they came to Holy Communion ; and 
nearly every evening there were special meetings, 
lasting about fifteen minutes, for the hourly inter- 
cessors, for the children, and for others needing 
special instruction. 

Meanwhile, strange things had happened in St. 
1734 Croix. At the special request of Von Pless, who 
owned six plantations on the island, Zinzendorf 
sent over eighteen Brethren. The idea was that, 
by working the estates, the Brethren might win 
money for the holy cause ; and, fired by this noble 
ideal, they dug ditches, cleared the tangle, burnt 
the tall grass, and planted lettuces, parsley, cabbages, 
maize, yams, and cassava. The result was tragic. 
St. Croix, in those days, swarmed with mosquitoes, 
and fever was in the air. First, out of the eighteen, 
ten, including Tobias Leupold, died ; then (1735) 
eleven more Brethren arrived, and seven more died 
of fever ; then nine, reduced by illness, had to return 
to Herrnhut ; and thus, out of twenty-nine Brethren, 
only three were left. 

On Zinzendorf these disasters had a strange effect. 
Instead of being cast down or dismayed, he composed 
a noble hymn in the Brethren's honour ;f other 
Brethren followed without a tremor ; and after three 
more had died — including Gottlieb Israel — the first 
station, Friedensthal (1755), was founded. 
1741 Meanwhile, in St. John, the work had progressed 

more smoothly. For a few months the only preacher 
to the slaves was an overseer, Jens Rasmus ; then 
Martin himself arrived, and earning his living by making 
spoons, actually bought the estate where the first 
station — Bethany (1754) — was afterwards founded. 

Thus, at a terrible cost of life, did the Brethren 

fTen in the earth were sown as seed, 
Lost to man's expectation ; 
Yet oil their graves our faith doth read, 
*' Seed of the Negro Nation." 

The Danish West Indies. 49 

establish the Mission in the Danish West Indies. 
In St. Thomas alone, during the first fifty years, 
one hundred and sixty missionaries died. With 
the death of Martin (1750) the pioneer period 
closed. Zinzendorf called him " The Faithful 
Witness," and his grave, on the Princess Estate in 
St. Croix, still keeps his memory green. 

For thirty years after Martin's death the cause 
steadily advanced. In 1754 the three islands were 
placed under the direct rule of the Government ; 
in 1774 the King of Denmark issued a special edict 
in the Brethren's favour ; and Governors and planters 
alike were now quite friendly. Thus encouraged, 
the Brethren founded new stations. In St. Thomas 
they founded Niesky (1771) ; in St. Croix, Friedens- 
berg (1771) ; and in St. John, Emmaus (1782). 

For twenty-two years the chief leader was Martin 1762-84 
Mack. Under his efficient rule " native helpers " 
were appointed, and many of these were men of the 
highest character. The most distinguished was a 
slave named Cornelius. By his industry as a stone- 
mason he succeeded in purchasing his own freedom. 
He could preach with ease in Creole, Dutch, German, 
English and Danish, and both by his conduct and by 
his sermons he shewed that, when the right methods 
were employed, a West Indian native could rise to 
a high intellectual and moral level. 

Chapter IV. 


As this chapter brings us under the British flag, 
we naturally liope to find ourselves in a more sym- 
pathetic Christian atmosphere. This hope is not 
altogether disappointed ; and the chief point for us 
to bear in mind is that while most of the British 
planters were both godless and cruel,*)" each island 
also contained a few high-souled Christians. By 
Inost of the British planters the first Moravian 
Missionaries were despised, and sometimes opposed ; 
by a few distinguished exceptions they were warmly 
supported ; and most of the Governors and higher 
officials were in favour of the Mission. In Jamaica 
the first invitation came from two pious planters ; 
in Antigua the Governor encouraged the work ; 
in Barbados the Brethren were aided by a clergy- 
man, by a doctor, and by a Quaker planter ; and 
in St. Kitts and in Tobago a pious planter, in each 
case, gave the first invitation. For the credit of 
the British race the names of these noble men 
should be remembered. The two pious Jamaica 
planters were William Foster and John Foster 
Barham ; the name of the Barbados Quaker was 
Jackman ; the pious planter in St. Kitts was 
Gardiner ; and the equally pious planter in Tobago 
was Hamilton. During the eighteenth century, 
therefore, the Moravian missionaries in the British 
West Indies occupied a curious position. With the 
possible exception of Antigua, each island seems to 

fThis must be candidly admitted. In hia diary, George 
Caries, one of the first missionaries in Jamaica, says 
that nearly every night he could hear the shrieks of negroes 
who were being flogged ; and children only six years old were 
forced to work in the fields. 


The British West Indies. 51 

have possessed a few planters deeply interested 

in Christian work among the slaves. By these 

pious planters the first Moravian missionaries were 
encouraged-; on the estates of these planters they 
built their first stations ; and, in some cases, they 
were presented with land, became small plantation 
owners themselves, and preached, therefore, in the 
first instance, to their own slaves. Let us now see 
how this system worked : — 

(1) Jamaica, 1754. — For two or three years before 1754 
this Mission commenced, the most famous Moravian 
in England was that popular preacher, John Cennick. 
One day two wealthy planters, William Foster and 
John Foster Barham, resident in England, but 
owning estates in Jamaica, having heard John 
Cennick preach, asked him to take spiritual charge of 
their slaves in Jamaica. In reply to this invitation, 
John Cennick, who w^as then in Ireland, declared 
that he could not leave his present work ; the 
two planters, nothing daunted, appealed to the. 
Moravian Elders ; and next year (1754) the 
first three missionaries — George Caries, Thomas 
Shallcross, and Gottlieb Haberecht — arrived in, 
Jamaica. Let us note carefully the precise 
arrangement. Among the estates belonging to the 
two planters, one was named New Carmel. Near 
it they had four other estates, Elim, Lancaster, 
Two-Mile Wood and the Bogue ; and the strange 
arrangement now made was that while the first 
estate, New Carmel, was actually presented to the 
Brethren, they were allowed to preach on all five 
estates. The result was curious. For over sixty 
years New Carmel, a low, unhealthy and depressing 
spot, situated near the mouth of the Black River, 
remained not only the headquarters of the work, 
but the only Moravian Mission Station. There 
the Brethren earned their living by working the 

52 A History of Moravian Missions. 

plantation ; there they bred cattle ; there they 
employed a gang of slaves to look after both 
the plantation and the cattle ; there, just like other 
planters, they had to administer discipline and 
punish malingerers ; and there, finally, they built a 
preaching-hall, and preached on Sundays to the very 
men whom they employed as labourers during the 
week. For the following reasons, however, the 
Brethren's first efforts in Jamaica can only be 
described as a failure : — (a) In spite of the influence 
of George Caries, for whom the negroes conceived a 
strong affection, most of the missionaries, though 
respected, were not loved. How could the negroes 
love a man who, after preaching the Gospel on 
Sunday, punished them for laziness on Monday ? 
(6) By earning their own living the missionaries lost 
caste. According to the Jamaica planters, a clergy- 
man ought at least to be a gentleman ; some of the 
missionaries, they observed, even did their own 
washing, and that fact was sufficient in itself to 
expose them to contempt, (c) The more time the 
Brethren devoted to business, the less time they 
had for spiritual work, (d) Another cause was the 
Brethren's system of discipline. For some years 
the leader in Jamaica was Christian Henry Ranch, 
originally sent by Zinzendorf as Inspector. Among 
the Red Indians Ranch had been a success (see 
Chap. 6, section 2) ; in Jamaica he nearly ruined 
the mission. By nature he was a stern martinet ; 
and so many rules did he lay down that both the 
missionaries and the negroes lost heart. First, 
he offended George Caries, who retired in disgust ; 
then, taking the reins himself, he laid down the 
absurd rule that no convert might be baptized 
unless he had attained a high standard in 
Christian doctrine ; and the negroes felt that they 
were living under a system of tyranny, {e) The 

The British West Indies. 58 

last cause of failure was ill-health. In order to 
purify the bad drinking water, some of the 
missionaries, following the false ideas of the time, 
resorted to rum; thereby, in their innocence, they 
undermined their constitutions, and this was one 
reason why the death-rate was so high. 

2. Antigua, J-_756. — The case of Antigua offers a 1756 
striking contrast. During the first fourteen years the 
cause in Antigua seemed hopeless. Samuel Isles, 
the first missionary, founded only one station, St. 
JoHn's, and baptized only fourteen converts; and 
judging by his own vivid reports, the chief reason 
seems to have been, not that his colleagues pursued 
wrong methods, but that the Antigua slaves were 
abnormally depraved. Day after day, he tells us, 
they indulged in drunken orgies ; day after day 
they stabbed and poisoned each other ; and once a 
week, on ^londay morning, the planters had culprits 
to hang. And then came a sudden dramatic change. 
For twenty-two years (1769-91) the work in Antigua 
was under the efficient management of Peter Braun, 
known to the negroes as " Massa Brown." During 
this man's ministry two more flourishing stations, 
Bailey Hill (1774) and Gracehill (1782) were founded, 
and the total number of converts rose to over seven 
thousand. His success may be attributed to two 
causes. The first was financial. According to his 
own explicit statement, Braun and his colleagues had 
still to earn their own living ;t on the other hand, 
they received parcels from their Moravian friends 
in North America ; and the consequence of this 
arrangement was that, while the missionaries in 

fin 1770, e.g., Braun writes as follows: — "For three months we 
have had no work, and consequently no means of earning 
anything." From this sentence I draw two conclusions : 

(1) That the missionaries in Antigua did not own a plantation. 
Men who OMr-ned a plantation woiJd not be thrown out of work. 

(2) That the missionaries had to e&m their living in some way. 

54 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Jamaica were too pre-occupied with business, those 
in Antigua had more time for religious work. The 
other cause was Braun's personal character. Accord- 
ing to one of his successors, Bennett Harvey, Braun 
acquired his influence over the negroes, not merely 
by his eloquence as a preacher, but by his wonderful 
tact and good nature. He visited them, says Harvey, 
in their huts, chatted with them in the fields, and 
ate with them out of their calabashes. Let us not, 
however, judge Braun merely by numbers. By his 
gracious personal influence, Braun raised the Antigua 
negroes to a high level of moral character ; in his 
letters he himself boldly extolled their virtues ; 
and one planter, speaking of a convert, said : " I 
would not part with him for £500." The result was 
greater than Braun himself contemplated. The fame 
/ of his work reached London. At the very time when 
Braun was at the height of his success, Christian, 
/\Z^--^Ignatius La Trobe, English Secretary for Moravian 
^ \ "Missions, drew up an important memorial and 
presented it to a Committee of the Privy Council. 
In that memorial he described Moravian methods of 
work in the West Indies. Antigua seems to have 
been specially mentioned, and so impressed was the 
Privy Council by what it heard that when the 
question of emancipation was officially mooted, the 
Antigua missionaries were asked to state what 
policy they would recommend. Nor was this the 
whole of Braun's influence. Among his chief friends 
in England was Rowland Hill. Braun corresponded 
with Hill, and stimulated his interest in foreign 
missions, and thereby, indirectly, contributed to 
the formation of the L.M.S. 

1765 (3) Barbados, 1765. — For fifteen years the work 

in Barbados was one dreary series of disasters. The 
chief cause seems to have been fever, due either to 
the climate or to bad water, and so rapidly did the 

The British West Indies. 55 

missionaries die — Andrew Rittmansberger (1765), 
John Fozzard (1766), Benjamin Brookshaw (1772), 
John Bennett (1772), Herr (1773) and Angerman 
(1775) — that, while the local clergy were friendly, 
and Jackman, a Quaker, allowed the Brethren to_ 
preach on his estate near Bridgetown, no consistent^ 
progress could be made. Nor was death in the ranks 
the only trouble. In 1780 came the " Great 
Hurricane." In consequence of this disaster the whole 
island was demoralised ; planters and slaves alike 
lost their faith in the goodness of God ; and so strong 
was the anti-Christian feehng that the Brethren 
founded only one station — Sharon (1795). 

4. St. Kitts, 1777. — At the special request of 1777 
a pious planter named Gardiner, who was so 
enthusiastic that he came to London and inter- 
viewed two leading Moravians there, the Church 

sent two missionaries, John Gottwalt and James 
Birkby. Gardiner gave them a house at Basseterre ; 
there the first Moravian Church was built (1795), 
and so energetically did the missionaries work — 
especially Gottwalt's successor, Schneller — that by 
the year 1800 the number of converts had risen to 

5. Tobago, 1790.f — For this mission a planter, 1790 
Hamilton, was responsible. The first missionary 

was John ^lontgomery, father of James Montgomery, 
the poet, and one station. Signal Hill, was founded. 
During Montgomery's stay, however, Tobago was 
in the hands of the French (1790-99). French 
soldiers introduced French revolutionary notions, 
and so many street riots occurred that Montgomery 
had to retire. 

fTobago is said to be Robinson Crusoe's island, and his cave -«., 
is shown to visitors. (Robinson, History of Christian 
Missions, p. 398.) 

56 A History of Moravian Missions. 

6. Summary. — By the close, therefore, of the 
eighteenth century the Moravians had made but a 
modest beginning in the British West Indies. In 
Jamaica they had only one station, New Carmel ; 
in Antigua, three, St. John's, Gracehill, and Gracebay ; 
in Barbados, one, Sharon ; in St. Kitts, one, Basse- 
terre ; in Tobago, one. Signal Hill. For this com- 
paratively slow progress the chief reason was that 
all the missionaries had still to earn their own living ; 
sometimes they were far worse off than the slaves ; 
and one year, the Antigua missionaries, being out 
of work, had nothing to eat but a little bread sent 
by friends in New York. In Jamaica the Brethren 
owned a plantation ; on the other islands they were 
artisans or tradesmen ;f and though they received 
some financial assistance from the three Home 
Provinces, they could never give all their time to 
religious work. 

■fLet one example suffice : John Bennett was a tailor. 

Chapter V. 
GREENLAND, 1733—1774. 

The situation in Greenland was critical. As 
Zinzendorf was on his visit to the Royal Court 
at Copenhagen, he saw two little Eskimo boys, who 
had been baptized by the missionary, Hans Egede ; 
and as the story of Anthony Ulrich fired the zeal of 
Leonard Dober, so the story of Hans Egede fired 
the zeal of Matthew Stach. The story of Hans Egede 
was heart-rending. For ten years (1721-31) he had 
ploughed on a rock. In order to come into close 
touch with the Eskimos, he had taken his wife and 
family with him, built a house on a Uttle island at 
the mouth of the Balls River, prepared an Eskimo 
catechism and grammar, and, aided by his son, 
painted pictures of the Creation, the Fall, the 
Crucifixion, the Healing Miracles, the Resurrection, 
and the Judgment Day ; and yet, in spite of all 
his efforts, he did not gain one single genuine convert. 
The only story the Eskimos liked was the story of the 
Healing Miracles, and from that story they drew 
their own conclusions. 

" If you are the priest of such a mighty God," 
they said, " you must perform similar miracles for 
us." For a few months Egede tried to oblige them ; 
one or two patients, for whom he prayed, recovered ; 
and then, when he could not guarantee success, the 
people denounced him as an impostor. At the back 
of their minds the fundamental idea was that unless 
Egede could satisfy their physical needs he was 
no true prophet of God. " If you wish us to believe 
in you," they said, " you must give us the kind of 
weather we want, send us plenty of seals and fish, 
and heal our diseases." During nearly the whole 


58 A History of Moravian Missions. 

of his ministry Egede was treated, not with respect, 
but with scorn. One day the people would listen 
with mock respect, and ask to be baptized ; the next 
day they would burst out laughing in his face. 
Sometimes a gang of angekoks {i.e., sorcerers) would 
beat drums during the singing ; sometimes plots were 
formed to take his life ; and sometimes the people 
would send him off on a false scent by concocting 
a story of a shipwreck. On the whole, therefore, 
Egede, to the Eskimos, was chiefly a source of amuse- 
ment ; and, no matter what arguments he used, they 
could always invent some smart retort. In vain he 
warned them against hell-fire ; they replied that the 
heat would be a pleasant change from the cold of 
Greenland. In vain he contended that their angekoks 
had never seen the familiar spirits with whom they 
professed to deal. " Well," they answered, " where 
have you seen your God ? " In vain he depicted 
the Judgment Day, when the heavens would be 
rolled up like a scroll. " No," they retorted, " our 
angekoks have been in the sky, and report that it 
is still in good repair." In vain he tried to teach 
the children to read and write. What was the 
use, they asked, of mumbling "ABC" in a class- 
room, or bending over a desk and spluttering ink with 
a feather ? Would that mode of education enable 
them to catch more seals ? In order to please a few 
of the parents, who professed to believe his message, 
Egede baptized their children. But, speakly broadly, 
the adults seemed hopeless ; Egede himself was 
half convinced that they had drifted beyond hope of 
redemption ; and sometimes, in his despair, he 
threatened that, if they did not pay more attention, 
the King of Denmark would send some soldiers. 
At length the King himself. Christian V., took 
drastic measures. In 1728 he sent some ships, 
well stocked with ammunition ; the colony of 



Greenland. 59 

Godhaab was founded ; and a trade in blubber was 
opened. But this experiment did more harm than 
good. Most of the settlers had free fights with the 
natives ; the blubber trade did not pay ; and the 
next King, Christian VI., informed Egede that if he 
was foolish enough to stay in Greenland he must do 
so on his oym responsibility. In the past he had 
been supported by the Danish College of Missions ; 
now that support would be withdrawn. At this 
crisis, Zinzendorf appeared at Copenhagen ; a few 
weeks later he told the whole story at Herrnhut; 
and Matthew Stach, a young emigrant from Moravia, 
resolved that where Egede had failed he would 
endeavour to succeed. For some weeks he nursed 
his hopes in secret ; then he heard Dober's famous 
letter read at a public meeting, and soon after- 
wards he unburdened his soul to his young friend, 
Frederick Bohnisch. " I feel exactly," said 
Matthew, " hke those two men who wrote the 
letter ; but my desire is to go to the heathen in 

" You have taken the words out of my mouth," 
replied Bohnisch, " that is exactly how I feel 

The result was what might be expected. For the 
long period of eighteen months these two enthu- 
siastic young men had to contend at Herrnhut with 
all manner of criticism and opposition. Finally, 
however, the Elders surrendered, and, Bohnisch 
being by this time otherwise occupied, the 
following three were chosen. The leader of the 
expedition was Christian David, the carpenter ; 
the two others were Matthew Stach and his cousin. 
Christian Stach ; and on January 19th, 1733, these 
three men set out on foot for Copenhagen. Let 
us note precisely in what capacity they went. In 
spite of the King of Denmark's warning, Egede was 

^ ) 

60 A History of Moravian Missions. 

still in Greenland ; and these three men went out, 
not as missionaries of the Moravian Church, but as 
lay-assistants to Egede. 
1733 At Copenhagen, however, they heard strange news. 

At the very time when they appeared at the Palace, 
King Christian VI. had just resolved to send out 
one more ship to Greenland ; this ship would bring 
back to Denmark the last batch of soldiers ; and the 
three Brethren were, therefore, informed that if 
they went to Greenland, both Egede and they would 
be entirely without government protection. Von 
Pless, the Chamberlain, mentioned other difficulties. 

" How do you intend to live ? " he asked. 
I " By the labour of our hands and God's blessing," 
/ said Chi'istian David. " We do not intend to be a 
burden to anybody. We shall build a house and till 
a piece of land." 

" But," said Von Pless, " there is no timber in the 
country fit for building." 

" In that case," replied Christian David, " we 
shall dig a hole in the ground and live there." 

" Nonsense," exclaimed Von Pless, " you shall 
never be left in the lurch like that. Take wood 
with you and build a house. Here's fifty dollars 
for the purpose." 

Once more the result at Copenhagen was glorious. 
In spite of their lack of University education. 
Christian David and his colleagues soon convinced 
Von Pless that they did at least know enough theology 
to preach the Gospel to the Eskimos, and before 
many weeks the whole court was in favour of the 
new enterprise. The King himself gave Christian 
David a letter of introduction to Egede, and said 
that if all the settlers at Herrnhut desired to go to 
Greenland he would pay all their expenses ; the 
President of the College of Missions wished them 
God-speed ; and so many presents in money did 

Greenland. CI 

the Brethren receive that they were able to stock 
the ship, not only with stones, wood, and other 
building materials, but also with household furniture, 
and a goodly supply of pro\4sions. On April 10th, 
! 1733, the Cariias set sail ; on May 20th she cast 
anchor at Godhaab ; and the three Brethren, stepping 
ashore, handed Egede their letter of introduction, 
and named the place New Herrnhut. The Danish 
veteran welcomed them warmly, and promised to 
teach them Eskimo. During the first few weeks the 
three new missionaries were employed, partly in 
trying, with Egede's help, to learn the language, 
and partly in studying the character of the people ; 
and in less than a month they made the painful 
discovery that Hans Egede in his reports had not 
exaggerated in the least. One Eskimo stole the 
Brethren's manuscript ; others either refused to 
speak or merely came to borrow fish-hooks and 
knives ; and others said " The sooner you fools 
go home the better." 

The Brethren soon discovered the cause of the 
trouble. On the land, with his greasy hands, the 
Eskimo looked repulsive, and his filthy hut reeked 
with the smell of stale fish ; on the sea he was a 
brilliant expert ; and the reason was that in 
the sea he found what he valued most. With 
his sable sea dress around him, and his white 
buttons gleaming in the sun, he took his seat 
in his trim kayak and his heart throbbed with 
the joy of adventure. His skill with his paddle 
was amazing. He could turn his kayak upside down 
and hang head-downwards in the water ; he could 
right himself by a jerk and a twist with his paddle ; 
he could spin in a whirlpool, poise on the crest of a 
wave, steer, tack, and shoot beneath the rocks, and 
smile defiance to the gales. With his left hand 
he plied his paddle ; vnth. his right he hurled his 

62 A History of Moravian Missions. 

harpoon ; and the man who invented Eskimo 
harpoons exhibited signs of genius. The shaft was 
six feet long. At one end of this shaft there was a 
detachable head, made of bone, barbed and pointed 
with iron ; fastened to this head there was a long 
string ; this string ran through a hook in the shaft 
and lay coiled in the kayak, and at the other end 
of the string there was a bladder. The hunter hurled 
the harpoon ; the head pierced the seal, and detached 
itself from the shaft ; the seal, stung with pain, 
darted downwards ; the bladder, now thrown by 
the hunter, indicated its whereabouts ; and the 
huntsman, when it came up to breathe, dispatched 
it with his lances. Sometimes the man was too 
slow with his bladder, and then the kayak capsized ; 
sometimes the string became entangled with the 
paddle or coiled itself round his neck ; and some- 
times the seal dragged the kayak with it almost to 
the bottom of the sea. At such crises the Eskimo 
was at his best. Sooner or later the seal returned 
to the surface ; the Eskimo dispatched it with his 
lances ; and then, after refreshing himself by 
sucking the blood from its neck, he towed it ashore, 
and told his friends the story of his doughty deed. 
To the Greenlanders the seal was the one thing need- 
ful. From seals they obtained their daily food ; 
from the skins of seals they made their clothes ; 
from the fat, oil for their lamps; from the entrails, 
windows and curtains ; from the sinews, cobbler's 
thread ; from the bones, harpoons and buttons ; 
from the blood, a savoury soup. Without seals 
they could not live. For seals they prayed, for 
seals they toiled, for seals they constantly risked 
their lives. According to the Greenlanders, there- 
fore, every man's character was judged entirely 
by his skill as a seal-catcher. If he excelled, he could 
have a wife for the asking ; if he failed, all the women 

Greenland. 68 

despised him. At all social gatherings the chief 
topic of discussion was how to manage kayaks and 
capture seals ; at the public concerts the singers 
sang of seals ; and the dying veteran thought of 
heaven as a place where seals were boiled alive in 
the kettle. 

In spite, however, of this one-sided interest in 
things material, the Grcenlanders were not entirely 
depraved ; and, like many other heathen, they 
I considered themselves the finest nation in the world. 
Others they called Kablunat, i.e., barbarians ; them- 
selves they called Innuit, i.e., the men. Nor was this 
self-complacency entirely unjustified. They rarely 
quarrelled ; they never swore ; they hardly ever 
committed murder ; and, as they knew but little 
of brewing, they did not often get drunk. In 
Greenland disputes were generally settled, not by 
means of the fist, but by means of the tongue. Each 
of the disputants sang a comic song at the other's 
expense ; the contest took place in public ; and the 
one who could make the most insulting remarks 
was acclaimed by the audience as the victor. Most 
of the men were faithful to their wives ; and the 
old people, when too feeble to work, were supported 
by their sons. 

In religion, speaking broadly, they do not seem to 
have taken much interest. According to the most 
thoughtful Eskimos, there must be a Creator ; in 
favour of this beUef they used what is generally 
called the cosmological argument ; and their mode of 
stating the case was similar to Archdeacon Paley's 
famous argument about the watch. " I have often,'* 
said an Eskimo to the Brethren, " thought as follows : 
A kayak does not come into existence of itself. It 
has to be made by men's hands with great care and 
skill, and a man who does not understand the job 
will spoil it. Now, the smallest bird is much more 

64 A History of Moravian Missions. 

cunningly made than the best kayak, and no one can 
make a bird. Again, a man is much cleverer and 
wiser than any of the animals. Who made 
him ? He comes from his parents. But where did 
the first men come from ? Some say they came 
out of the earth. If so, how is it that men do not 
still come out of the earth ? " By some of the 
Eskimos this argument was pushed a little further. 
As the world was full of good things, the Creator 
must be benevolent ; as there was also pain, however, 
there must be wicked spirits ; and as all men dreaded 
the future, there was probably something after 
death. On the other hand, said the Eskimos, no 
one had ever seen the great Creator ; no one, except 
the priests or angekoks, knew very much about Him ; 
and these angekoks were useful people, not because 
they were profound theologians or high-class moral 
teachers, but because, being in touch with a spirit 
named Torngak, they possessed certain miraculous 
powers. In theory, the Eskimo believed in the 
Creator ; in fact, he trusted entirely to the angekoks ; 
and these angekoks were highly esteemed. They 
could climb to heaven on a string and interview the 
" Fat Sages " there. They could see, in a tub of 
water, a reflection of what was happening to a lost 
relative ; they could fetch new healthy souls for the 
sick, breathe new vigour into the languid, enchant 
arrows, and expel diseases ; and above all, when 
seals were scarce, they knew where to find them. 
At the bottom of the sea, they said, there lived a 
wicked she-dragon, who held the seals in bondage ; 
and the angekok, accompanied by his familiar 
spirit, travelled through the " Kingdom of Souls," 
crossed a yawning chasm, bearded the old she-dragon 
in her den, stripped her of her amulets, and thereby 
released the seals which she had held in bondage. 
Forthwith the seals rose to the surface ; by methods 

Greenland. 65 

best known to liimself the angekok really had dis- 
covered their lairs ; and now, appearing in a state 
of breathless exhaustion, he was hailed as the 
saviour of his country. 

2. Five Remarkable Events, 1733-8. 

For five years the early missionaries in Green- 
land, Uke Hans Egede himself, preached to the 
Eskimos in vain. During those lean years, however, 
they had certain instructive experiences, and each 
experience taught the Brethren valuable lessons 
for the future. 

(a) The Quarrel with Egede. For this disaster 1733 

we must lay the blame partly on Christian David, 

and partly on certain heresy-hunters at Copenhagen. 

At the very time when Christian Da\4d was earning 

the goodwill of the King and his friends, these people 

started a rumour that the Brethren were not quite 

sound in the faith ; then they wTote letters to that 

effect to Egede ; these letters were conveyed to him 

by the Caritas ; and Egede, therefore, at the very 

^^ outset, regarded his new assistants with suspicion. 

^K^ In the letters the Brethren were described as 

^K^ " Pietists " ; that word filled Egede with alarm, 

^B and straightway he asked the Brethren to state their 

^K views on Justification by Faith. On that great 

^K doctrine, he said, the Church of Christ was built. 

^B The burden of reply fell on Christian David, and 

^B ^Christian David now committed a blunder. For 

' Eis services in leading emigrants from Moravia he 

had long been highly honoured at Herrnhut ; 

■ Zinzendorf even called him the " Moravian Moses " ; 

and now, being somewhat puffed up with a sense of 

his own importance, he sat do\^^l to his desk, wrote 

a long elaborate treatise, and explained fully therein, 

to Egede's unspeakable horror, that while faith 

might be an excellent thing it was worse than 

66 A History of Moravian Missions. 

^ useless without stern moral discipline. The 
two men belonged, in fact, to two different schools 
of thought. Egede was an Evangelical Protestant. 
Christian David was rather an ethical teacher, 
Egede laid the main stress on St. Paul's Epistles ; 
Christian David laid it on the Sermon on the Mount ; 
and, between such men, reconciliation seemed im- 
possible.f In vain Egede offered terms of peace. 
For the sake of the cause at stake, he was willing 
to overlook what he honestly considered defects in 
the Brethren's theology ; and in a beautiful letter 
he declared that he was willing to accept the Brethren 
as his colleagues. " In spite of the fact," he said, 
*' that you have not studied theology, you are none 
the less competent to reveal the mystery of Christ 
to the insane Greenlanders, i.e., as soon as you have 
mastered the language. I will help you to the best 
of my power. I rejoice that Christ is preached here ; 
I accept eagerly your proffered help ; and as long as you 
adhere to Divine truth, as I feel sure you will, 
I recognise you as my brothers and colleagues 
in the work of the Lord." With this answer, 
however, Christian David was not satisfied. To 
him there was something offensive in the suggestion 
that, while the Brethren were not good theologians, 
they were at least fitted to preach to lunatics. Down 
he sat to his desk again, and wrote another hot 
letter ; and then a strange event occurred which 
immediately ended the dispute. 

1733''4 (6) The Small-Pox Epidemic. Among the passengers 
on the Caritas there was a little Eskimo boy named 
Charles ; this boy now died of small-pox ; and during 
the next nine months the epidemic spread with 

■fFor his conduct on this occasion, Christian David was afterwards 
severely rebuked by Ziazondorf. " What do yon mean," 
said the Count, in a letter dated August, 1735, " by setting 
up one system against another T I never make systems 
myae]i"—Briider-Bote, 1891, p. 190. 


Greenland. 67 

great rapidity all along the West Coast of Greenland. 
The number of deaths was estimated at two thousand. 
The suffering was terrible. For some reason the 
pustules did not burst ; most of the patients suffered 
severely both from thirst and pain ; and, driven to 
the verge of madness, they stabbed themselves with 
harpoons, hurled themselves down precipices into 
the sea, and died cursing both God and the 
missionaries. Hans Egede, said an old woman, 
had taken Charles to Copenhagen ; Hans Egede 
had had him brought back to Greenland ; Hans 
Egede and his colleagues were, therefore, the cause 
of all the trouble. The old woman's statement was 
false. Charles had been taken to Copenhagen by 
traders, and the missionaries w^ere not in the least 
responsible. On all the missionaries this calamity 
had the same glorious effect. As soon as the voice 
of suffering reached their ears, they forgot their 
theological disputes ; both Egede and the Brethren 
turned their houses into hospitals ; and side by side 
they trudged across the pink snow, visiting hundreds 
of patients in their huts, burning the dead under 
mounds of stones and grass, and speaking of the Risen 
Christ to the dying. Thus did Egede and the Brethren 
learn that, though they differed from each other in 
theology, they could join hands in Christian work. 
For three more years they laboured together in 
perfect harmony ; then, completely worn out, Egede 
retired from the scene (July 29th, 1736) and was 
made President of the Danish College of Missions ; 
and his last request to the Brethren was that they 
would pardon his faults. Meanwhile, however, 
neither he nor the Brethren had seen one gleam of 
hope. As soon as the great epidemic was over, the 
few survivors, who had fled in terror, returned to 
Godhaab ; and yet, even among them, there was not 
one sign of gratitude. As long as the conversation 

68 A History of Moeavian Missions. 

turned upon seals, the Eskimos listened with pleasure ; 
but as soon as religious topics were started they 
grew drowsy, or set up a shout and ran away. "If 
you will not give us any more stock-fish," they said, 
" we will not listen to what you have to say." 

1735 (c) The Historic Covenant. On this incident the 

whole future of the Greenland Mission depended. 
. Once more the situation was critical. At the close 
S fi^" of their -first year in Greenland, Christian David 
and Christian Stach .retired ; soon afterwards their 
places were taken by Frederick Bohnisch and John 
Beck ; and then, feeling that without perseverance 
the Greenland Mission would perish, the three 
missionaries on the spot — Matthew Stach, Frederick 
Bohnisch, and John Beck — signed their names to 
what is known as the " Covenant of the Three 
Brethren " (March 6th, 1735). 

1. We will never forget that we came hither 
resting upon God our Saviour, in whom all 
the nations of the earth shall be blessed, not 
on the principle of sight, but of faith. 

2. The redemption wrought out for us by Christ, 
through His own blood, shall be our chief 
doctrine, which we will confirm by our words 
and actions, as God shall give us ability, and 
by this we will endeavour to bring the heathen 
to the obedience of faith. 

3. We will prosecute the study of the language 
with assiduity, patience and hope. 

4. We will each acknowledge and value the 
spirit and graces conferred upon the other, 
in honour prefer one another, and be subject 
to each other in the Lord. 

5. We will steadfastly maintain brotherly 
discipline, admonition and correction, accord- 
ing to the rule of Christ, and will withdraw 

Greenland. 69 

from anyone who swerves from the purity 
of the Gospel, until he shall humble himself 
before God and his Brethren. 

6. We will do our outward labour in the name 
of the Lord, and if anyone is remiss we will 
remind him of his duty. 

7. Yet will we not be over anxious for externals, 
but cast our care upon Him who feeds the 
sparrows and clothes the flowers of the field. 

Thus did three Moravian lajanen resolve that, 
whether they received provisions from Europe or 
not, they would remain at their posts ; to that 
covenant each of the three held fast ; and thereby 
they established the mission on a sohd basis. 

(d) Matthew Stack's Journey. For the purpose of 1737 
coming into closer touch with the people, Matthew 
Stach, in 1737, visited several islands south of New 
Herrnhut. In his pocket he had passages of Scripture 
translated by Egede ; and, making himself at home 
among the people, he slept in their filthy huts, ate 
their greasy blubber, and was so beloved that they 
asked him to join in their lascivious dances. But 
as soon as he spoke of things Divine they roared with 

" Come out," they said, one rainy day, " and 
pray to your God for fine weather." 

" There is no need for that," said Matthew, " you 
must spread your tent-skins on your rocks. You 
should rather pray for mercy on your souls." 

'' But we don't want mercy on our souls," they 
answered ; " your people may have diseased souls, 
ours are all right," 

With his shp of paper in his hand, Matthew 
delivered his message. " Set your affection on things 
above," he read out from Colossians, " not on things 
of the earth." 

70 A History of Moravian Missions. 

" Why so ? " inquired one Eskimo. In vain 
Matthew informed the inquirer that he had an 
immortal soul, and that if he did not repent he 
would burn in everlasting fire. 

" If the Son of God," replied the Eskimo, " is 
such a terrible being, I don't want to go to Heaven 
to Him." 

" Would you like to go to hell-fire ? " 

" No ; I shall not go there either. I shall stay 
here on the earth." 

No matter what method Matthew tried, the 
people slammed the door in his face. If he read the 
Scriptures, they mimicked him ; if he taught, they 
sneered ; if he prayed, they beat their drums ; 
if he sang, they howled ; if he spoke of God, they 
giggled ; and if he told them the Gospel story, they 
replied with stories about their angekoks. With a 
weary heart Matthew returned to New Herrnhut. 
There his colleagues still laboured in vain ; some- 
times they were even beaten and stoned ; and, 
feeling that the Greenlanders were almost hopeless, 
Frederick Bohnisch wrote the pathetic lines : — 

Here toils a little group of men, 
Endowed with scanty powers ; 
I And day by day, in blank despair, 
[ They count the dreary hours. 

1738 (e) The Conversion of Kayarnak, June 2nd, 1788. 

For some weeks John Beck had been busy preparing 
a translation of the Gospels. One summer evening 
he was working alone ; on the table lay his Biblef 
and manuscript ; and looking up, he saw some 
Eskimos standing at his tent door. Among the 
number was a young man named Kayarnak. 

" What is that book all about ? " said one of the group. 

fTliis Bible is now in tlit- Moravian Mission Library, at 32, Fetter 
Lane, E.G. 


Greenland. 71 

John Beck read out a few verses, and then began 
to expound. 

" Do you know," he asked, " that you all possess 
immortal souk ? " 

" Yes," they replied. 

" Do you know where they will go to after death ? " 

" Up to the sky " said some. " Deep down 
below " said others. 

" Do you know who made the heavens and the 
earth and every visible thing ? " 

" No, we don't," replied the Eskimos, " but it 
must have been some great and wealthy lord." 

For some moments John Beck, just like Egede 
before him, continued to expound dogmatic theology. 
Then a sudden inspiration seized him, and, picking 
up the last page of his manuscript, he began to 
read from his translation of the Gospels. He had 
come to St. Matthew's account of the Agony in 

" And He took with Him Peter and the two sons 
of Zebedee, and began to be sorrowful and very 
heavy. And He fell on His face and prayed, 
saying. Father, if it be possible, let this cup pass 
from me." 

At these words, Kayarnak, with a sudden cry, 
sprang forward to the table ; his eyes shone like 
stars, and his voice trembled with emotion. 

" What is that ? " he asked. " Tell me that again ; 
for I, too, would be saved." 

At last the ice had melted. For several hours 
that golden evening John Beck, with tears of joy 
running down his cheeks, was employed in telling 
the little company all the details of the Passion 
History ; before the sun set he was joined by Stach 
and Bohnisch ; and some of the Eskimos were so 
impressed that they asked to be taught to pray. 
On Kayarnak himself the effect was wonderful. 

72 A History of Moravian Missions. 

By the Brethren's dogmatic theology he had been 
entirely unaffected; by the ^^story of Gethsemane 
and Calvary he was thrilled and transformed ; 
and next year (March ^30th, 1739) he was publicly 
baptized as the first-fruit of the Greenland Mission. 

His conversion roused the enemy to fresh energy. 
For some months, said Matthew Stach, it seemed as 
though the Devil himself had been let loose in 
Greenland. At Disko an aspiring young man tried to 
carry off Anna Stach by force ; at Kanjek the people 
drank till they were torpid ; at another place a 
youth tied his mother in a sack and buried her 
alive on a desolate island ; and, finally, certain 
desperadoes stabbed Kayarnak's brother-in-law and 
hurled his body over a cliff. Kayarnak himself was 
now in danger, and fled for safety to the south. There 
his friends asked him to join in a sun-dance. " No," 
he replied, " I have now another joy, for another 
sun, Jesus, has risen in my heart." With him as a 
convert the Brethren were more than satisfied ; 
he conducted prayer meetings, reasoned with the 
crass, and helped the Brethren in their translation 
work ; and, being the first Eskimo Christian known 
to history, he has gained a niche in the temple of 

3. The Turn of the Tide (1740). 

{a) The Change of Method. At the very time 
when the Brethren in Greenland were in the deepest 
despair, Count Zinzendorf was beginning to 
preach his so-called " Blood and Wounds Theology" ; 
Andrew Grassman, who came to inspect, now 
brought this theology to Greenland ; and the 
1740 Brethren altered their mode of preaching to the 
Eskimos, not, as we might have imagined, because 
they were impressed by the case of Kayarnak, but 
because they were convinced by Grassman's argu- 

Greenland. 78 

ments. With the visit of Grassman, therefore, a 
new era opened in the Greenland Mission. In the 
past the Brethren had preached abstract theological 
doctrine ; henceforth they adopted the picturesque 
narrative method. In the past they had discoursed 
about the Fall of Man and the Plan of Salvation ; 
henceforward they gave the people the Passion 
History in detail ; and the Eskimos themselves soon 
noticed the difference. At the story of Adam and 
Eve they had merely wondered ; at the story of the 
Crown of Thorns they wept ; and sometimes, at the 
baptismal service, their tears dripped into the font. 
" What strange event is this ? " they said to the 
Brethren. " Your present discourse affects us 
differently from what you were always telhng us 
about God and our first parents. Of course, we used 
to say that we beheved it ; but we were quite tired 
of hearing it. ' What signifies all this to us ? ' we 
thought. But now you teU us a really interesting 
story." But the story of the Cross proved more 
than interesting. Formerly, the Eskimos had been 
self-complacent ; now, gazing at the crucified 
Redeemer, they confessed their sins, repented, and 
asked to be baptized ; and, noting this remarkable 
change, John Beck, in a letter to Zinzendorf, said : 
" Henceforth, we shall preach nothing but the love 
of the slaughtered Lamb." 

{b) Organization. As soon as the Eskimos began 
to repent of their sins, Andrew Grassman perceived 
that the time had come to estabhsh a branch of the 
Christian Church in Greenland. First he took 
Matthew Stach with him to Marienborn on the Dec. 12th, 
Wetterau and had him ordained a Presbyter ; then 1741 
Matthew was officially appointed " Teacher of the 
Greenlanders," and received from the King of 
Denmark a rescript authorising, not only him, but 
also ail other Moravian ministers, to baptize, marry. 

74 A History of Moravian Missions. 

and conduct the Holy Communion ; and then, 

Mar. 16th, soon after Matthew's return to Greenland, the 

1742 , Brethren organized New Herrnhut as a Moravian 

I settlement. For this policy their chief reason was 

I that if they could persuade the natives to live all 

together in one village they would have more 

efficient control over their moral conduct. The 

natives gladly responded ; New Herrnhut became 

a flourishing settlement ; and the Brethren, following 

Zinzendorf's example at Herrnhut, formed their 

converts into bands and classes, taught the children 

by means of a Catechism, and once a month, on 

" Congregation Day," gave their people full accounts 

of missionary work in other lands. In due time, 

other improvements were introduced. At the special 

1747 request of the people themselves a Church for public 

worship was built and opened ; then followed a 

" Single Brethren's House " and a " Single Sisters* 

House " ; and regular services were now held every 

day. At six each morning there was a meeting for 

the baptized ; at eight a short service for the whole 

village ; at nine the children learned their Catechism 

and then went to the day-school ; and in the evening 

there was a service with sermon. 

At the same time the Brethren organized the social, 

/ industrial and civic life of the people. Among 

« Matthew Stach's assistants the most remarkable was 

John Sorensen, and the story of Sorensen's call to 

Greenland is a classic. One day, in 1746, he met 

Zinzendorf in a garden at Herrnhaag in the Wetterau. 

" Would you like to serve the Saviour in Green- 
land ? " asked the Count. 

" Here am I, send me," replied the young man. 
He had never thought of Greenland before. 

" But the matter is pressing," said Zinzendorf, 
" someone is needed at once." 

" All right," said Sorensen, " where is the difficulty ? 

Greenland. 75 

If you will get me a new pair of boots, I will start 
to-day. My old ones are quite worn out, and I 
have not another pair." 

The boots were bought ; the man set off ; and a 
few weeks later he arrived at New Herrnhut. His 
arrival led to a new movement. During the next 
forty-seven years he acted, not only as mason, 
carpenter, blacksmith, and grocer, but also as 
general manager of the labour department ; and, 
under his supervision, other useful measures were 
enforced. Old age pensions were introduced*; a 
system of State Insurance was devised ; widows 
and orphans were placed under the care of heads of 
families ; and the Brethren even passed a law that 
all retailers of scandalous gossip should be excluded 
from the meetings of the baptized.f 

For these services to righteousness and religion 
all the Brethren were popular ; New Herrnhut soon 
became overcrowded ; and so successful was the 
settlement system considered that two new settle- 
ments, further south, were founded, and called 
Lichtenfels (1758) and Lichtenau (1774). The first of 
these names means Rock of Light, i.e., Rocky District 
enlightened by the Gospel ; the second means 
Meadow of Light, i.e.. Meadow enhghtened by the 
Gospel ; and thus, by building these three settle- 
ments, the Brethren laid the foundations of the Green- 
land Mission. For this peculiar method of work 
the Brethren have often been both praised and 
blamed, and the method, let us frankly admit, had 
both advantages and disadvantages. On the one 
hand, the Eskimos learned to be good Christian 
citizens ; on the other hand, they also learned to be 
too much dependent on the missionaries ; and the 

tWith the life at New Herrnhut Zinzendorf was delighted. He 
said that the place deserved its name, and that was the 
highest praise that he could give. 

76 A History of Moravian Missions. 

consequence was that in later years they became 
spoiled children. 

Meanwhile, one more of Matthew [Stach's 
many adventures must be recorded. In 1747, 
taking five Eskimos with him, he set off for a grand 
tour. First, he visited Herrnhut in Saxony, where 
two of the Eskimos died ; then he walked with the 
three survivors to Zeist in Holland ; and then, 
sailing on the Moravian Ship, the Irene, to London, 
he made his way to Leicester House, and presented 
his converts to George 11. , the Prince and Princess \ 
of Wales, and other members of the Royal Family. \ 
His visit had some historical importance. By means j 
of this visit Matthew interested the Royal Family \ 
in work among Eskimos ; and that interest, a few * 
years later, was of some service in Labrador. The| 
chief speaker on this occasion was the Princess. 

" Are all Greenlanders dressed like that ? ",. she 

" Yes," said Matthew, " except that some wear 
reindeer skin instead of seal skin." 

" How many people live in your neighbourhood ? " 

" About a thousand." 

" How do they live ? " 

" By catching fish and seals. Some shoot rein- 

" Come closer," said the Princess to Mrs. Stach. 
" What do you do in Greenland ? " 

" I look after the women," was the answer. 
" Speak to them of the Saviour, and keep a school 
for the girls." 

" How do the people amuse themselves ? " 

" The heathen dance and play games with balls ; 
but the converts leave off these things of their own 
accord and amuse themselves by singing." 

" What sort of songs do they sing ? " 

" For the most part Lutheran hymns, which we 

Greenland. 77 

have translated into Eskimo. You can hear the 
women singing when they gather berries." 

For twenty-four years after this mterview 
Matthew Stach laboured patiently in Greenland. He 
retired in 1771 and spent his last years at Bethabara 
in North Carolina ; and though he never claimed to 

, be a great man, Trapp Ellis, the Moravian poet, 

' was surely justified in saying that 

" The name of Matthew Stach must aye endure, 
Emblazoned with the saintly and the pure." 

Chapter VI. 


1. Georgia ; the Cherokees, 1734 — 1740. 

As the fiery Count was returning to Herrnhut 
from an interview with the Theological Faculty at 
Tubingen, he heard, to his indignation, that the King 
of Saxony had issued an insulting edict, wherein 
His Majesty declared that the Moravians might 
remain at Herrnhut only as long as they behaved 
themselves quietly. The Count rose to the 
occasion. In order to find a home for the 
Moravians, he sent his young and learned 
friend, Augustus Gottlieb Spangenberg, to London 
to open negotiations there with the trustees for 
Georgia, and the trustees not only granted five 
hundred acres of land at Savannah, but even guaran- 
teed religious liberty, and promised that, in time of 
war, the Brethren should not be compelled to bear 
arms. As these conditions pleased the Count, he now 
dispatched the first Moravian colonists, and for their 
guidance he wrote a treatise entitled " Instructions 
for the Colony in Georgia.'^ In this treatise, however, 
the Count made no reference to the Indians. For the 
present he merely said that the Brethren were not to 
dispute with others ; that, when asked questions, they 
must tell the simple truth ; that they must keep to 
themselves ; and that, as soon as possible, he would 
send them an ordained minister. At the head of the 
party was Spangenberg. They landed in Georgia, 
went to Savannah (April 17th, 1735), and began to 
till the soil. 

But now the Count took an important step 
which prepared the way for a mission to the 
Red Indians. As the Moravians in Georgia would 


The North American Indians. 79 

require their own ministers, he applied to Bishop 
Daniel Ernest Jablonsky for consecration as a 
Bishop, and when Jablonsky politely refused, he 
asked him to consecrate David Nitschmann. The 
Bishop consented ; the ceremony was duly per- 
formed (March 13th, 1735), and thus David Nitsch- 
mann became the first Bishop of the Renewed 
Moravian Church. He was not, however, to officiate 
lat home, but was rather what we should call a 
) Colonial Bishop, and generally signed himself 
"D. Nitschmann, Bishop of Foreign Parts"; and 
Jablonsky himself distinctly asserted in the ordination 
certificate that thereby he authorised Nitschmann to 
officiate in Greenland, in America, in the West 
Indies, and in any other colonies which the 
Brethen might visit. Thus did Zinzendorf make 
it clear that although he had no desire to restore 
the Moravian Church in Germany, he intended 
to place the foreign missions on a firm 
ecclesiastical basis. In Germany the Brethren might 
be suppressed by law ; in Georgia, under the British 
flag, they would march freely ahead in a grand 
evangelistic campaign ; and blazing with zeal for 
this ideal, he dispatched the second batch of colonists. 
The expedition was of momentous importance. It 
opened a new campaign in America, and led to the 
Evangelical Revival in England. 

At the head of the party was Bishop Nitschmann Nov. Ist 
himself ; among his comrades were Martin Mack 1735 
and the Zeisbergers from Zauchtenthal in Moravia. 
They sailed from Gravesend on the Simmonds, and 
on board that historic vessel was John Wesley, 
going out in the ser\'ice of the S.P.G. to preach the 
Gospel to the Indians. The more John Wesley 
studied the conduct of the Brethren, the more con-~ 
vinced he became that they were the finest Christians 
he had ever known. They were, he recorded in his 

80 A History of Moravian Missions. 

journal, the gentlest, bravest folk he had ever met. 
They helped without pay in the working of the ship ; 
they could take a blow without losing their tempers ; 
and when the ship was tossed in the storm they 
were braver than the sailors themselves. One Sun- 
day the gale was terrific ; the sea poured in between 
the decks ; the main sail was torn in tatters ; the 
English passengers screamed with terror; the 
Brethren calmly sang a hymn. 

" Were you not afraid ? " said John Wesley. 

" I thank God, no," replied the Brother. 

" But were not your women and children afraid ? " 

" No, our women and children are not afraid to 

Little did that Brother know what? dangers lay 
ahead. John Wesley was deeply impressed. With 
all his piety he still lacked something that these 
Brethren possessed. Never had he seen such glorious 
confidence in God. " How is it thou hast no faith ? " 
he asked himself. With all his zeal he still feared 
death; and these men, with songs of joy on; their 
lips, smiled at the raging storm. 

As soon as this famous party had settled in Georgia, 
Bishop Nitschmann, true to his commission, ordained 
Anthony Seifferth ; a little later he ordained Spangen- 
berg ; and thus occurred the Brst Protestant ordina- 
tions on American soil. At the first ordination 
Wesley himself was present, and so deeply was he 
moved by the scene that he felt himself back" in 
the days of the Apostles, and half thought that 
Paul the Tentmaker, or Peter the Fisherman, was 
presiding at the ceremony. 

The work among the Indians now began in earnest. 
At the head of affairs was Spangenberg. He kept 
the accounts, managed the farms, planned the 
buildings, acted as medical adviser, and even 
gave the Sisters lessons in cookery. For the 

The North .American Indians. 81 

benefit of the Indian children Hving in the neigh- 
bourhood, he built a school on an island in the 
River Savannah ; and the Cherokees brought their 
chief, Toms Tschatchi, to hear " the great word." 
But this work among the Cherokees in Georgia died 
an early death. At the very time when success seemed 
imminent, the well-known war between England and 
Spain broke out (1739) ; and the Brethren, being 
summoned to join the British forces, abandoned 
the colony and marched in a body to Pennsylvania. 

2. The Mohicans, 1740—1741. 

(a). The Base of Operations. — The great 
Spangenberg was now in his element. As long 
as this man remained at the head of affairs, 
the Brethren managed their work in a masterly 
manner. They bought some land beside the Lehigh 
River ; they stood leg deep in the snow and felled 
the trees ; they built a fine town and called it 
Bethlehem; and they made that town a " house of 
bread " for all the preachers in North America. 
The grand principle now adopted by Spangenberg 
was sub-di\'ision of labour. In Bethlehem lay the 
commissariat department ; in the Indian villages 
stood the fighting line. He began by appealing 
to the virtue of self-sacrifice. In order to cut down 
the expenses of living, he asked his workers to 
surrender the comforts of family Ufe. At Bethlehem 
stood two large houses. In one Uved all the Single 
Brethren ; in the other the famiUes, all the husbands 
in one part, all the wives in another, and all the 
children, under guardians, in the third. At Nazareth, 
only ten miles away, the Single Sisters drove their 
spinning wheels. For the sake of the holy cause of 
the Gospel the Brethren toiled with brain and hand. 
They built their own houses ; they made their own 
clothes and boots ; they tilled the soil, bred cattle, 

82 A History of Moravian Missions. 

grew vegetables, and kept hens ; they sawed their 
own wood, spun their own yarn, wove their own 
cloth, and baked their own bread ; and then, selling 
at the regular market price what they did not 
need for their own consumption, they spent the 
profits in the support of preachers, teachers, and 
missionaries to the Indians. For a motto the 
Brethren took the words : "In commune oramus, in 
commune laboramus, in commune patimur, in 
commune gaudemus," i.e., together we pray, 
together we labour, together we suffer, together we 
rejoice. The motive, however, was not social, but 
religious. " As Paul," said Spangenberg, " worked 
with his own hands, so as to be able to preach the 
Gospel without pay, so we, according to our ability, 
will do the same ; and thus even a child of four 
will be able, by plucking wool, to serve the Gospel." 
For this cause the ploughman delved the soil, the 
joiner sawed, the blacksmith swung his hammer, 
and the young men, with songs on their lips, felled 
trees in the forest ; for this cause the fond mothers, 
with tears of joy in their eyes, handed over their 
children to the care of the guardians, and thus, 
with fingers free to work, made shoes, cut patterns, 
ground powder for the chemist's shop, sliced turnips, 
knitted socks, and copied invoices and letters. As 
the fireman stoked he felt as important " as if he were 
guarding the Ark of the Covenant " ; and in all 
the labour the missionary impulse rang like a clarion 
call. The plan was a brilliant success. For many 
years the colony of Bethlehem-Nazareth, called by 
Spangenberg the " Economy," remained the centre, 
not only of the. Mission in North America, but also 
of the Mission in the West Indies. 

But Spangenberg was more than a clever organizer. 
In addition to finding the money for the men, he 
found the men for the work. He appointed a 

The North American Indians, 88 

** College of Overseers " ; he founded a Mission 
College and trained the students ; and he called his 
college the School of Prophets, his men the Pilgrim 
Band, and the whole place the Saviour's Armoury. 
No man had a cooler head for figures ; no man had 
a keener zeal for missions ; and no man attempted 
a more stupendous task. And that task was the 
conversion of all the Red Indian tribes in North 

{b). The Field of Labaur.— With joy the 
Brethren beheld the spreading field. In those 
days Red Indians swarmed on every hand. In 
Dutchess County, New York, resided the Mohicans ; 
in the Wyoming Valley, the Shawanese Indians ; 
in New York, Pennsylvania, and the district south 
of Lake Ontario, the Iroquois ; and in north-west 
Pennsylvania and Ohio, the Delawares. 

At first sight these Indians were an attractive 
people. They had dark brown skins, black hair and 
eyes, high cheek-bones, and beautiful snow-white 
teeth. They could run like deer, scent like blood- 
hounds, shoot like Boers, speak like Demosthenes, 
and lie like Ananias. In manners they were 
generally polite ; in morals pure ; in battle furious ; 
in revenge implacable. They were fond of dress ; 
painted their faces vermilion ; and rejoiced in red 
collars, red girdles, red-and-blue stockings, corals 
and feathers. They were fond of tobacco, of rum, 
of dancing, and of dice. They slept in wigwams ; 
lived by huntmg and fishing ; and were fond of 
flitting from one v-illage to another. 

I In matters of health they showed much common 
sense. As they lived a good deal in the open air, 
they sometimes reached a good old age, and the 
only diseases prevalent among them were pleurisy, 
cohc, rheumatism, diarrhoea, ague and common 

84 A History of Moravian Missions. 

bath. No Indian village was without one. It was 
a wooden oven, heated with red-hot stones. Three 
times the patient sweated ; three times he cooled 
himself in the river ; and then, the cure complete, 
he smoked his pipe in peace. As this remedy, how- 
ever, was not infallible, the Indians had often to 
resort to other devices. For burns and chilblains 
they used a decoction of beech-leaves ; for boils 
a poultice of Indian flour ; for rheumatism a mixture 
of drugs ; for head-ache and tooth-ache, white 
walnut bark ; for snake-bites, the leaf of the rattle- 
snake root ; for ague, the shrubly elder ; for stomach 
disorders, the red berries of the winter-green ; for 
consumption, the liver-wort ; for fevers, the roots 
of the Virginian Poke, applied to the hands and feet ; 
for emetic purposes, bloodwort and ipecacuanha; 
and, finally, for small-pox and many other com- 
plaints, petroleum oil. In spite, however, of these 
remedies, the Indians were not a long-lived people. 
They refused, says Zinzendorf, to wear either trousers 
or hats ; the exposure brought on headaches, boils, 
and rheumatics, and, therefore, they often grew old 
at forty and died in the early fifties. As their herbs, 
of course, did not always act, they had to summon 
the medicine-man. The physician gave an interesting 
performance. In return for a fee, paid in advance, 
he declared that he had received his powers 
direct from God in a dream, and that the 
disease was caused by a spirit, who must be driven 
out into the desert ; and then, after prescribing his 
medicines, he rattled his wolves' teeth, breathed on 
the patient, squirted juice over his body, scattered 
hot ashes in the air, made grimaces, roared, howled, 
crawled into an oven, had the patient brought to 
the door, and saluted him with horrible grins. 

For the needs of the soul the Indians made little 
provision. They had no temples, no priests, no 

The North American Indians. 85 

religious books, and no regular forms of public 
worship. And yet they had certain clear religious 
beliefs. They believed that God, the Great Spirit, 
was the author of all good ; that the devil was the 
cause of all evil ; that the soul of every Indian was 
immortal ; that the Milky Way was the road to 
Heaven ; that Heaven was on one side of the blue, 
and hell close by on the other ; that the good would 
go to happy hunting-fields, and that, finally, the 
sinners in hell would have to watch the enjo}Tnents 
of the saints. On the way of salvation opinions 
differed. According to some, the road to Heaven 
was virtue ; according to others, every man 
must purge himself by vomiting ; and according 
to others, he must have the wickedness driven out 
of him by sticks. Above all, the Indians believed in 
evil spirits. As these spirits swarmed like mosquitoes, 
the poor Indians had to take measures of self-defence. 
For this purpose they used images named manittoes. 
Every Indian had his manitto ; the nature of his 
manitto was revealed to him in a dream ; and the 
dreamer made his image accordingly, and hung it 
round his neck. 

(c.) Fenimore Cooper's Hero. — As soon as 1740 
Spangenberg had enough money in hand, he wrote to 
the Brethren in Europe asking for volunteers ; Christian 
Henry Ranch responded, and arrived at New York ; 
and then, making his way to Shekomeko, he found 
himself in the midst of the Mohicans. 

He had come to a den of iniquity. Of aU the Red 
Indians of North America the Mohicans were the most 
degraded. In time of war they were generally 
fighting the Mohawks ; in times of peace they were 
much addicted to rum, and, therefore, they did not 
give Rauch a welcome. At first they merely regarded 
him as a fool ; and then, a little later, they threatened 
to kill him. The leader in vice at Shekomeko was 

86 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Tschoop.t He was renowned, even among the 
Mohicans, as a drunkard ; he looked, it was said, 
more like a bear than a man ; and the first time he 
heard Ranch preach he was so tipsy that he 
remembered only one word of the sermon. The 
word he remembered was " blood." He thought 
about it, dreamed about it, wondered what it could 

" What a strange man is this," he thought, " he 
looks so friendly and yet he talks about blood." 

" Why do you talk about blood," said Tschoop, 
" with such joy in your heart ? " 

"It is the blood of your Creator," said Ranch, 
" who came to die for you and cleanse you from vour 

" But how can blood cleanse from sin ? " 

" If you love Him, the blood will work upon you." 

" But I am so given to drink." 

" If you get the blood into your heart," said 
Ranch, " desire for drink will go." 

In a few weeks Tschoop became a Christian, 
and five years later, at a conference in Bethlehem, 
he told the story of his conversion. 

"Brethren," he said, "I have been a heathen, 
and have grown old among the heathen. Therefore, 
I know how heathen think. Once a preacher came 
and began to explain to us that there was a God. 
We answered : ' Dost thou think us so ignorant as 
not to know that ? Go back to the place from 
which thou camest ! ' Then, again, another preacher 
came and began to teach us and to say : ' You 
must not steal, nor lie, nor get drunk.' W^e 
answered : ' Thou fool, dost thou think we don't 
know that ? Learn first thyself, and then teach 
the people to whom thou belongest to leave off these 

■fTsfihoop is said to be the original of Chingachgook in Fenimore 
Cooper's " The La«t of the Mohicans." 

The North American Indians. 87 

things ; for who steals, or lies, or who is more drunken 
than thine own people?'" 

As Tschoop was not more explicit, we are not 
quite sure what preachers he meant. They were 
certainly Englishmen ; they were probably Anglican 
clergymen ; and the most reasonable conjecture 
is that they had been sent to Shekomeko, either by 
the " Society for the Advancement of Civilisation 
and Christianity," or by the " New England Society." 

But Ranch, having sat at the feet of the Count, 
came with a different tale. 

" He came into my tent," said Tschoop, "sat down 
beside me, and spoke nearly as follows : ' I come to 
you in the name of the Lord of Heaven and Earth. 
He sends to let you know that He will make you happy 
and deliver you from the misery in which you lie at 
present. To this end He became a man, gave His 
life a ransom for man, and shed His Blood for him.' 
When he had finished his discourse he lay 
down upon a board, fatigued by the journey, and 
fell into a sound sleep. ' What kind of man is this ? ' 
thought I. ' There he lies and sleeps. I might 
kill him and throw him out into the wood, and who 
would regard it ? But this gives him no concern.' 
I could not forget his words. They constantly 
recurred to my mind. Even when I was asleep I 
dreamed of the blood which Christ shed for us. I 
found this to be something different from what 
I had ever heard, and I interpreted Christian Henry's 
words to the other Indians. Thus, through the 
grace of God, an awakening took place among us. 
I say, therefore, Brethren, preach Christ our Saviour, 
His sufferings and death, if you wish your words to 
gain entrance among the heathen." 

For many years this tale continued to be told in 
Mora\ian circles as an illustration of the right 
way to preach the Gospel : the great Spangenberg 

88 A History of Moravian Missions. 

himself referred to Rauch as a model, and a hundred 
years later a British poet enshrined the moral in verse. 

Glad Tidings. 

We asked an Indian Brother, a warrior of old. 
How first among his people the Glad Tidings had 

been told ? 
How first the Morning Star arose on their long 

heathen night, 
Till souls who sat in darkness were rejoicing in 

the light ? 
And he answered: "Many a summer f has come 

and gone since then ; 
Yet well I can remember — I can see it all again. 
A teacher came among us, from the country of your 

And told us of the Uving God, Who made the 

heaven and earth ; 
But we asked if he had been a fool, or thought 

that we were so, 
For who among our sons did not the one Great 

Spirit know ? 
So he left us, and another told us much of sin 

and shame. 
And how for sinners was prepared a lake of 

quenchless flame ; 
But we bade him teach these things at home, 

among the pale-faced men, 
And if they learned the lesson right, we, too, 

would listen then. 
At last another stranger came, of calm and gentle 

And eyes whose light seemed borrowed from yon 

blue the clouds between ; 

fA poetic licence ; it was only five years. Tschoop was converted 
in 1740, and told his story in 1746. 

The North American Indians. 89 

Still in my dreams I hear his voice, his smile I 

still can see, 
Though many a summer he has sleptf beneath 

the elder tree. 
He told us of a Mighty One, the Lord of Earth 

and Sky, 
Who left His glory in the heavens, for men to 

bleed and die ; 
Who loved poor Indian sinners still, and longed to 

gain their love, 
And be their Saviour here and in His Father's 

house above. 
And when his tale was ended, " My friends," he 

gently said, 
" I am weary with my journey, and would fain lay 

down my head." 
So beside our spears and arrows he laid him down 

to rest, 
And slept as sweetly as the babe upon its mother's 

Then we looked upon each other, and I whispered, 

" This is new. 
Yes, we have heard glad tidings, and the sleeper 

knows Him true ; 
He knows he has a Friend above, or would he 

slumber here, 
With men of war around him, and their war-whoop 

in his ear ? 
So we told him on the morrow that he need not 

journey on, 
But stay and tell us further of that living, dying One ; 
And thus we heard of Jesus first, and felt the 

wondrous power 
Which makes His people willing in His own 

accepted hour." 

fAnother poetic licence. Rauch lived another eighteen years, 
and died at Old Carmel in Jamaica (1763). See Chapter IV. 

90 A History of Moravian Missions. 

The conversion of Tschoop created a great 
sensation. As Tschoop had the courage to defy his 
mother-in-law, who abused him for becoming a 
Christian, he was soon regarded as a hero ; and 
so inspiring was his example that Shekomeko 
became the scene of a revival. The wildest 
Indians became the most model converts ; the 
most drunken sots became the most staunch 
abstainers ; four other Brethren came to the aid 
of Rauch, and Shekomeko became such a model 
village that Conrad Weisser, the official agent for the 
Province of Pennsylvania, after visiting Shekomeko 
in person, declared that the Indian converts reminded 
him of the Primitive Christians. 

3. The Count's Adventures, 1741 — 1743. 

At this point Count Zinzendorf arrived on the 
scene. As Pennsylvania was then the home of many 
quarrelling sects, he imagined that it was the very 
place to introduce his ideals of church unity ; and 
then, after a vain attempt to form the sects into one 
grand " Congregation of the Spirit," he turned his 
attention to the Indian Mission, and undertook three 
journeys of exploration. His ideas about the 
Indians were rather peculiar. For reasons at which 
most scholars will probably smile, Count Zinzendorf 
firmly believed — exactly like William Penn, the 
Quaker — that the Red Indians of North America 
were the Lost Ten Tribes of Israel. Had they not, 
he contended, the pale yellow skin described in the 
Book of Deuteronomy ? Did they not, as God had 
predicted, suffer from jaundice ?■!• Had they not, 
also, very small families ? * Did they not call their 

tDeut. xxxm,, 22. "The Lord shall smite thee with mildew." 
The Hebrew word means " yellow," and the translation i:i 
Luther's version is Gelbsucht, i.e.. Jaundice. 

*Deut. xxvri., 62. " And ye shall be left few in number." 

The North American Indians. 91 

enemies Assaroni, i.e., of course, Assyrians ? Did 
they not use some Hebrew words, such as "achsa" 
and "anas"; practise certain well-known Jewish 
customs, and, like the Jews of old, hand 
on their family feuds from one generation to 
another ? 

On his first journey (July, 1742) he visited the 
Iroquois. As the Iroquois were then a very powerful 
tribe — consisting of six nations, i.e., the Mohawks, 
Oneidas, Onondagas, Senecas, Tuscaroras, and 
Cayugas — Count Zinzendorf was fully convinced that 
if he could arrange definite terms with them he 
would be laying a solid basis for future missionary 
work, and, therefore, accompanied by Peter Bohler, 
Frederick Martin, and his own daughter Benigna, 
he now set off across the Blue Mountains and met 
the six Iroquois Kings at the little village of Tulpe- 
hocken.t For two reasons Tulpehocken may be 
regarded as a place of great importance. In the 
first place, Zinzendorf wrote there his beautiful 
" Evening Prayer " : — 

Jesus, in that calm light, 

Dost Thou not watch to-night ? 
Moves no one in yon sky 

Before the face so bright 
Of Christ the Lamb on high ? 

Ah yes, ye Cherubim, 
And ye, ye Seraphim, 

Ye all keep watch 'fore Him. 

Exalted angels, pray. 

Draw nigh to me and say 
How I can fill my place, 

Be on my guard alway, 

tin Berki County, Pennsylvania. 

92 A History of Moravian Missions. 

That so, by God's own grace, 
Each thought and deed of mine 

Shall be of Christ's design, 
Inspired by love Divine. 

Thy Prayers did never cease ! 

For when for Thee no peace 
Was found in house or field. 

And work without release 
No time for prayer did yield, 

Still, while the red sun shone, 
Or while calm night came on. 

Thou didst keep watch alone. 

Now I my soul commend 

To Thee, Redeemer, Friend, 
That, cleansed and sanctified, 

I may unto the end 
Still at my post abide. 

For only through Thy blood 
Can I have courage good 

To do that which I would. 

In the second place, Tulpehocken is important 
because there Zinzendorf concluded a treaty with 
the Iroquois. In response to his request that 
Moravian Missionaries might preach undisturbed 
to the Six Nations, he was handed by the six Kings 
a fathom of one hundred and eighty-six white beads. 
As white was regarded as a symbol of peace and good- 
will, the fathom was in reality a " Safe Conduct," 
and Zinzendorf handed it over to Spangenberg to 
be used in all future negotiations. 

On his second journey (August, 1742) he visited 
Shekomeko, conversed with Tschoop, the convert, 
appointed an elder, an exhorter, and a sexton, formed 
the other converts into a Helpers' Conference, and 

The North American Indians. 93 

thus organized the first Moravian Indian congrega- 
tion in North America. 

On his third journey (September, 1742) he had a 
double purpose. In order to strengthen the 
good feehng between the Mora^-ian Church and 
the Iroquois, he first visited Shikeliimey, King 
of the Oneidas, at Shamokin, and gained the 
King's friendship by presenting him with a shirt; 
and then, hearing that the Shawanese knew 
nothing of the Christian rehgion, he paid a 
visit to them in the Wyoming Valley. But the 
Shawanese did not give him a cordial welcome. 
Instead of receiving him as a prophet of God, they 
regarded him as a thief, and informed him that he 
had come, not, as he pretended, to preach the Gospel, 
but to rob them of their silver mines. The Count 
was bitterly disappointed.. He had no fewer than 
three escapes from sudden death. On the first 
occasion, as he sat in his tent, two puff-adders 
crawled over his legs and buried themselves in his 
papers ; on the second, wliile fording a river, he fell 
backwards from his horse and was nearly drowned ; 
and on the third, the Shawanese formed a plot to 
scalp him. For ten days he Hved entirely on boiled 
beans ; then, after consultmg the Lot, he decided 
that a Mission to the Shawanese would be hopeless, 
and thus he returned to Bethlehem a sadder and 
wiser man. We must not regard his journeys as mere 
adventures. He had now arrived at certain definite 
conclusions. At the close of his \dsit to Pennsylvania, 
he called a meeting of the Brethren, and laid down a 
plan of campaign for the future. His friend Spangen- 
berg was to act as General Manager ; Bethlehem 
was still to be the head-quarters of the Mission ; 
and while the work at Shekomeko must be continued, 
a systematic attempt must be made to preach the 
Gospel to the Iroquois. 

94 A History of Moravian Missions. 

4. The Mission to the Iroquois, 

For twenty-two years after Zinzendorf's departure, 
the Brethren, with Bethlehem as their headquarters, 
made a systematic attempt to convert the Six Nations 
or Iroquois. In this work the chief leader was 
David Zeisberger, known as the Apostle to the 
Indians, and the strange and tragic feature of the 
story is, that while the Brethren, in this campaign, 
took every reasonable precaution, they found them- 
selves faced by a series of obstacles which baffled 
the wit of man to overcome. Each move was 
carefully and skilfully planned ; each move promised 
brilliant success ; and each move, in the most 
marvellous fashion, led to dire disaster. 

(1) The first disaster occurred at Shekomeko. 
For certain obvious financial reasons, the whisky 
merchants of the State of New York decided that, 
as Shekomeko was a teetotal village, the sooner the 
mission could be destroyed the better ; and, 
therefore, to this end, they now accused the 
Brethren of being Papists in disguise, and also 
of being in league with the French. The case came 
up before the New York Assembly, and the New 
York Assembly swiftly responded. First, they 
enacted an edict (1742) that " all vagrant preachers, 
Moravians, and disguised Papists " should be for- 
bidden to preach to the Indians unless they first 
took the oaths of allegiance and abjuration ; then 
they enacted that all Moravians should forthwith 
leave the Province; and then three officials arrived 
at Shekomeko and promptly expelled the Brethren. 
By means, therefore, of this astute device, the first 
Moravian Mission to the Indians was almost com- 
pletely destroyed. For the present the Brethren 
had to act on the defensive. In order to find a new 

The North American Indians. 95 

home for their converts they built a settlement on 1745 
the Mahony, named Gnadenhiitten ; thither the 
Indian converts gathered, not only from Shekomeko, 
but also from Pachgatgoch, Wechquadnach, and 
Meniolagomeka ; and during the next ten years 
Gnadenhiitten was a happy harbour of refuge. 

(2) The next trouble arose from a foolish 1745 
Mayor. In strict accordance with Zinzendorf's 
instructions, the Brethren began their great Mission to 

the Iroquois by sending two messengers, Zeisberger 
and Post, to negotiate with the King of the Mohawks 
at Canajoharie. There the King gave the messengers 
a courteous welcome, and even promised to teach 
Zeisberger the Mohawk language ; and then, just 
when the two envoys imagined that they had 
achieved a triumph, the Mayor of Albany, hearing 
that they were French spies, had them both arrested 
and sent to New York. Once more, as in Frederick 
Martin's case, the whole trouble was connected with 
the oath. In reply to several questions submitted 
by Governor Clinton, both Zeisberger and Post 
declared that they were loyal subjects of George III. ; 
nevertheless, they both refused to take the oath of 
allegiance, and, therefore, while they were set at 
liberty, they were warned to appear no more at 
Canajoharie. For this reason, therefore, the Brethren 
abandoned Zinzendorf's proposed Mission to the 

(3) The next trouble was of a different nature. 1746-9 
In those days the chief Indian village in Pennsylvania 

was Shamokin, now known as Sunbury. For three 
years (1746-9) Zeisberger and Martin Mack made 
Shamokin their headquarters ; the former, aided by 
King Shikellimey, prepared an Iroquois dictionary; 
and then the Brethren had to abandon their cause, 
not because they were hindered by Government 
officials, but because the Indians were so drunken 


96 A History of Moravian Missions. 

and. so addicted to brawling that orderly Christian 
life became impossible. 

(4) The next trouble arose from the Seven Years' 
War. Let us here, however, notice a point of 
fundamental importance. For the explanation we 
must turn to London. At the special request of 
Zinzendorf, who had heard of the Brethren's legal 
troubles, the British Government passed an Act 
: of Parliament (1749, 22nd Geo. II., cap. 30) whereby 
^ the Moravian Church acquired a new legal status, 
\ not only in Great Britain and Ireland, but also in 
1 all the Colonies. The whole situation of the Brethren 
1^ was now altered. In the past the law had been an 
obstacle ; now the law became their best friend. 
In the past they had been required to take the 
oath and to bear arms ; now, by the new Act,"f 
they were relieved from each of those obligations. 
In the past they had been forbidden to preach in 
the State of New York ; now, by the new Act, the 
road was open, and therefore, seizing their oppor- 
tunity, the Brethren resolved to build a station at 
the Iroquois capital, Onondaga. For strategic pur- 
poses Onondaga was a place of the highest import- 
ance. There, a few miles south of Lake Ontario, 
the Six Nations made their headquarters. There, 
in a statelv wooden palace, resided the mighty 
Ganassatico, King of the Onondagas ; there he was 
supposed to reign, not only over his own tribe, but over 
all the Six Nations ; there the other five kings did 
him obeisance ; there assembled the Iroquois Grand 
Council ; and there, at last, the Brethren decided to 
found a Mission Station. The first task, however, was 
to obtain permission from the Grand Council. For 
this purpose two Brethren — David Zeisberger and 
Bishop Cammerhof — now set off from Bethlehem to 

tFor a full description of this Act. see " History of the Moravian 
Church," p. 343. 

The North American Indians. 97 

Onondaga (1750). The journey was divided into 1750 
three stages. For ten days they went by canoe up 
the Susquehannah, speeding through the wooded 
hills of the Alleghanies, by graceful flowers of the 
tulip-tree, round beetling bluffs, through roaring 
surges, and past groups of mottled rattlesnakes 
basking in the sun ; then, after leaving the river 
at Tiaga, they pushed on foot through a dark 
forest swarming with mosquitoes ; and, then, 
skirting the Eastern shore of Lake Cayuga, they rode 
on horseback to Onondaga. The solemn and critical 
proceedings now began. At the very time when the 
Brethren arrived, the Grand Council was in full 
session ; the two envoys were summoned at once 
to attend ; and Cammerhof, aided by his colleague as 
interpreter, rose to state his mission. 

He did not come altogether as a stranger. On 
April 15th, 1748, he had been adopted a member of 
the Six Nations. His Indian name was Gallichuro, 
i.e., '* good message." His colleague Zeisberger, 
known as Ganousserachi, i.e., " on the pumpkin," had 
been made a member of the Turtle Tribe by King 
Shikellimey, and Cammerhof, therefore, in his address, 
spoke not as an European, but as an " Indian." 

" Brothers," he said, " Gallichuro and Ganous- 
serachi have come to visit you. They have been 
sent by their Brothers to give you a message. But 
first they will rest a few days from the fatigues of 
their long journey, and then they will meet you 
and tell you why they have come." The Council 
House rang with applause ; Cammerhof passed round 
the pipe of peace, and the next meeting was fixed for 
Midsummer Day. 

At this point, however, there occurred an un- 
expected delay. During the next few weeks most of 
the Iroquois Council were so drunk that any further 
deliberations were impossible. Instead, however, 

98 A History of Moravian Missions. 

of giving way to despair, the two Brethren seized 
their opportunity to pay a visit to the Senecas, 
who Hved on the other side of Lake Cayuga. But 
here the situation was even worse. In the first 
village which the Brethren visited all the men were 
drunk ; in the second both men and women were 
drunk, and Zeisberger had to use his fists to keep 
the women at a distance. Nor was even this the 
climax of evil. For some nights Cammerhof, 
smitten with fever, lay at the point of death ; 
Zeisberger, seizing a kettle, went to fetch some 
water, and the Indians knocked the kettle out of 
his hands. With sad hearts the two envoys returned 
to Onondaga. By this time all the members of the 
Council were sober ; the required permission to 
preach the Gospel was granted, and thus, at last, 
the Mission to the Iroquois began in earnest. Once 
more, however, the Brethren took the most elaborate 
precautions. In order to make perfectly certain 
that he had the full authority of the Moravian 
Church behind him, Zeisberger paid a visit to 
Herrnhut (1751) ; there he was appointed by Zinzendorf 
" Perpetual Missionary to the Indians," and thus, 
when he settled down at Onondaga, he had the 
satisfactory feeling that he would be among the 
Indians for life. For three years (1752-5) he was quite 
successful. In spite of his teetotal habits, he gained 
the love and confidence of the people. As long as 
they were sober he lived in the town, and when they 
were drunk he retired to a hut in the forest. The 
Grand Council assembled in his town house ; the 
State papers were kept in his study ; the Sachems 
instructed him in the mysteries of wampum. With 
the aid of Frey and other assistants he built a small 
Church ; a small Christian congregation was formed ; 
and Onondaga, so Zeisberger hoped, would soon 
become the Jerusalem of the Six Nations. 

The North American Indians. 99 

And then, at one fell blow, his work was shattered. 
At the very time when the cause at Onondaga was 
most promising, there broke out the great war 
(1755-63) between England and France; most of the 
Indians in Pennsylvania, incited thereto by French 
priests, who told them that Christ had been bom 
at Paris, and that he had been crucified by English- 
men, espoused the cause of France with fury, shot 
down English labourers at the plough, split open 
farmers' heads by the kitchen fire, and even scalped 
women and children ; and therefore, in their dire 
distress, Spangenberg and his colleagues at Bethlehem 
summoned Zeisberger to their assistance. No man 
understood the Indians better ; no man would be 
better able to keep the few Indians loyal to the 
British flag. For this simple reason, therefore, 
Zeisberger bade farewell to Onondaga. 

But even he could not charm the French Indians. Nov. 24th, 
As a company of sixteen Bretliren and Sisters, one 1755 
dark November evening, were sitting together round 
the fire in the Pilgrim House at Gnadenhutten on 
the Mahony — listening to the moaning wind and 
speaking about the coming joys of Christmas — 
some of the dogs in the yard began to bark ; Joachim 
Senseman, the overseer, feeling anxious, struck a 
light, left the house, and went to see whether the 
church-door was shut ; and then, soon after he had 
left, the Brethren heard other footsteps in the 
yard. Without suspecting any danger, Martin 
Nitschmann opened the door. There, with faces 
painted red and rifles raised, stood a dozen Shawanese 
French Indians. The war-whoop rang ; the rifles 
flashed ; and Martin Nitschmann fell dead. The 
firing continued.' The room was filled with smoke ; 
five more fell dead, and the rest rushed for the 
garret. As Mrs. Martin Nitschmann tried to ascend, 
something caused her to stumble, and falling back- 

100 A History of Moravian Missions. 

wards, she was taken prisoner. With the single 
exception of George Partsch, who managed to escape 
by a window, the rest now, after barricading the door 
with bedsteads, lay huddled in the garret. In 
vain the Indians tried to break down the defence. 
For a few moments there was a mysterious silence ; 
then faint wisps of smoke stole from the room below 
into the garret, and in less than five minutes the 
whole building was in flames. With the joy of 
demons, the Indians placed a sentinel at the house 
door ; and then, retiring a little distance, stood 
beholding the tragedy. There, in the garret, lay 
four men, three women, and a child, and the screams 
of the little child rang out above the roar of the 

" You have deceived our brethren," shouted the 
Indians, " let us now see whether your Saviour 
will help you." 

The question had a strange answer. For a few 
moments the sentinel left his post ; Joseph Sturgis 
jumped from the window and fled, and Mrs. Partsch, 
who followed his example, escaped to a neighbouring 
hill. There, unperceived by the Indians, she stood 
and watched the last scene of the tragedy. As the 
sentinel had not yet returned, George Fabricius now 
jumped from the window, but, as he made his way 
to the woods, the Indians saw him, rushed upon him 
in a body, scalped him down to the eyes, and left 
him rolling in his own blood. By this time only five 
were left in the garret, and Mrs. Partsch, from her 
post on the hill, could not only see but hear. As 
the flames lapped round her, Mrs. Senseman sat on 
the edge of her bedstead, and, calm to the bitter 
end, she testified her faith in her Redeemer. 

" It is well, dear Saviour," she said, " it is well. 
This is no more than I expected." With these 
triumphant words on her lips, Mrs. Senseman 

The North American Indians. 101 

breathed her last. All five in the garret were burnt 
to ashes, and a few minutes later the building crashed 
to the ground. The last hours of Gnadenhiitten 
had now arrived. In order to complete their work, 
the Indians set fire to the other buildings ; 
all the converts who could do so fled in terror to 
Bethlehem ; and there the redoubtable Spangenberg 
took measures to meet the situation. 

On him the news of the tragedy produced a 
wonderful effect. At an early hour the following 
morning he called a meeting of the congregation, told 
the story of the massacre, and then, acting as a loyal 
British citizen, prepared to put Bethlehem in a state 
of defence. For this purpose he siu-rounded the town 
with barricades, erected block-houses, appointed 
sentinels, ordered in guns and ammunition from 
New York, and even provided the women with 
paving-stones to hurl on the heads of besiegers. 
The result was splendid. By means of Spangenberg's 
energy, Bethlehem became a strong City of Refuge ; 
the Indian converts lived in a building known as 
the " Indian House ; " and acting on Spangenberg's 
advice, Benjamin Franklin actually built a fort, 
named Fort Allen, on the ruined site of Gnadenhiitten. 
And that was the strange state of the Mission till 
the close of the Seven Years' War (1763). 

But even the famous Peace of Paris did not bring 
perfect peace to Pennsylvania. In spite of the 
fact that their Allies, the French, had been com- 1763*5 
pletely defeated, many Indians in Pennsylvania still 
cherished ideals of independence. For another two 
years, therefore, the Brethren lived in the midst 
of bloodshed. As the leading rebel was an 
Indian Chief named Pontiac, the war is generally 
known as the Pontiac War ; and once again the 
Moravian converts were in serious danger. At the 
time when the Pontiac War broke out, some of the 

102 A History of Moravian Missions. 

converts were living at the little village of Nain, 
not far from Bethlehem, and now the Brethren had 
to take measures to prevent these converts from 
being massacred. With this intent, they appealed 
once more to the Governor ; a British officer duly 
arrived at Nain; and during the war the converts 
were sheltered, first at Philadelphia, and then on 
Province Island, on the Delaware River. Thus, 
then, did the Mission to the Iroquois die an untimely 
death. Let us not make any mistake about the 
cause. At every stage the Brethren's failure was 
due, not to their own incompetence, but to cir- 
cumstances over which they had no control. Why 
did the Brethren abandon Shekomeko ? Because 
they were driven out by whisky-sellers. Why did 
they abandon the Mission to the Mohawks ? Because 
the Mayor of Albany expelled them. Why did they 
abandon Onondaga ? Because, when the Seven 
Years' War broke out, Zeisberger was needed at 
Bethlehem. Why did they abandon Gnadenhiitten ? 
Because the station was destroyed by French 
Indians. Why did they abandon Nain ? Because, 
when the Pontiac War broke out, the converts there 
were in danger of being massacred. Why, in a word, 
was the Mission to the Iroquois a failure ? Because 
Pennsylvania was the seat of almost incessant war. 
At the close of twenty-two years of labour, there 
were only one hundred and seventy converts. 

5. The Mission to the Delawares, 

As soon as peace was firmly established, the 
Brethren concentrated their energies on a great 
Mission to the Delawares. In this Mission they 
endeavoured, not merely to preach to a few, but to 
convert a whole nation, and during the next twenty- 
three years, i.e., from the close of the Pontiac War 

The North American Indians. 103 

down to the outbreak of the War of Independence, 
Zeisberger showed his abilities, not merely as a 
preacher, but as a builder and organizer. We 
have come to the brightest part of his career. At the 
very outset of this new era of peace, the Brethren at 
Bethlehem realised fully that a golden opportunity had 
arrived, and Zeisberger and his colleagues received 
elaborate official instructions. The Indian languages 
were to be carefully studied ; native assistants were 
to be trained ; the Indians were to be taught to 
read and write ; the most important parts of the 
Bible were to be translated into Delaware ; and all 
the converts were to be taught the duties of Christian 
citizenship. Let us now see how David Zeisberger 
carried out these instructions. His method was an 
adaptation of the Moravian settlement system : — 

(1) The first settlement was for the benefit of the 17$5 
Iroquois converts already gained. For this purpose 
the Brethren selected a village named Machi- 
wishilusing, on the east side of the Susquehannah. 
There (1765) Zeisberger built a settlement and named 
it Friedenshiitten (" Tents of Peace ") ; and there 
he endeavoured to organize what we should call a 
model v-illage. His settlement took the form of one 
long street. In the middle stood the Church on one 
side and the missionaries' house on the other. The 
converts lived in twenty-nine houses and thirteen 
wigwams ; behind each house lay a garden ; behind 
the gardens there were corn-fields, and the settle- 
ment was surrounded by a paUsade. The new settle- 
ment soon acquired a great reputation. Instead of 
merely hunting and fishing, the Indians now devoted 
their energies to agriculture and commerce ; by 
means of their steady industry they increased the 
value of the property ; and both the Assembly of 
Pennsylvania and a few generous bankers encouraged 
them by sending small donations. For the first 

104 A History of Moravian Missions. 

time, therefore, the Indians were learning to be 
good farmers and traders. Some tilled their small 
holdings; others sold butter, sugar, corn, and pork; 
and others made canoes. The harder they worked, 
the happier they seemed to be ; and all day long, 
says Zeisberger himself, they could be heard singing 
for joy. For the children, of course, there was a 
small day-school, and a band of women, armed with 
brooms, kept the long street clean. At Church, the 
Indians were much impressed by Zeisberger's preach- 
ing. " It often happens while I preach," he said, 
" that they tremble with emotion and shake with 
fear, until consciousness is nearly gone and they 
seem to be on the point of fainting." For two years 
Friedenshiitten was the centre of a great revival ; 
one hundred and eighty-six converts were added ; 
and so successful was the experiment that the 
Brethren now decided to apply the same methods to 
the Delawares. 
1767 (2) At the special request of the Delawares them- 

selves, Zeisberger now took up his abode at 
Goshgoschunk, on the Alleghany ; the members 
of the Town Council were summoned, and once again, 
as at Onondaga, Zeisberger solemnly announced 
his purpose. We have come to the scene of Shussele's 
picture, " The Power of the Gospel." But the 
picture does not give a correct impression. In the 
picture the scene is a forest glade ; in reality, the 
incident occurred in the Council Chamber. In 
another sense, too, the picture is misleading. The 
scene must not be regarded as typical. On that 
occasion Zeisberger was acting, not exactly as a 
preacher, but rather as an envoy stating his purpose ; 
and the issue of the whole Mission depended on what 
sort of impression he could make. At Goshgoschunk 
the Indians were specially wicked, and Zeisberger 
had been warned that they would not scruple to 

The North American Indians. 105 

kill him. He had never been in such danger before. 
In the centre burned the watch-fire. Around it 
squatted the Indians on the floor, the men on one 
side and the women on the other ; and among 
the men were warriors who had played their part 
twelve years before in the massacre at Gnadenhiitten. 
The speaker rose ; all eyes were fixed upon him ; 
and in the dim and ruddy light those eyes had an 
evil gleam. 

" My friends," began Zeisberger, " I have come 
to bring you great words and glad tidings, words 
from our God, tidings of your Redeemer and of our 
Redeemer. We have told these things at Friedens- 
hiitten. They have received them ; they are 
happy ; they thank the Saviour that he has brought 
them from darkness into light; and we bring the 
peace of God to you." 

The speaker paused. The silence was breathless. 
For anji:hing Zeisberger knew to the contrary, a 
tomahawk might, at any moment, cleave his skuU 
in twain. There he stood, with a smile on his face, 
reading the minds of his audience. In the eyes of 
some he saw the lust of blood ; in those of others 
the tears of repentance. " Never before," he said 
afterwards, " did I see so clearly painted in the faces 
of the Indians both the darkness of hell and the 
world-subduing power of the Gospel." On this 
occasion Zeisberger excelled himself. By this time 
he had fully mastered all the subtleties of the 
Delaware language ; all the Indians admired oratorical 
grace ; and Zeisberger, by his eloquence, carried the 
meeting by storm. " It is true," the red-skins 
shouted, " that is the way to happiness." 

But Zeisberger's hardest fight was still to come. 
For two years he made a systematic endeavour 1768-70 
to establish at Goshgoschunk a settlement similar 
to that at Friedenshiitten. The local Delaware 

106 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Council sanctioned the Mission, the Sunday services 
were crowded, and Zeisberger, with the consent of 
the Council, issued a regulation that no spirits should 
be sold in the village. His success, however, was 
only superficial. According to his own statement, 
he was now in the very stronghold of Satan. There, 
at Goshgoschunk, he said, Satan himself was wor- 
shipped ; there he had, so Zeisberger firmly believed, 
endowed the sorcerers with supernatural powers ; 
and those sorcerers appeared to be able, not only 
to kill without knife or poison, but even to spread 
epidemics, sail through the air at night, put the 
inhabitants to sleep, and then rob them of their 
property. Nor was this the worst of the case. In 
addition to terrifying the people, the sorcerers now 
maligned the missionaries, and attributed every 
disaster to their presence. In order to strengthen 
their own infernal powers they gorged on pork ; 
then mysterious messages passed around ; and the 
burden of all the messages was that as the missionaries 
caused disease, they should forthwith be put to death. 
Finally, the sorcerers introduced casks of rum ; 
some of the converts themselves began to drink ; 
and Zeisberger, in despair, resolved to abandon 
Goshgoschunk and seek some other place more free 
from temptation. 

1770 (3) The third station was on the borders of 

Ohio. In response to the invitation of a Delaware 
chieftain named Glikkikan, Zeisberger took some land 
on the Beaver River, and there he built another settle- 
ment, and named it Friedenstadt. 

1772 (4) The fourth station was in Ohio itself, and here 

Zeisberger achieved his most brilliant success. The 
scene was Gekelemukpechunck, the Delaware capital, 
situated on the Tuscarawas River. There Zeisberger 
was royally welcomed by Nctawetwes himself. King 
of the Delawares ; there, in the Delaware Coimcil 

The North American Indians. 107 

House, he preached the first Protestant sermon in 
Ohio ; there he was granted by the Grand Council 
a tract of land eighty miles square; and there, on 
the left bank of the Tuscarawas, he built his beautiful 
garden city named Schonbrunn, or Beautiful Spring. 
The site was a fertile valley. At the time when 
Zeisberger first arrived on the scene, the sides of the 
valley were studded with oaks, sycamores, maples, 
cedars, walnut and chestnut trees, laurels and wild 
flowers ; and now, after a few months, chiefly as 
the result of Indian labour, they M'ere not only 
covered with potatoes, parsnips, and beans, but also 
with strawberries, gooseberries, raspberries and other 
garden fruits. The method of government was 
partly ecclesiastical and partly democratic. At the 
head of affairs there was a Governing Board, 
consisting, not only of the missionaries, but 
also of the native assistants ; and all affairs of special 
importance were submitted to a pubhc meeting of 
the citizens. Nor was even this the climax. At one 
of these public meetings the following stringent 
regulations were passed : — 

1. We will know only the one true God. 

2. We will rest on the Lord's Day, and attend 

pubhc service. 

3. We will honour father and mother, and take 

care of them in old age. 

4. No one shall live at Schonbrunn without the 

permission of the missionaries and their 

5. We will have nothing to do with thieves, 

murderers, whoremongers, adulterers, or 

6. We will not take part in dances, sacrifices, 

heathenish festivals, or games. 

7. We will use no witchcraft when hunting. 

108 A History of Moravian Missions. 

8. We will renounce and abhor all lies, tricks, and 

deceits of Satan. 

9. We will obey our teachers and helpers. 

10. We will not scold, nor beat one another, nor 

tell lies. 

11. Whoever injures the property of his neighbour 

shall make restitution. 

12. No man shall have more than one wife, and 

no woman more than one husband. 

13. No intoxicating liquor shall be admitted. 

14. No one shall contract debts with traders 

without permission of the elders, 

15. Whoever goes hunting, or a journey, shall 

inform the minister and stewards. 

16. Young people shall not marry without the 

consent of the minister and their parents. 

17. Each person must help freely in building 

fences or doing any other work for the 
public good. 

18. Each must also provide corn to entertain 

strangers, and sugar for the Church 

For many years Schonbrunn was regarded as a 
model ; and other small towns, on similar lines, were 
built at Gnadenhiitten, on the Tuscarawas (1772), 
Lichtenau, "Meadow of Light" (1776), on the 
Muskingum, and Salem (1780), higher up the 
Tuscarawas. British citizens came to view and 
admire ; and Colonel Morgan, an Indian Agent, 
declared that the Indians in Zeisberger's settlements 
were now not only thoroughly civilised, but even 
set an example for whites to follow. Meanwhile, 
however, Zeisberger himself laid the main stress on 
the Gospel. Of all the services, the most impressive 
was that held in the cemetery on Easter Sunday 

The North American Indians. 109 

morning. As the sun rose above the Blue Mountains 
and the mists dissolved, Zeisberger read out the 
Moravian Confession of Faith; a trained choir led 
the responses ; and the Easter hjTnn, sung in the 
Delaware language, aroused the woodland birds. 
For all these services to civilisation and religion, 
Zeisberger never consented to receive one penny of 
pay. In the morning, with gun on his shoulder, he 
went to the woods for his dinner ; in the afternoon 
he inspected the farms and workshops ; in the 
evening he pursued his linguistic studies. 

He had still another ambition to achieve. The 
more closely he studied the Indian character, the 
more con\inced he became that the Indians, as a 
whole, would never rise to great moral heights unless 
they were entirely removed from the evil influence 
of whites ; and, therefore, he now conceived the 
design of forming the whole of Ohio into a Christian 
Indian State. In this design he was supported, not 
only by Netawetwes, King of the Delawares, but also 
by a certain White Eyes, a famous chief and coun- 
cillor. Netawetwes was now a pathetic figure. 
He was, it is said, one hundred and twenty years 
old ; he desired before he died to see the Delawares 
a Christian nation ; and, having heard that there 
were various churches, each of which, so he was told, 
claimed to be the true Church, he actually proposed 
to sail to England, interview George III. at St. 
James's Palace, and thereby solve the problem for 
himself. " Let us accept the word of God," he said 
to the chief of the Wolf Tribe, " and then leave it to 
our children as a last Will and Testament." The 
case of White Eyes was still more striking. At a 
meeting of the Grand Council he proposed a definite 
State religion. " I want my people," he said " to 
embrace the religion which is taught by the white 
teachers. We shall never be happy until we arc 

110 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Christians." The schemes of Zeisberger now took 
definite form. Ohio was to be an Indian State, 
and the State Church would be the Moravian Church. 
But such a design could not be carried out without 
the sanction of the British Government. With the 
approval, therefore, of Netawetwes, Zeisberger now 
suggested that White Eyes should go to England 
and arrange a definite treaty. Let the Delawares, 
he said, have their territory clearly defined ; let their 
land, by Act of Parliament, be secured to them for 
ever ; let there be a legally recognised State Church ; 
and let there also be an understanding that no blood 
should be shed on Delaware soil. Thus alone could 
the Delaware nation play its true part in the world. 
For some years Zeisberger really believed that this 
ideal would be realised ; and, in a sermon on the 
text, " The glory of the Lord is risen upon thee," 
he a iinounced that the day of salvation was close at 
hand. He was now at the brightest part of his 
career ; he had won the allegiance of the whole 
Delaware nation ; and now, in imagination, he saw 
the Christian Indian State of Ohio. For what really 
happened, however, he was not prepared. 

6. Paradise Lost, 1777—1808. 

The cause was the American War of Independence. 
As soon as the tide of war reached Ohio, Zeisberger 
added the following clause to his list of Rules 
and Regulations, " We will not go to war, 
and will not buy anything of warriors taken 
in war ; " and not knowing or caring much about 
the points at issue, both he and his colleagues 
endeavoured to preserve an attitude of strict 
neutrality. " If the Delawares go to war," he said, 
" we are lost." To that policy Zeisberger held firm. 
Each side appealed to him for aid ; each side urged 
him to raise a Delaware Army ; and each side 

The North American Indians. Ill 

received a stem refusal. Let two examples illustrate 
the point. The first appeal came from the British 
side. At an early period of the war a Wyandot 
Indian brought Zeisberger a letter, written, he 
declared, by the British Governor, urging Zeisberger 
to arm his converts, place himself at their head as 
general, drive the rebels out of Ohio, and bring their 
scalps to Detroit. Zeisberger threw the letter into 
the fire. Next year (1778) there came an appeal 
from the American side. In September the American 
General, Mcintosh, appealed to the Delaware Council 
for captains and warriors, and Zeisberger, alarmed 
for his converts' safety, asked the Moravian Board 
at Bethlehem to appeal to Congress and have an Act 
passed forbidding American officers to enlist Christian 
Indians in military service. For this policy he had 
one simple reason. He desired to shield the converts 
from temptation. As long as he had them under 
his personal care, he could trust them to keep un- 
spotted from the world ; in the army they would 
learn to pillage, to drink and to gamble, and thus his 
hopes of a Christian State would be destroyed for 
ever. The result may be imagined. The more he 
endeavoured to be neutral, the more he exposed him- 
self to unjust suspicion. Each side had appealed to 
him in vain ; each side, therefore, regarded him as 
a secret ally of the other ; and each side, treating 
him as an enemy, attacked his settlements with 
;Steel and fire. 

For the first disaster some readers may consider 
Zeisberger to blame. In the year 1781 a band of 1781 
Indians, in the British Service, made a sudden attack 
on Lichtenau ; Zeisberger, in his alarm, appealed to 
the American general, Mcintosh, for protection, and 
the British authorities, hearing of this appeal, very 
naturally concluded that Zeisberger was on the 
American side. At last, they firmly believed, he had 

112 A History of Moravian Missions. 

shown his hand. He himself, they said, was clearly 
a rebel ; in his settlements he was hatching treason ; 
and, therefore, for the sake of the Empire, those 
settlements must be destroyed. The chosen man 
was Captain Elliott. His conduct was characteristi- 
cally British. In the interests of his country he 
was thorough ; in the interests of humanity he was 
considerate. The chief scene of his activities was 
Gnadenhiitten. There Zeisberger and his colleagues 
had recently assembled most of their converts, and 
there, in due course, Captain Elliott, with about 
three hundred Indians, made his appearance. He 
had now a stern duty to do, and, so far as I can 
discover, he did it like a gentleman. First, he 
informed the Christian Indians that they would 
have to decamp ; then, to be on the safe side, he 
set fire to the premises ; then he made a thorough 
search for arms and ammunition ; and then, seizing 
Zeisberger and his three colleagues — Heckewelder, 
Senseman, and Mack — and also a number of Indian 
converts, he carried off the whole party across the 
Black Swamp to Detroit. To Zeisberger this was 
the saddest of all his journeys. Behind him 
Gnadenhiitten was in ashes ; Schonbrunn and Salem 
had passed into the hands of hostile Indians ; 
and his dream of a Christian Indian nation had now 
become a mockery. At Detroit, however, he received 
a pleasant surprise. The chief officer, Major Peyster, 
was a just man. In spite of the fact that he had 
sent Captain Elliott, he had no ill-will towards the 
missionaries and no desire to destroy their work ; 
and now, after giving them a fair trial, he not only 
pronounced them " Not Guilty," but also supplied 
them with clothing from the public stores, consulted 
with the commander at Quebec with regard 
to their future abode, and finally issued a passport 
authorising Zeisberger, Senseman, Mack, and 

The North American Indians. 113 

Heckewelder, to found a new station at Sandusky.- 

But now (1782) occurred a still more terrible 1782 
tragedy. As the refugees at Sandusky were 
in some danger of starvation, about one hundred 
and fifty Indian converts set off to reap some 
com at Gnadenhiitten ; and, just when they 
had completed their labours, an American Colonel, 
David WilHamson, arrived, with a few troops, 
upon the scene. For reasons which have never 
been fully explained, but which, to him, must have 
seemed satisfactory, Colonel Wilhamson was con- 
vinced that all those converts were British spies, and 
after dividing them into two lots, placing the men in 
one bam and the women and children in another, 
he asked his own men to say whether he should 
send them to Pittsburg or have them executed on 
the spot. With a few exceptions, the soldiers voted 
for death. 

" Let's burn them alive," said some. 

" No ! No," said others, " let's shoot them and 
scalp them." 

" No," said a third party, " brain them like oxen." 

By a large majority the last suggestion was carried. 
At an early hour the following morning (March 8th, 
1782), the soldiers flung open the barn-doors, and 
asked the prisoners if they were prepared to die. 

" We have committed our souls to God," was the 
answer, " and trust to Him to give us the needful 

The Blood-Bath of Gnadenhutten now began. For 
the second time the soldiers divided the prey. In 
one slaughter-house they placed the men ; in anather 
the w^omen and children ; and the men had the 
honour of being the first victims. The first blow 
was struck by a private from Pennsylvania. With 
a cooper's mallet in his right hand he seized an 
aged convert by the hair, struck one fatal blow, and 

114 A History of Moravian Missions. 

removed the scalp with a knife ; and then, warming 
to his work, he shattered fourteen Indian skulls 
and spilled the brains on the floor. " My arm is 
tired," he said to a mate ; " it is your turn now, 
but I think I have done pretty well." 

His mates continued his work. For several hours 
the mallets rose and fell ; the floor of the house was 
now littered with corpses, and only one youth, 
who was merely stunned, managed to make his 
escape. As soon as the soldiers had finished with 
the men, they turned to the women and children. 
One small boy, however, made his escape, and 
joining the youth already mentioned, in the forest, 
was able to tell the story at Sandusky. According 
to evidence collected later, the total number slain 
that day was ninety ; among these was Glikkikan, 
Zeisberger's friend ; and the list included six native 
assistants, twenty-four women, and twenty-two little 
children. As soon as the soldiers had finished their 
work, they set fire to the barns, and then, with 
scalps hung round their hips, hurried off to seek 
more victims at Schonbrunn. For many years the 
bones of the martyrs lay exposed to sun and rain ; 
then pious hands gave them decent burial, and now 
the scene of the massacre is marked by a plain 
monument in stone. 

The death-tick was tapping at the wall of the 
Indian Mission. At last — but only for a brief 
period — Zeisberger gave way to despair. His prime 
had been a garden of roses ; his old age was a crown 
of thorns. He had now only one consolation left. 
As soon as the War of American Independence was 
over, both the British and American Governments, 
anxious to atone for sins of the past, made him huge 
grants of land, and. thus assisted, he founded new 
settlements at New Gnadenhiitten on the Huron (1782), 
Pilgerruh (1786), New Salem (1787) on the Huron, 

The North American Indians. 115 

New Fairfield in Canada West (1792), and Goshen 
(1798), seven miles north-west of Gnadenhiitten. In 
one important respect, however, these settlements were 
entirely different from the old ones in the Tuscarawas 
Valley. Formerly his settlements had been inhabited 
by Indians only ; now white traders swarmed on every 
hand ; and as the old rules could no longer be 
enforced, many of Zeisberger's converts took to drink. 
For this reason three of his new settlements — New 
Gnadenhiitten, Pilgerruh, and New Salem — had to 
be abandoned, and now only two stations — New 
Fairfield and Goshen — remained. And yet Zeisbcrger 
did not abandon hope. In spite of the fact that 
Ohio was now being thickly populated by whites, 
he still cherished his old ideal of a Christian Indian 
State, and beUe^^ng that Christian literature would be 
required, he prepared the following useful volumes : — 

(1) A Delaware and English Spelling Book, with 

an appendix containing the Lord's Prayer, 
the Ten Commandments, some Scripture 
passages, and a Liturgy. 

(2) A Delaware Hymn Book, with the Easter, 

Baptismal, and Burial Litanies. 

(3) Sermons to Children, translated from 


(4) Spangenberg's " Bodily Care of Children." 

(5) Samuel Lieberkiihn's " Harmony of the Four 


(6) A grammatical treatise on the Delaware 


(7) A lexicon, in seven volumes, of the German 

and Onondaga languages. 

(8) A Delaware Grammar. 

(9) An Onondaga Grammar. 
(10) A German-Delaware Lexicon. 

116 A History or Moravian Missions. 

The first five of these volumes were printed and 
pubUshed ; the manuscript of the rest has been 
preserved, partly in the library of Harvard University, 
and partly in that of the Philadelphia Philosophical 
Society, and some day they may prove of service to 
students of Indian history. 

The last scene in Zeisberger's life was one of pathos 

' and beauty. For the " brown Brethren " he had 

lived, and now, among the " brown Brethren," he 

laid him down to die. As the old man lay on his 

Nov. 17th, death-bed at Goshen (November 17th, 1808^, free 

1808 from pain, fully conscious, and yet too weak to 

speak, the church-bell was tolled. His converts, 

in response to the signal, quietly entered the room, 

and seeing that the end was near, and using the 

very words that he had taught them, they sang 

of Jesus, the Prince of Peace, and of the Church 


Chapter VII. 



As the Moravians had a great many friends in 
Holland — where, in fact, they had built a settle- 
menF'named Heerendyke, designed by Christian 
David himself, and intended to be a second head- 
quarters for the Missions — and as, moreover, all the 
Dutch Colonies, especially Surinam and Demerara, 
were in need of good workmen, Count Zinzendorf now 
conceived the project of founding a Mission in 
South America, first among the negro slaves, and 
secondly among the Indians who roamed the woods 
and savannahs. With this design, therefore, he 
sent his friend Spangenberg to Amsterdam ; there ^-^34 
Spangenberg stated the case to the Dutch Trading 
Company; and as the Company promised religious 
liberty, and also immunity from the oath and from 
bearing arms, the Count soon (1735) sent out a band of 
men. For two disagreeable reasons, however, the first 
part of his design was frustrated. First, the planters 
in Demerara denounced the Brethren as spies ; 
secondly, the clergy in Paramaribo accused them of 
immorality; and the consequence was that, leaving 
the Mission to the Negroes, the Brethren pushed their 
way south through a hundred miles of jungle and 
swamp, built a station named Pilgerhut (1740), on 
the Wironje River, and thereby opened the Mission 
to the Arawack Indians. | 

For twelve years (1748-60) this Mission was under 
the management of Solomon Schumann, called by 
Zinzendorf the " Apostle to the Arawacks," and in 
three ways this man was regarded as a model. First, 

tKobinson Cnuoe's man, Friday, was an Arawack Indian. 

118 A History of Moravian Missions. 

he bravely doffed his coat, chopped down trees, dug 
his own garden, and thereby taught the Indians the 
vahie of work ; secondly, he was a splendid linguist, 
and not only translated into Arawack St. John's Gospel, 
St. John's Epistles, and the Passion History, but also 
prepared an Arawack Dictionary and Grammar ; 
and thirdly, being a disciple of Zinzendorf, he intro- 
duced to the Arawack Indians Zinzendorf's " Blood 
and Wounds Theology," and, like Israel in St. Thomas 
and the Brethren in Greenland, laid all the stress in 
his preaching, not on any scheme of dogmatic theology, 
but on the details of the Passion History. For this 
policy Schumann could give good reasons. According 
to the evidence of all the missionaries, the Arawack 
Indians lived in a state of constant terror. In 
theory they believed in a Divine Creator, named 
Kururuman ; in reality, they feared Jaachi, the devil, 
who sent diseases ; and Schumann conscientiously 
believed that the only way to destroy this terror was 
to paint a vivid picture of the Suffering Christ. 
For this purpose he had in his room a large picture 
of Christ on the Cross. That Christ, he told his 
visitors, had come from heaven to destroy the works 
of the devil, and all those who trusted in Him need 
not fear death any more. Let one example illustrate 
Schumann's methods. On one occasion he was 
visited by a chief from the Orinoco ; the scene of 
the interview was Schumann's study ; and Schumann, 
after sketching the life of Christ, pointed to the large 
picture on the wall. 

" Look there," he said, " that is your Creator, 
who shed His Blood that you might be saved." 

" Have you ever seen Him ? " asked the chief. 

" Yes," said Schumann, " I prayed to Him, and 
in spirit He showed me His wounds." 

" Will you ever see Him again ? " 

" Yes, with these very eyes of mine." 

The South American Indians. 119 

" When ? " 

" When I go to Him." 

" ^^^len win you go to Him ? " 

" When He calls me to Himself from the earth." 

" Will you not die then ? " 

" Xo one who believes his Redeemer dies." 

For a while this poUcy seemed to succeed. As 
long as Schumann himself remained on the spot, 
his ovm noble example seemed sufficient, and no 
special ethical teaching appeared to be required ; 
in due time two more stations were founded, Sharon 
on the Saramakka (1755) and Ephraim on the 
Corentyne (1757) ; and many of the converts wrote 
beautiful letters to Herrnhut declaring how deeply 
they loved the Redeemer, and how they longed to 
see His face, fall down at His feet, and kiss His 
wounds. At the third station Dahne, the 
missionary, had his well-known adventure with the 
serpent. "As I was going to bed one evening," 
he says, " a fairly large snake dropped on me from 
a lath on the roof, coiled itself two or three times 
round my neck and head, and began to squeeze 
harder and harder. I was sure my end had come. 
In order that my Brethren might not suspect that I 
had been killed by Indians, I seized some chalk and 
wTote on the table : 'A serpent has killed me.'f At 
this moment, however, I thought of Christ's promise : 
' They shall take up serpents ' (Mark xvi., 18). I 
seized the beast, threw it from me, and fell asleep 
in my hammock." 

For three tragic reasons, however, this Mission 

to the Arawack Indians came to an untimely end : — 

(1) First, in 1765, the negro slaves of Surinam 

organized a great rebellion ; to them all Christians 

tit has often been stated that Dahne was bitten by the serpent. 
In his own narrative, however, there is no mention of a bite, 
and the reptile, to judge from its conduct, was probably a boa- 

120 A History of Moravian Missions. 

were alike ; and, therefore, besides destroying 
plantations, they burned to the ground the two chief 
Moravian stations, Pilgerhut and Sharon. 

. (2) Secondly, many of the Missionaries died of 
fever, and this had a bad effect upon the converts. 
In their sermons the missionaries had said that 
Christians would never die ; now they themselves 
were dying rapidly ; and the Arawacks, therefore, 
concluded that the Christian religion was a fable. 
The whole case was frankly put by a sorcerer : 
" If you will tell us," he argued, " how to go to heaven 
without dying, I will listen to you. In what way are 
your people better off than I am ? Schumann died ; 
his colleagues died ; what, then, are you doing here ? " 

(3) Guido Burkhardt, the Moravian historian, 
says that the Brethren failed in this Mission 
because, while they preached about the Cross, they 
did not also preach the Sermon on the Mount. No 
attempt was made to cultivate character ; no steps 
were taken to train native helpers ; and thus, when 
trials came, the converts, like the shallow men in 
the parable, had not the strength of character to 
stand the strain. In vain the Brethren founded a 
fourth station ; in vain they named it " Hope " ; 
in vain they taught industrial arts and introduced 
a system of discipline. The remedy came too late. 
By this time the Arawack Indians had learned to 
speak of the Gospel with open contempt ; certain 
youths set fire to the premises, and the Brethren, 
after consulting the Lot, abandoned the Mission in 
despair (1808). 

Chapter VIII. 


With the Bush Negroes of Surinam the Brethren 
had more success. As soon as the Negro Rebelhon 
was over (1765) — a Rebelhon whereby the Bush 
Negroes attained complete political independence — 
all white men in Surinam perceived that something 
must be done to teach them good morals. Without 
the Gospel, it was held, they would be a constant 
danger to the State, and guided by these utilitarian 
motives, Cromlin, Governor of Surinam, besought 
the Brethren to undertake a Mission. The situation 
was now entirely changed. In the past, Governor 
and planters alike had treated the Brethren with 
scorn ; now, smitten with terror, they turned to the 
Brethren for support. The Bush Negroes were now 
a powerful political force. For reasons which seem 
to have been connected with the geography of the 
country, they proceeded to organize themselves into 
four great tribes or kingdoms. On the Cottica, 
the Maroni, the Tapanahone, and the Coermatibo 
Uved the Aukas ; on the Surinam, the Saramakkers ; 
on the Saramakka, the Matuaris ; and on the 
Coppename, the Kaffemakas. Each of these four 
tribes or kingdoms held command of a river ; each 
was ruled by a King or Grandman, fond of fame and 
power ; and each, therefore, might at any moment 
swoop down to the sea coast and even lay siege to 

But the chief source of danger was the native 
religion. According to the Bush Negroes, all things 
in this sad world were managed, not by Grandado, 
the Creator, who lived in heaven and cared not for 


122 A History of Mobavian Missions. 

his children, but by two wicked spirits, Bambo, 
the God of the Woods, and Boembe, the God of the 
Waters, and each of these two spirits commanded 
a vast host of demons. Demons dwelt in the boa- 
constrictor ; demons appeared in the form of 
eremite ants ; demons made the cayman terrible ; 
demons haunted the crooked Krumm-holz tree. 
The result was inevitable. In order to hold these 
demons at bay, the Bush Negroes had to organize 
means of defence, and, speaking broadly, they relied 
on four methods : — 

(1) For some reason the Brethren could never 
fathom, the Bush Negroes had implicit faith in a 
white clay, named pimba-dotte. With pimba-dotte 
they daubed their pots ; with pimba-dotte they 
painted their huts ; with pimba-dotte they smeared 
the sick ; and with pimba-dotte they coated their 
medicine bottles. 

(2) Secondly, they relied on fetishes and 
obeahs. These were found in various forms, such 
as a common pearl, a snail's shell, and a tiger's tooth ; 
and articles of this nature were hung on the dogs 
to make them swift, on the trees to make them 
fruitful, and on the children to shield them from 

(3) Thirdly, they believed in a guardian angel, 
named the Kandoo. This angel was generally a 
spade or besom, and, being hung before the house, 
was said to keep burglars away. 

(4) Finally, and above all, the Bush Negroes 
believed in Sorcerers. In those days these Sorcerers 
were known by four different names. Because they 
dealt in wissi, or poison, they were called W^issimen ; 
because they ruled the Wintis, or demons, they were 
Wintimen ; because they enchanted the Obeahs, 
they were Obeahmen ; and because they could 
foresee the future, they were Loekomen. In each 

The Bush Negroes of Surinam. 123 

of these four departments the Sorcerer exercised his 
influence. By means of his intimate knowledge of 
poisons he not only committed murders himself, 
but also enabled others to WTcak revenge ; by means 
of his acquaintance with Wintis — obtained during 
a hypnotic trance — he became the only spiritual 
guide ; by means of his powers as an Obeahman he 
was able to manufacture gods, sold those gods in 
thousands at fabulous prices, and thus became a 
financial magnate ; and by means of his knowledge 
of the future, he, like prophets in many other 
countries, controlled the policy of the State. Nor 
was even this the worst of the case. According 
to the Sorcerers, many diseases were caused — not, 
of course, by natural causes, and not even by 
malicious demons — but by some personal human 
enemy. That enemy might be a white planter, or 
even a group of planters, and thus there was the very 
serious danger that, if the Sorcerers thought they 
could gain thereby, they might incite the Bush 
Negroes to renewed acts of war. For this simple 
reason, therefore, both the Governor and the planters 
were now in favour of the Mission. As long as the 
Sorcerers wielded such terrible powers, another 
war might break out at any moment. Only the 
Gospel could undermine their influence ; only the 
Gospel could make the Bush Negroes civilised. 

At the request, therefore, of the Dutch Government, 1765 
the Brethren now commenced a Mission to the 
Saramakkers on the Surinam River. During the first 
eleven years (1765-76) the chief leader was Rudolph 
Stoll, still spoken of, it is said, as " Brother Rudolf " ; 
"the first station, Quama (1769), was on the Senthea 
Creek ; and Stoll acquired great influence over the 
people, not because he was a powerful preacher, but 
because, by a little tact, he gained the favour of their 
king, Arabi. The first interview occurred in StoU's 

124 A History of Moravian Missions. 

private room, and the story throws some hght on 
the heathen mind. There, on the wall — just like 
Schumann — Stoll had a picture of the Crucifixion. 

" What is that bright thing on the wall ? " asked 
the young king, Arabi. 

" That is a picture," replied Stoll, " of the Great 
God, the Creator of Heaven and Earth. He became 
a man, suffered and died for your sins and mine. 
If you give Him your heart, and ask Him for 
forgiveness. He will make you happy for ever." 

" But I am a good man," said Arabi, " I never did 
a wrong thing in my life." 

Stoll adroitly changed the subject. In his hand 
Arabi held a stick, adorned with parrots' feathers, 
and Stoll now asked him to explain what it was. 

" That is my god-stick," replied Arabi. He had 
brought it with him as a mascot. 

For a few moments Stoll fingered the stick , then 
he handed it back to Arabi and informed him that 
by trusting in the stick he was serving the devil ; 
and Arabi, on his return home, threw his god-stick 
into the kitchen fire. He was tr3ang a bold experi- 
ment. " If you are a God," he said, '* that fire will 
not hurt you ; but if it does, I have done with you 
for ever." 

The result was Arabi's conversion. For the long 
period of fifty years (1771-1821) King Arabi warmly 
supported the Mission ; with his assistance Stoll 
translated the four Gospels into Negro-English ; 
the King himself became known as a preacher, 
and one of his best sermons has been preserved. 
Two more stations, Bambey (1774) and New Bambey 
(1779), were founded a little further up the river. 

With the death of Stoll (1777), however, great 
troubles began. During the next thirty-six years this 
Mission to the Bush Negroes was one dismal series 
of disasters. And the cause of those disasters was 

The Bush Negroes or Surinam. 125 

disease. In those days Surinam resembled Sierra 
Leone, the Bush Negroes called it " The Dead 
Country," and smitten down by three diseases — 
malaria, dandy-fever, and dysentery — fifteen 
missionaries found an early death. Most of the 
others had to retire broken down ; only three could I 
stand the climate at all ; and, therefore, for the ( 
time being, the Mission to the Bush Negroes was ^ 
abandoned (1813). 

Chapter IX. 


For the origin of this Mission we must give the 
credit to the Halle Missionary, Ziegenbalg. As this 
man was on his way home from Malabar, he called 
at Cape Town ; there he heard sad talcs about the 
Hottentots, and appealed, on their behalf, to two 
pastors in Holland ; and these men, in their turn, 
forwarded the appeal to Herrnhut. The man 
selected to go to South Africa was George Schmidt. 
For six years this young Protestant hero had lain 
in a gloomy dungeon in Moravia, with chains on his 
wrists, fetters on his feet, and the flesh peeling off 
in flakes from his ankle-bones. Thereby, like many 
of his colleagues, he had learned to endure hard- 
ships, and now, after spending a year at Amsterdam, 

Mar. 13th, chiefly for the purpose of learning Dutch, he set sail 
1737 for South Africa. At that time the managing board 
of the Dutch East India Company was generally 
known as the Chamber of Seventeen ; this Chamber 
gave Schmidt a letter of introduction to the Governor 
of Cape Town, and therein they urged the Governor 
to give Schmidt every assistance in his power. For 
the first few weeks, therefore, George Schmidt had 
some reason to be hopeful. The Governor welcomed 
him warmly ; the Council of Policy passed a resolu- 
tion to support him ; and the Dutch clergy, on the 
whole, seemed in favour of the Mission. On his 

July 9th, first evening in Cape Town, however, Schmidt 
1737 heard the other side of the story. He was sitting in 
the public room of an inn, and there he heard some 
local farmers discussing the situation. 


South Africa : The Hottentots. 127 

" I hear," said one, " that a parson has come here 
to convert the Hottentots." 

" A parson ? " quoth another. " The j'oung man is 
no parson at all. What good can he ever do to the 
Hottentots ? They are stupid ; they have no 
money ; and this man actually proposes to bear his 
own expenses. The poor fool must have lost his 

" And what, sir, do you think ? " said the waiter 
to Schmidt. 

"I," answered Schmidt, " am the very man." 

George Schmidt soon found himself in strange 
surroundings. Is it true, or is it not true, that before 
George Schmidt arrived no attempt had been made to 
convert the Hottentots ? It is not. For eighty- 
four years South Africa had been ruled by a Council 
of Policy, appointed by the Dutch East India 
Company. That Company, be it remembered, was 
not merely a commercial Company, but also a religious 
Society, and one rule in its charter provided that 
ministers and schoolmasters should be appointed, 
not only for the benefit of the colonists, but also for 
the non-Christian native population. To that ideal 
some of the colonists held true. Van Riebeck, the 
first Governor, opened a school for slaves ; some of 
the clergy preached to the Hottentots and baptized 
their converts, and the general understanding seems 
to have been that if a Hottentot became a Christian 
he should have the same civic rights as the Dutch 
themselves. But this was only one side of the 
story. In so-called Christian South Africa there 
was a great difference between theory and fact. 
In theory the Dutch farmers were members of the 
Dutch Reformed Church ; in fact there was only one 
clergyman to every 24,000 farmers ; and the con- 
sequence was that most of those farmers were 
Christians only in name. In theory the Boers were 

128 A History of Moravian Missions. 

pledged to instruct the Hottentots in the Christian 
rehgion ; in fact many of them were bigoted 
Calvinists, called the Hottentots children of the 
devil, black ware, and black cattle, ruined them 
with brandy, sold them as slaves, and sometimes 
boasted over their cups how many Hottentots they 
had shot. The situation, in fact, was partly good 
and partly bad. By a few pious Dutch farmers the 
Hottentots were well treated ; by many others they 
were badly treated ; and most of them, when Schmidt 
arrived, were still absolute heathen. 

Of the origin of the Hottentots little is known. 
According to some scholars they came originally 
from the North of Africa ; once, it is said, they had 
been a powerful race, but now, through slavery, drink 
and small-pox, they had degenerated both in body 
and in soul. The main facts, as noted by Schmidt, 
were as follows : — 

(a) Social Life. They lived in villages known as 
kraals, consisting of wooden huts shaped like bee- 
hives ; tanned leather, carved ivory, baked their 
own pots and pans, made needles of birds' bones 
and ropes of rushes and entrails, fed chiefly on flesh, 
milk, roots and fruits, and not knowing the use 
of salt, suffered much from indigestion. Marriage 
was regarded as a sacred contract, adultery was 
punished with death, and both old people and 
delicate children were often exposed to wild beasts. 

(6) Politics. At the head of each tribe was a 
Ranger, this office descending from father to son ; 
and over each village a " Head-man," whose business 
it was to lead all his people in battle, preside at public 
debates, administer justice, and knock convicted 
prisoners on the head. 

(e) Religion. First, they believed in a good God 
named Toiqua, who, however, lived above the 

South Africa : The Hottentots. 129 

moon, and did not trouble himself with human 
affairs ; secondly, in Gauna, the devil, the author 
of all evil ; thirdly, in a friendly God, Heitsielib, 
who consulted with the powers of darkness ; fourthly, 
in the moon herself, who sent both rain and fine 
weather ; fifthly, in a green flying beetle, sometimes 
called the Hottentots' God ; and sixthly, in the 
power of witch-doctors. Further, the Hottentots 
spoke of the spirits of the dead, and had, therefore, 
some belief in immortality. 

For six years George Schmidt made his head- 1737-43 
quarters in a valley known then as Bavianskloof, 
i.e., Glen of Baboons, situated in the Sweet Milk 
Valley, about one hundred miles east of Cape Town. 
There he planted a hardy pear tree, famed in 
Moravian lore ; there he built a house and dug a 
garden ; there he taught the natives to dig and 
plant ; there, every afternoon, he taught the boys 
and girls to read and write ; and there, each evening, 
he gathered the natives around him, read them 
Zinzendorf's Berlin Discourses, and gave them 
systematic theological lectures on St. Paul's Epistle 
to the Romans. 

For a long time nothing very wonderful occurred. 
Each evening, after dark, Schmidt brought his diary 
up to date ; that diary has been preserved, and the 
Herrnhut Brethren called it " Spice." His diary, 
however, contains no strange adventures. It is 
simply the quiet record of a humble worker. Some- 
times he lay awake at night tormented with tooth- 
ache ; sometimes he felt lonely and wrote to Herrnhut 
for assistants ; and one night he recorded the sad 
and, to him, surprising fact that when he expounded 
St. Paul's theology, the Hottentots did not pay much 

t attention. At last, however, he saw some fruit 
of his labours. Among those who attended his 
evening classes, the most intelligent was Willem ; 

180 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Schmidt now baptized Willem in the Steenbrans 
River (March 31st, 1742) ; and soon afterwards 
he had four more converts. Thus did George 
Schmidt estabhsh the first native congregation on 
South African soil. 

But now we come to the strange part of the story. 
As soon as Schmidt began to baptize his converts, 
the Dutch clergy — holding that, in religious matters, 
South Africa belonged exclusively to the Dutch 
State Church — declared that Schmidt had robbed 
them of their monopoly ; Schmidt, however, refused 
to cease baptizing ; and the clergy, appealing to 
the Classis in Amsterdam, now accused him of three 
offences. First, they said, he had been ordained, 
not by imposition of hands, but through an ordination 
certificate sent by Zinzendorf (true) ; secondly, 
being a Herrnhuter, he was a heretic (admitted after- 
wards by the clergy to be false) ; and thirdly, he had 
baptized his converts, not in the presence of witnesses, 
but in lonely places (true in the case of Willem). 
For two years Schmidt toiled on at Bavianskloof ; 
Mar.4thj the Classis, however, condemned his baptisms as 
1744 illegal ; and, broken-hearted, Schmidt had to leave 
South Africa. Forty-one years later (August 2nd, 
1785), Schmidt died at Niesky, in Silesia. Around 
his last moments a legend gathered. As Schmidt 
belonged to a band of intercessors, and died just 
about the time when it was his turn to pray, his 
friends said that he passed to his rest with a prayer 
for South Africa on his lips ; and no story could 
have been more true to his noble character. 

Chapter X. 
LABRADOR, 1752—1804. 
1. The GovERNirENT Grant. 

As soon as the coast of Labrador became an 
integral part of the British Empire — i.e., by the Peace 
of Paris, 1763 — the British Government had to con- 
sider how to manage the Eskimos. Sir Hugh 
PalHsser, a pious man, was appointed Governor of 
Newfoundland, and the interesting feature of the 
story is that just when Sir Hugh was seeking for men, 
there was living far away, at Herrnhut, a man whose 
chief desire in life was to preach the Gospel to the 
Eskimos. He was a Dane ; his name was Jens 
Haven ; and, as he was little in stature, he came to 
be known as "Little Jens." His desire may be easily 
explained. For many years the Moravians in 
London had taken a very deep interest in Labrador ; 
in 1752 they sent John Erhardt on an exploring 
expedition, and the news that Erhardt had been 
murdered by Eskimos filled Jens Haven with zeal. For 
six years, however. Count Zinzendorf kept him waiting. 
" If you wish to preach in Labrador," he said, 
*' you must first go to Greenland and learn the 
language. The Lord will clear the way for you." 
Jens Haven obeyed. During the next four years he 1758'62 
assisted Stach in Greenland ; then, like Dober, he 
heard a strange voice in the night ; then, obedient 
to the heavenly vision, he returned to Herrnhut 
and explained his designs, and finally, he came over 
to London, consulted a Moravian named James 
Hutton, and was soon introduced by Hutton to Sir 
Hugh Pallisser him^self. 

Sir Hugh soon seized his opportunity. In flat 
defiance of popular opinion, he held that, while the 


132 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Eskimos had committed many murders, the blame 
rested, not on them alone, but largely, if not entirely, 
on the traders ; all the Eskimos needed, he said, 
was someone to teach them better ; and, therefore, 
he now not only took Jens Haven with him, but even 
issued a proclamation in his favour. Jens Haven 
went out in a double capacity. First, as an agent of 
the Government, he was to make the Eskimos loyal 
citizens ; secondly, as a Moravian missionary, he 
would preach the Gospel ; and Sir Hugh Pallisser 
made the situation clear. " As Mr. Haven has formed 
the laudable plan, not only of uniting the people 
with the English nation, but of instructing them in 
the Christian religion, I require, by virtue of the 
power delegated to me, that all men whomsoever 
it may concern lend him all the assistance in their 

With this two-fold purpose, therefore, Jens Haven 
began his campaign. The first interview took place 
Sept. 4th, in Quirpoint Harbour. As the Eskimos had often 
1764 been swindled by certain traders, Jens Haven's 
first task was to win their confidence, and, standing 
on the deck of a fishing smack, he called to some 
Eskimos paddling their kayaks : " Come over to me," 
he said, in Eskimo, " I have something to say. I 
am your friend." 

The nearest Eskimo beamed with joy. " Our 
friend is come," he cried to his mates. 

Jens Haven ran down to his cabin, donned his 
Eskimo dress, had himself rowed to the beach, 
and there met a group of Eskimos. With his Eskimo 
dress and his squat little figure, he looked like an 
Eskimo himself, and the Eskimos themselves were 
quite deceived. " You must be a countryman of 
ours," they said. 

" I am your countryman and your friend," he 
answered, and all the Eskimos beamed with pleasure. 

Labrador. 188 

For two days Jens Haven — first on an islanoand then 
on the harbour beach — fraternised with these blood- 
thirsty savages, and taking out his " Letter of 
Safe Conduct," he made the solemn and formal 
announcement that Labrador was now a British 
Colony ; that George III., King of Great Britain 
and Ireland, had authorised him, Jens Haven, to 
preach the Gospel, and that if they would promise 
to be good, and not commit any more murders, 
he would come again next year and tell them 
about the Creator who died for their sins. By 
his tact Haven broke down all suspicion. The 
chief angekok kissed him, others beat a drum 
and shouted, " Our friend has come," and the 
Eskimo women nearly squeezed him to death. 
Sir Hugh PalHsser was dehghted. Jens Haven 
told his story in London, and the English 
Moravians now decided to establish a Mission in 

For this purpose, therefore, next year (1765) the 1765 
Brethren sent out four missionaries. Sir Thomas 
Adams, a British sea captain, conveyed them on a 
man-of-war. One of the four missionaries, Drachart, 
had served already in Greenland. The man-of-war 
cast anchor at Chateau Bay, and there, in the 
presence not only of Sir Thomas, but also of Sir 
Hugh Pallisser, Drachart informed the Eskimos 
that they must be loyal subjects of George HI. 
For about two months the vessel skirted the coast, 
and all four missionaries chatted with the people. 
One night Haven and Drachart slept in an angekok's 
tent, and the Eskimos were more friendly than 
ever. " You are not Europeans," they said, " you 
do not come with guns." 

Next year (1766) a fresh force came on the field 1766 
of action. For twenty-five years, unknown to the 
general pubhc, there had existed in Fetter Lane, 

134 A History of Moravian Missions. 

London, a small Missionary Society, founded on 
March 8th, 1741, and called the " Society for the 
Furtherance of the Gospel, "f The chief member 
was James Hutton, the friend both of John Wesley 
and of Dr. Johnson, and now the members of this 
Society made a great and important change in 
their policy. In the past they had taken an interest 
, in Moravian Missions in general, and had sent no 
fewer than fifty men to various mission fields ; 
now they gave all their attention to Labrador, and 
forthwith they applied to the Board of Trade for a 
grant of one hundred thousand acres. For three 
years James Hutton bombarded Government officials 
in vain ; then, at last (May 3rd, 1769), a grant of 
144,000 acres was made, and Lord Hillsborough, 
Secretary for the American Colonies, not only 
expressed .his good wishes, but declared that, in his 
opinion, the Brethren were the only truly public 
spirited people in England. With the conscious- 
ness, therefore, that they had Government support, 
the Society for the Furtherance of the Gospel now 
undertook the Labrador Mission. In order to raise 
the necessary funds, some Brethren formed the 
" Labrador Company," and bought a little sloop, 
the Jersey Packet, and the temporary business 
1770-97 arrangement was that while the Society would pay 
the missionaries' travelling expenses, the Company 
would trade with the natives and hand over to the 
Society all profits over four per cent. 
1770 The next task, of course, was to select the site. For 

this purpose Jens Haven, Drachart, Stephen Jensen, 
and eight other Brethren now set sail on the Jersey 

tOn September 17th, 1921, the S.F.G. was incorporated as the 
" Trust Society for the Furtherance of the Gospel " (Registered 
Office, Moravian Church House, 32, Fetter Lane, London), 
and on October 16th, 1921, it was made the Trustee and Ivepre- 
Bentative of Moravian Foreign Missions in all matters of money 
and property in the United Kingdom. 

Labrador. 135 

Packet ; the vessel cast anchor at Kingspoint, in 
Eskimo Bay, i.e., about half-way up the coast, 
and there Drachart, acting both in the name of the 
Government and in the name of the S.F.G., negotiated 
with the natives for the transfer of property. 
Drachart shewed wonderful tact. Instead of seizing 
the land by force, he decided to obtain it by purchase, 
and thus the Eskimos were made to feel that they 
were being fairly treated. With a large sheet of 
paper in his hand, he went from tent to tent, taking 
down the names of the men, asking them to add their 
mark, and informing them that when the sale was 
effected the site would be defined by boundary 
stones. With this proposal the Eskimos were 
delighted. " Pay up ! Pay up I " they cried in 
glee, " if you pay you can have as much land as ever 
you like." 

"But that is not enough," said Drachart, "how do 
we know that when we settle do\N'n you will not 
kill us and steal our boats ? " 

" No ! No ! " they protested, " we will never 
steal and murder any more. We and you are 

** Very good," admitted Drachart, " but from 
whom shall we buy the land ? You have no 
landlords. I propose to give each of you a useful 
article ; your names on that sheet will witness that 
you agree ; and in years to come your children will 
read this list." 

For the future history of Labrador this conversation 
was of decisive importance. By the authority of the 
British Government, and also with the consent of the 
Eskimos, the S.F.G. became the owner of a tract of 
land, and one advantage of the arrangement was 
that any other traders who ventured near could 
be prevented from interfering. On the other hand 
the missionaries had been instructed by the Govern- 

186 A History or Moravian Missions. 

ment not to interfere with the fishing rights of men 
trading on the coast. 

On August 6th, 1770, two boundary stones were 
erected. On one was inscribed G.R. III., 1770, on the 
other U.F., 1770. The paper in Drachart's 
possession was duly signed, the Eskimos had been 
duly paid in full, and the preparations for the 
Mission were now complete. 

2. The Three Stations, 1771—1782. 

As soon, then, as the way was clear, the Mission 
began in earnest. A large party of fourteen — eleven 
men and three women — was appointed, and the 
Brethren made a systematic attempt to settle down 
among the people. For every detail of the work the 
most elaborate preparations were made. The leader 
was Christopher Brasen, a doctor ; the preachers 
were Haven and Drachart ; seven artisans — 
John Schneider, Joseph Neisser, Stephen Jensen, 
William Turner, Christian Lister, Theobald Freeh, 
and James Rhodes — were to act as handymen, 
and three ladies — the wives of Brasen, Schneider, 
and Haven — would cook and sew for the whole 
company. By this combination of talent the 
Brethren hoped to meet every possible need. The 
doctor would attend to the sick and bind up 
wounds ; the two preachers would sow the Gospel 
seed ; the artisans would build houses, manage 
stores, till gardens, and trade with the natives ; 
and the ladies, in their moments of leisure, would 
visit the Eskimos in their huts and win the confidence 
of the mothers and girls. Thus, it was hoped, 
civilisation and religion would, from the outset, 
go hand in hand. 
1771 With this two-fold purpose, therefore, the famous 

"Fourteen" set sail (May 8th, 1771). The ship 
was the second Moravian ship, the Amity. On 

Labrador. 137 

August 10th they landed in Eskimo Bay. First the 
artisans erected a palisade ; then they built 
a large house ; there all the fourteen lived together ; 
and thus Nain, the first station in Labrador, was 
established. For many years it remained the head- 
quarters of the work. 

Once more, then, as in Greenland, the Brethren 
adopted their favourite settlement policy, and 
thereby they hoped to accomplish at least four 
purposes. By opening trade with the Eskimos 
they hoped to keep other traders at a distance ; 
secondly, by means of the trade, they hoped to make 
the Mission self-supporting ; thirdly, by setting 
a good example they hoped to teach the Eskimos 
industrious habits ; and, fourthly, they even ventured 
to hope that, when Labrador became truly civilised, 
there would be a substantial improvement in the 
British fishing industry. Nor was even this the whole 
of the scheme. In order to manage the work with 
any efficiency, the Moravians, from the very outset, 
always had their own ship. Each year, in the early 
summer, i.e., when the ice had brok^, the 
Moravian ship brought tea, coffee, tinjied^^meats. 
and other needful groceries ; and then in the 
autumn, she returned to London with seal-skins, 
fox-skins, cod-liver oil and other Labrador products; 
and thus the Brethren would pay their own way, 
keep in touch with the homeland, and welcome 
fresh recruits from time to time. To all the 
missionaries in Labrador the annual visit of the ship 
was the red-letter day of the year. During the 
winter months they were entirely cut off from the 
civilised world. By means of the ship alone could 
they receive building material and food ; by means 
of the ship alone could they receive and send letters ; 
and by means of the ship alone could they hear the 
latest political or religious news. 

138 A History of Moravian Missions. 

For some years, to all appearances, this system 
worked very well. In strict accordance with their 
promises, the Eskimos abode by their agreement. 
With the trade arrangements they were perfectly 
satisfied. Each year they brought to the 
station seal-skins, fox-skins, and walrus tusks, 
and received in return such useful articles as kettles, 
lances, harpoons, and arrows. In the summer they 
pitched their tents near Nain, and lived on the 
friendliest terms with the missionaries ; and, before 
long, large numbers of them learned to make useful 
articles for themselves. And yet, on the whole, 
the results were disappointing. In appearance, 
the Eskimos had become civilised ; murders 
and thefts were now almost unknown ; and 
the consequence was that Lieutenant Curtis, 
who was sent by the Government to make 
official inquiries, was able to present a most satis- 
factory report. " Instead of meeting a herd of 
brutal savages," he wrote (1773), " you see them 
practising the duties of society; you behold gentle- 
ness and civility, where a little while ago there was 
nothing seen but ferocity and distrust. It is not 
alone by precept that they are humanised and 
improved. They see the harmony which exists 
among the teachers, and the benefits arising from 
brotherly friendship and mutual obligations are 
too striking not to be observed by them. They 
learn also to be industrious. They learn that every 
convenience that we enjoy above them is the pro- 
duction of industry. They now begin to taste 
contentment, and a hitherto unknown happiness is 
to be discovered among them." But this was 
not all that Lieutenant Curtis noticed. With the 
keen eye of a naval officer, he observed that while 
the Eskimos changed their habits, they had not the 
least desire to change their religion. " They 

Labrador. 189 

perceive," he remarked, " that the advantages 
which may accrue to them from a behef in the Gospel 
are not so immediate nor so strikingly apparent." 
For nearly thirty years, therefore, the Brethren 
worked in Labrador with hardly any spiritual success. 
By the aid of the Government they obtained two 
more tracts of land, and built two more stations — 
Okak (1778) and Hopedale (1782). But here 
again they had the same sad experience, and 
all along the coast they now observed that while 
the Eskimos became industrious they still refused, 
with a few exceptions, to accept the Gospel message. 
In 1800 the number of converts was only one 
hundred and two ; of these only a few could be 
trusted, and one of the missionaries. Christian 
Burckhardt, denounced the Eskimos as hypocrites. In 
civilisation the Eskimos had advanced, in religion 
they were as heathen as ever, and the Brethren 
wondered what the reason could be. " We are 
working," they wrote, " in a kind of twilight." 

3. TUGLAVINA, 1771-93. 

At last the Brethren solved the mystery. For 
some thirty or forty years the uncrowned King of 
Labrador was a certain high priest, or angekok, 
named Tuglavina. At the time when the Brethren 
arrived he already, unknown to them, held supreme 
authority, and being both wicked and astute, he 
contrived, while posing as their friend, to institute a 
secret reign of terror. His influence over the 
Eskimos was enormous. According to the popular 
opinion, he was in constant intercourse with 
Torngak ; by Torngak he was informed which men 
were fit to live and which to die ; and, using his 
influence, he had already caused many mysterious 
deaths. Because he was an angekok he was almost 
worshipped ; because he was a mighty hunter he 

140 A History of Moravian Missions. 

was admired ; and because he was a murderer he 
was feared. As long as this cruel monster held sway, 
most of the people feared to change their religion. 
He began by practising a fraud upon the Brethren. 
At the very time when James Hutton was conduct- 
ing his final negotiations with the Government, Sir 
Hugh Pallisser brought to England a bright young 
Eskimo woman named Mikak, and after her return 
to Labrador she became the observed of all observers. 
There she sat in a fine new tent provided by Sir 
Hugh Pallisser himself, showing the white dress, 
trimmed with lace and decked with golden stars, 
presented to her by the Dowager Princess of Wales ; 
there she narrated how she had driven through the 
streets of London and feasted on salmon at Lindsay 
House with certain Moravian Brethren ; and, airing 
her English, she smiled on her friends, and said : 
" How do you do ? " The more Tuglavina saw 
of this proud beauty, the more intensely he desired 
to marry her. With her at his side he would be 
more powerful than ever. For this cause, therefore, 
he pretended to be the Brethen's friend ; the Brethren 
agreed to the marriage, and Tuglavina bore off his 
bride in triumph. As soon, however, as he had 
secured his prize, Tuglavina appeared in his true 
colours. For twenty years, with obvious motives, 
he plotted against the Brethren. By upholding 
the old religion he was upholding his own authority ; 
that authority he was resolved to retain, 
and, therefore, aided by the other angekoks, he 
urged the people to remain true to the old Eskimo 
religion. His task was easy. At the time when the 
Brethren arrived all pious Eskimos still sincerely 
believed, not only that Torngak, the national god, 
controlled the winds and the waves, but also that 
the angekoks alone were able to gain his favour. 
They alone could address him in prayer, and obtain 

Labrador. 141 

from him the kind of weather required ; they alone 
could learn from him where the seals abounded ; they 
alone could enable the hunter to track the fox to 
his lair ; they alone could predict with certainty 
when the ice would break. To the Eskimos Torngak 
was still the best friend they had. With the aid of 
powerful Torngak they could keep body and soul 
together ; he had sent them seals in days gone 
by, and, therefore, there was no reason why they 
should change him for another god. As long as 
they could obtain food for their bodies, most of 
them cared very little about their souls, and the god 
who sent the largest seals was the god that they 

On one occasion Jens Haven was brought 
face to face with the issue. The scene was an 
Eskimo hut. On an island, outside in the bay, 
there lay a dead whale ; the time was night ; the 
hut was full of Eskimos, and the question under 
discussion was whether, during the night, the ice 
would break. If the ice held, the whale could be 
secured, if not, it would probably be washed away. 
In order to answer that question, a man now lay 
down on his back, with a bow fastened to his left 
leg. On the movement of that bow the whole issue 
depended. If it moved one way the ice would break ; 
if the other the ice would hold. With awe the 
trembling Eskimos watched, and suddenly, the bow 
began to twitch. " WTiat makes it move ? " they 
asked. "Is it Torngak, or is it Jesus ? " There, 
said the Eskimos, lay the crucial test ; the god who 
could move the bow was the god for them, and 
Tuglavina still held sway in the land because he 
could perform that sort of miracle. 

Nor was this the whole secret of his influence. In 
addition to working miracles, he pandered to the 
people's love of strong drink. Still worse, Tuglavina 

142 A History of Moravian Missions. 

corrupted the people's morals. For a few years there 
existed in Chateau Bay a small colony, or settlement, 
established by some enterprising English traders ; 
thither the cunning Tuglavina conducted excursion 
parties, and there the foolish Eskimos learned to 
smoke tobacco and drink rum. The more the 
Eskimos saw of the traders the more they despised 
the Brethren. In the Mission stations there was law 
and order ; in the colony there was fun and licence. 

" You must be economical with your food," said 
the missionaries. 

" In the south," replied the trippers, " we have as 
much to eat as we like." 

" You must keep outside the palings," said the 

"In the south," retorted the trippers, "there are 
no palings." 

" You must avoid strong drink," said the 

" In the south," said the trippers, " we can get 
rum. Ha ! Ha ! the warming rum. Rum is good 
for the native." 

By means, therefore, of these annual excursions, 
Tuglavina led his countrymen into the grossest 
iniquities. On one convert, a certain Peter, the very 
first-fruit of the Mission, Tuglavina's influence was 
disastrous. For a few years Peter set a noble 
example; then, enticed by Tuglavina, he visited 
Chateau Bay ; then he committed bigamy by 
marrying a woman and her daughter, and finally, 
his behaviour became so scandalous that Bishop 
Spangenberg, who was then at Herrnhut, rebuked 
him in a pastoral letter. On Peter the letter had not 
the least effect. " I love Brother Joseph," he 
remarked, "and I know he is telling the truth; but 
I need these women for myself and I shan't do 
without them." With most of the converts it was 

Labrador. 143 

just the same. Each man who visited the colony 
returned a rake ; most of the converts now refused 
to be called by their baptismal names ; and the poor 
Brethren were on the verge of despair. 

Still worse, Tuglavina instituted a reign of terror. 
In order to add to his own dignity, he bought a 
British officer's hat, laced coat and sword, and 
strutting about in these regimentals, he boasted of 
the enemies he had slain. On one of his trips to 
Chateau Bay he took five converts with him. One of 
these, named Moses, he shot himself, two others he had 
secretly murdered, the fourth died, he reported, 
of blood-poisoning, and only one, a woman 
named Deborah, returned to the Mission station. 
Nor was Tuglavina in the least ashamed. 

"Where is Moses ?" asked the bewildered Brethren. 

" He is lost," replied Tuglavina. 

" But where is he gone ? over the sea ? '* 

" Not he," smiled Tuglavina, " I killed him." 

'♦ Killed him I Why did you do that ? " 

" Because he was a good-for-nothing." 

By these three methods, therefore — by posing as 
an angekok, by inciting to drink and immorality, 
and by a series of murders — Tuglavina bade defiance 
to the Brethren. But even he was not beyond 
redemption. For some reason which has never been 
fully explained — perhaps because when his muscles 
grew flabby he was no longer feared and respected, 
and perhaps because all his wives deserted him and 
left him time for solitary reflection — Tuglavina, in 
his old age, became a gentler and a wiser man, and 1793 
repenting sincerely of all his abominations, he not 
only became a Christian, noted for his humiUty, 
but even rendered service as a lay preacher. 

4. The Revival, 1799—1804. 
The result was even better than the Brethren 1799-1804 

144 A History of Moravian Missions. 

hoped. For about ten years after Tuglavina's 
conversion, the Brethren noticed a slow and steady 
improvement in the general conduct of the people ; 
other angekoks followed Tuglavina's example; and 
finally, in 1804, there spread along the whole coast 
a revival which the Brethren themselves described 
as a Pentecost. Let us look at two or three typical 

The first case was that of an angekok named 
Kapick. For some years this notorious impostor 
was one of Tuglavina's most powerful agents ; on 
several occasions he had declared that if the people 
did not commit certain sins, Torngak himself would 
strike them dead; and now, one memorable night 
(November 12th, 1799) he beheld a celestial 
phenomenon which filled him with terror. The 
story must not be dismissed as a mere legend. Accord- 
ing to the Brethren themselves, there really was some- 
thing strange in the sky, and the same phenomenon 
was observed in Greenland. For several hours 
it seemed to them as though the stars were falling ; 
these stars were red-gold in colour, and appeared, 
so the Brethren said, to be about eighteen inches 
in diameter ; and Kapick, who, in the services at 
Hopedale, had heard the Brethren read the words, 
" And the stars shall fall from heaven," drew the very 
natural conclusion that the Second Coming was close 
at hand.f Forthwith, therefore, Kapick became a 
Christian ; forthwith he ran from hut to hut, preach- 
ing the Gospel with fervour; and the Brethren, 
taking the tide at the flood, distributed among the 
people copies, in the Eskimo tongue, of the Passion 

The next case was that of a sinful woman. At the 

•f Was this phenomenon merely the Aurora Borealis ? No. In 
Labrador the Aurora Borealis is a fairly common sight ; and 
this appearance in 1799 was something quite unuaual. 

Labrador. 145 

close of a service in Hopedale, this -woman, to the 
missionary's surprise, made the amazing declaration 
that she was the " wickedest " person in the country. 
In the past, like most Eskimos, she had been re- 
markably self-complacent ; now, feeling unfit for 
human society, she lay down to sleep among the 
dogs, and the missionary rightly regarded her case 
as a sign that a new spirit was at work. 

The next case was that of a man named Siksigak. 
His conduct was certainly remarkable. First, being 
tired of his wife, he took her back to her mother ; 
then, being rebuked by his own mother, he fled in 
terror to the Mission-house, and, falling down at 
the missionary's feet, exclaimed : " I'm a sinner. 
I am lost. I am going to hell." Then, acting on 
the missionary's suggestion, he restored his injured 
wife to favour, became a model husband, and 
preached the Gospel with singular power both at 
Hopedale and at Nain. 

Meanwhile, the Brethren had made a remarkable 
discovery. In addition to Tugla\4na, another 
Satanic force had, during all the thirty years, been 
at work ; that force, to state the truth bluntly, 
was sodomy in its worst forms ; and, as the people 
now abandoned this vice, the great revival became 
the means of a genuine moral revolution. In 
the past the people had been not only murderers 
and robbers, but fornicators, adulterers, and 
sodomites ; now they were learning to be both 
honest and pure, and thus they acquired new 
vigour of body and new moral ideals. For this 
reason the Great Revival was a movement of the 
highest value. It saved the Eskimos of Labrador 
from destruction. 

Chapter XI. 


As Zinzendorf pondered on the great missionary 
problem, he gradually came to the conclusion that 
while the Church of Christ was justified in sending the 
Gospel to the heathen, her first duty was to preach 
to the Jews, and speaking at a meeting in London 
(March 7th, 1743) soon after his return from North 
America, where, as he sincerely believed, he had 
discovered the Lost Ten Tribes, he solemnly declared 
that until the Jews were converted, until Christ 
Himself appeared to them and showed them His 
wounds, and until, like St. Thomas, they fell at 
His feet and adored Him as God, not a single heathen 
nation would accept the Christian religion. In 
this idea we find the key to Zinzendorf's missionary 
policy. In a few years, he said, Christ would appear 
to the Jews ; that appearance would bring about 
their conversion, and then the Jews themselves would 
become the most powerful preachers of the Gospel. 
With their aid the Christian religion would triumph ; 
without it, it could appeal only to a few. "Let us 
then," he insisted, "concentrate our attention on 
the Jews ; let us now prepare their minds for the 
coming of Christ ; and meanwhile, till that miracle 
occurs, let us possess our souls in patience." 

His ideas had not been hastily formed. During 
the previous twenty-four years he had kept in close 
touch with Jews. In 1719, e.g., he inserted 
a clause about the Jews in the rules of his " Order 
of the Mustard Seed " ; in 1720, while at his 
aunt's house at Castell, he made the acquaint- 
ance of a Jewish girl who was being prepared 


The Mission to the Jews. 147 

for baptism, and not only acted as sponsor, but 
composed a hj-mn for the occasion ; in 1721, while at 
Dresden, he appealed to the Jews of that city 
through the pages of his magazine, " The Dresden 
Socrates " ; in 1730, he preached to Jews at 
Berleborg in the Wetterau ; in 1731, he preached 
to Jews at Hermhut, and even arranged that 
all who cared to stay should receive suitable 
employment ; and further, in 1736, after he 
had been banished from Saxony, and made 
his headquarters in the Wetterau, he repeatedly 
visited the Jews who lived around Ronneburg Castle, 
ate black bread at their tables, invited the children 
to tea in his o\\'n house, had the poorest children 
taught and fed, and told them all, young and old, 
the story of the Redeemer. At last, it is said, he 1736 
had an experience which made him more enthu- 
siastic than ever. According to the author of that 
delightful book, " Zinzendorf in the Wetterau " — 
a romance based on fact — Zinzendorf, one bright 
June evening, met a certain Rabbi Abraham ; and, 
after the two had shaken hands, the Count made an 
endeavoiu" to gain his confidence. " Gray hairs," 
he said, " are a c^o^^'n of glory. I can see from your 
face and the look in your eyes that you have had 
much experience both of heart and of life. In the 
name of the God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob let 
us be friends." On the Rabbi these simple words 
had a strange effect. For the first time in his long 
life he had been addressed kindly by a Christian ; 
henceforth he and the Count were friends, and a few 
days later the Rabbi unburdened his soul. 

As the two ascended a wooded hill — one morning, 
a little before sunrise — the old man wept and wrung 
his hands, and there, before them, stood a Church, 
with a golden cross on the spire. 

" My heart," said the Rabbi, " is longing for the 

148 A History of Moravian Missions. 

dawn. I am sick, yet know not what ails me. I 
am looking for something, yet I know not what 
I seek. I am like one who is chased, yet I see no 
enemy, except the one within me, my old evil heart." 
Never had Zinzendorf been more profoundly im- 
pressed. The more he listened to the old man, the 
more convinced he became that once again he had 
found a Candace-Soul ; and speaking with the tongue 
of a poet, he told the story of Calvary. And 
meanwhile the sun had risen, and the cross was 
bathed in light. To Zinzendorf the sight was pro- 
vidential. There, on the Church spire, shone the 
sign of God's love. 

" See there, Abraham," said the Count, " a sign 
from heaven for you. The God of your fathers has 
placed the Cross before you, and now the rising 
sun from on high has tinged it with heavenly glory." 

"So be it," replied the Rabbi, " blessed be the 
Lord who has had mercy on me." 

In spite, however, of this experience, the Count 
1735^39 acted with caution. During the next three years he 
continued to study the problem, and the question 
that troubled him was how, and in what form, should 
the Gospel he preached. Step by step, he arrived at 
the solution. At a Synod held at Marienborn (1736), 
he had already informed the Brethren that he was 
1738 studying the problem ; then, just as an experiment, 
he allowed Leonard Dober to preach in the Jewish 
quarter at Amsterdam ; then he published an 
elaborate treatise, declaring that no Jew could be 
saved unless he believed both in the Deity and in the 
Atonement of Christ ; then, in a volume entitled 
" Random Gleanings," he made a fervent appeal to 
the Christian public (1739) ; and then, after meeting a 
Jew on his way home from St. Thomas, he decided 
to begin the work in earnest. On two funda- 
mental points he had now arrived at a definite 

The Mission to the Jews. 149 

decision. The first was the nature of the message, 
and that message was " Jesus is God." The second 
was the divinely appointed preacher, and that 
preacher was a learned theologian, Samuel 

For a very strange reason, however, Zinzendorf s 
scheme miscarried. Between him and Lieberkiihn 
there was a fundamental difference. For some years 
before he received his appointment to Amsterdam, 
Samuel Lieberkiihn, like the Count himself, had often 
come into close contact with Jews, and one result 
of his experience was that, while he had the deepest 
respect for Zinzendorf, he had formed his own 
ideas about the best method of preaching the Gospel. 
The difference between the men may be briefly 
stated. According to Zinzendorf, the preacher 
should begin with definite dogma, and lay all the 
stress on the Deity of Christ; according to Lieberkiihn 
this dogma, being rather offensive to the Jews, should 
at first be kept in the background, and the preacher, 
therefore, should begin, not by stating that Jesus 
was God, but by showing that He could save from 
sin. According to the Count, theology should come 
first and experience second ; according to Lieberkiihn, 
experience first and theology second ; and the 
question has often been discussed which of the two 
was in the right. Let us now see how Lieberkuhn 
applied his methods. 

For two years Lieberkiihn lived in the Jewish 1739>41 
quarter at Amsterdam. At that time the Jews on 
the continent were divided into two classes, 
Rabbinites, i.e., those who accepted the Talmud, and 
Karaites, those who rejected it, and as the Amsterdam 
Jews were Rabbinites, Lieberkiihn soon perceived 
that he would have to act with caution. As long as 
they accepted the Talmud, there was little chance 
that they would give him a hearing. In the Old 

150 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Testament, they said, God had clearly expounded the 
way of salvation ; in the Talmud the Rabbis had 
explained how that way of salvation should be 
interpreted ; and one part of the Rabbis' teaching 
was that all Christians were sinners, that Christ 
Himself was a criminal, and that even the use of His 
name polluted the lips. At the very outset, 
therefore, Lieberkiihn found himself in an 
atmosphere of bitter hostility and suspicion. Some 
of the Jews thought that he was a Jew ; others that 
he was a colporteur from Callenberg's Institutum 
Judaicum ; and others that he would libel them 
in a book. "What is this evil dog doing here?" 
they said. " He has come to learn all about us." 
But Lieberkiihn soon gained their confidence. In order 
to shew that he was their genuine friend, he attended 
the Synagogue every morning and evening, took 
lessons in Jewish law with a Rabbi, joined one 
of their benefit societies and subscribed to their 
charitable funds, and even abstained from eating 
food which they accounted unclean. He was soon a 
welcome guest in every home. The Jews nicknamed 
him " Rabbi Shmuel," and, a hundred years later, 
stories of his goodness were still repeated. His 
methods of work were as follows : — 

(1) He avoided dogmatic theology. He never 
preached that Jesus was the Creator ; never asserted, 
unless challenged, that Jesus was God ; and never 
even referred to the Holy Trinity. The more a man 
preached such dogmas, he said, the more he would 
be involved in barren discussions. " There is nothing 
more offensive to the Jews," he declared, "than the 
doctrine that Christ is God. They cannot reconcile 
it with their principle, Jehovah is our God, and 
Jehovah alone." Let the Jews, he insisted, first 
be convinced of sin ; let them turn to Christ for 
redemption ; and then, when they found that He 

The Mission to the Jews. 151 

could save, they would worship Him as God. 

(2) He did not appeal to Old Testament prophecy. 
For this policy Lieberkiihn gave a very good reason. 
In the days of the Apostles, he said, all Jews 
recognised that certain prophecies were Messianic ; 
since then, however, the Rabbis had given those 
prophecies another meaning, and, as the Rabbis 
were implicitly believed, argument on those lines 
would be useless. 

(3) He laid a great deal of stress on the self- 
consciousness of Jesus, and thereby employed the 
method afterwards elaborated by Canon Liddon.f 
Jesus, said Lieberkiihn, regarded Himself as the 
Messiah, and that fact must be taken into considera- 
tion. Did not the High Priest say to Jesus : " I 
adjure thee by the living God that thou tell us 
whether thou be the Christ, the Son of God, the Son 
of the Blessed " ? And did not Jesus answer dis- 
tinctly, " I am " ? For making that claim, said 
Lieberkiihn, Jesus was condemned to death, and 
the fact that He was willing to suffer proved at 
least that He was sincere. 

(4) He laid great stress on the Resurrection. 
*' If Jesus," he argued, " had been an evil doer, God 
would never have raised Him from the dead." 

" What difference does that make?" said a Jew. 
" What does it matter to us whether He rose from the 
dead or not?" 

"It matters everything," said another; "if the 
Resurrection is true, the whole Gospel must be true." 

By means, therefore, of purely historical arguments 
Lieberkiihn endeavoured to prove that God had 
raised Jesus from the dead. Jesus, he said, had really 
been seen, not merely, as some Jews held, by two 
hysterical women, but by the eleven Apostles and 

t " Th» Dirinity of our Lord." L«ctur* IV. 

152 A History of Moravian Missions. 

by five hundred Jews. The same argument has often 
been used in our days. It is used by A. B. Bruce in 
his "Apologetics," and by many other theologians. 

(5) Finally, like Dr. Dale in his " Living Christ 
and the Four Gospels," Lieberkiihn laid great stress 
on what he called the " Inward Witness." " We 
Brethren," he said, " are certain that Jesus lives, 
because we experience His saving power." 

Thus, by purely scientific methods — by appealing to 
undoubted facts — did Lieberkiihn deal with the Jews 
at Amsterdam ; most of his hearers loved him fondly, 
and some were half-convinced by his arguments ; 
and, personally, I incline to the opinion that if he had 
been allowed to continue his work, his efforts would 
probably have been crowned with success. 

At this point, however, a great disaster occurred. 
As Lieberkiihn still refused to preach the Deity of 
Christ, an absurd rumour spread in Moravian circles 
that he was a Unitarian, and Zinzendorf, who 
inclined to the same opinion, rebuked Lieberkiihn 
for his methods of work. He even objected to 
Lieberkiihn's statement that God had raised Jesus 
from the dead. 

" Nonsense," said the fiery Count, using the 
English word. " He died and rose of His own free 
will. He said distinctly, ' I have power to take it 
again,' and when the Apostles said that God raised 
Him up, they were mere Unitarians themselves." 

Filled, then, with these suspicions, the Count 
recalled Lieberkiihn from Amsterdam, and the Mission 
to the Jews turned out a failure — not because, as Dr. 
Dalman suggests, Zinzendorf offended the Jews 
by insisting on the Deity of Christ, but rather because, 
when he had a good man, he had not the wisdom 
to give him a fair chance. By dismissing Lieberkiihn 
from office, Zinzendorf gave the Mission to the Jews 

The Mission to the Jews. 158 

its death-blow. For the next few years he merely 
played with the project. First, he sent to Amsterdam 
a theologian after his own heart, Otto William Hasse 
(1741-3), who, being delicate, speedily died ; then 
he asked a young man and woman, David Kirchhof 
and Esther Griinbeck, to marry and settle down at 
Amsterdam ; then, soon after the wedding, he 
changed his mind, and after his return from America 
(1743) he issued a solemn proclamation to all Jews 
that in a very few years Christ Himself would appear 
in the flesh, shew the Jews His wounds, and thereby, 
in a miraculous manner, bring about their con- 
version. " Hear, O ! Israel," he announced, '* the 
voice of the God of Jacob. He will in these days 
reveal Himself to you. He will shew you the power 
and majesty of the great Messiah ! He has already 
taken the work in hand. The time is not far off. I 
kiss you in spirit ; I wait with you for the coming of 
your Redeemer."f 

His plan of campaign was now entirely altered. 
As long as Christ delayed His expected appearance, 
so long, said the Count, would further preaching to 
the Jews be useless ; and, therefore, the Brethren's 
duty was, not to preach, but to pray and wait for 
the appearance of Christ. " The time for the Jews," 
he declared, " has not yet come." 

His colleagues took him at his word. Instead of 
preaching the Gospel to the Jews, the Moravian 
Church, since then, has simply been content to 
wait and pray. In the Sunday Liturgy there is 
the prayer, " Have mercy on Thy ancient covenant 
people, the Jews ; deliver them from their blind- 
ness." In 1889 the General Synod recommended 
prayer for the Jews on, or near, the Day of Atone- 
ment, and recently the British Moravian Prayer 
Union has adopted the petition, " Bless the first- 

t "I^iwillige Nachle«e," VoL III., pp. 62 — 69. 

154 A History of Moravian Missions. 

fruits of Israel, until the fulness of the Gentiles 
be come in, and so all Israel shall be saved." 

Thus, by his autocratic conduct, did Zinzendorf 
destroy Lieberkiihn's life work. For three good 
reasons, however, Lieberkiihn's memory should be 
held in high honour : — (1) His work among the Jews 
was not an absolute failure. In a volume entitled 
" At Home and Abroad,"f there is an instructive 
story told by a modern convert, Rabbi Joseph. 
He is speaking about his grandfather, and says, " There 
came in those days some famous preacher from Zeist, 
who preached in one of the churches to convert 
our Brethren to Christianity, as you do. The 
preacher was considered by many people a converted 
Israelite, and was therefore called ' Rabbi Shmuel.' 
He exercised a magic power over all who listened to 
him, and hundreds of Jews flocked to hear him, 
and amongst them my grandfather, who, from being 
the greatest enemy to Christianity, became, to the 
great consternation of the whole congregation of the 
Israelites, its greatest defender." (2) Secondly, j 
1769 Lieberkiihn, anticipating Tischendorf, published an 
excellent " Harmony of the Gospels." This book 
was often translated, and proved of great service 
in the Mission Field, and the last part, containing 
the " Passion History," is still used in every branch 
of the Moravian Church. (3) Thirdly, Lieberkiihn, 
as a theologian, was in advance of his times. In 
order to prove that Jesus was the Messiah he appealed 
to the double evidence of history and experience, 
and most theologians will admit that his methods 
were thoroughly sound. 

fA description of the English and Continental Missions of the 
London Society for promoting Christianity amongst the Jews, 
1900, p. 89. 

Chapter XII. 

THE FLYING SCOUTS, 1734—1822. 

As long as the Lord delayed His coming to the 
Jews, Count Zinzendorf adhered to his conviction 
that no heathen nation, as such, could or would 
accept the Christian religion. The time for the 
heathen, he said, had not yet arrived, and therefore, 
instead of strengthening the causes already estab- 
lished — such as those in the West Indies, Greenland, 
and North America — he spent large sums of money 
in sending messengers in all directions in search of 
what he called Candace-Souls. His policy, though 
strange, was perfectly clear. Each nation, he 
declared, possessed a few chosen spirits in search 
of the truth ; such men he called Candace-Souls, 
and the chief business of the Church of Christ was 
to find them and gratify their aspirations. 

(1) Lapland. He began by sending three men, 1734 
Andrew Grassman, Daniel Schneider, and John 
Nitschmann, to Lapland. The three men embarked 
at Stockholm and sailed up the east coast of Sweden 
as far as Uleaborg. At this place Andrew Grassman 
met a few Lapps ; these men took him across the 
snow to Kreusano, and there the parish priest 
informed him that his parish was at least three 
hundred miles square. Further ahead, said the 
priest, there lived real heathen ; these heathen 
Andrew Grassman ^dsited, and found, to his surprise, 
that they had no vices except those which they 
had learned from so-called Christians. In 1739 
the Count sent out another expedition. His agents 
were Behr and Ostergren. For two years these 
men lived in a little market towTi about two hundred 
miles north of Tomea ; there they discovered a 


156 A History of Moravian Missions. 

wooden church, where the minister preached about 
once a year ; and further, they were correctly 
informed that Lapland, at least in theory, was 
divided into parishes. From these facts Zinzendorf 
drew his own conclusions. Lapland, he said, was 
already provided for, and no Moravian missionaries 
would be needed. 

1736 (2) The Samoyedes. On this expedition 

Zinzendorf 's agents — Andrew Grassman, John 
Schneider, and Mieksch — made a very serious 
mistake. Instead of dealing openly with the Russian 
Government, they, when taking out their passports, 
described themselves as mechanics. At St. 
Petersburg they were caught preaching, and thus 
the little fraud was discovered, and the Empress of 
Russia, Catherine XL, who was duly informed, 
not only sent them back to Herrnhut, but warned 
them that, if they repeated the offence, she would 
have them burned alive. Thus did three Moravian 
missionaries learn that deceit, even in a holy cause, 
is both a crime and a blunder. 

1736 (3) Guinea, on the West Coast of Africa. The 

two agents were Christian Protten and Henry Huckoff. 
As Protten had been born in Guinea, and could speak 
the native language, the Count naturally hoped for 
some success. Nevertheless, the expedition was a 
failure. Protten tried, but tried in vain, to open a 
school at Elmina ; Huckoff died, and Protten, 
fearing to remain alone, returned forthwith to 
Europe. At the special request, however, of the 
Guinea Company, the Brethren, soon after Zinzen- 
dorf's death, attempted to renew the enterprise. 
In 1768-9 nine Moravian missionaries landed in 
Guinea ; all nine speedily died on the spot ; and the 
Brethren, for obvious reasons, abandoned the 

The Flying Scouts. 157 

(4) Ceylon. The two agents were Dr. EUer 1739 
and David Nitschmann III. At Colombo they made 

the rather painful discovery that a certain libellous 
" Pastoral Letter," published a few years earlier in 
Amsterdam, in which the Brethren were described 
as heretics, had been greedily devoured by the 
Dutch Clergy, and now these clergy even asserted 
that the Brethren were atheists. To stay in Colombo, 
therefore, was impossible. At the Governor's sug- 
gestion, they retreated inland, settled down in a 
village named Magorugampell, and began to preach 
to the natives. Once more a simple blunder wrecked 
the cause. Instead of remaining at his post in the 
country. Dr. EUer came to Colombo to visit some 
Christian friends ; he did not realise, of course, that 
what might be permitted in Europe was a serious 
crime in Ceylon. The Dutch clergy accused him 
of sheep-stealing ; the Governor sent for both of 
the Brethren and told them to return to the natives ; 
and the Brethren, feeling grossly insulted, returned 
forthwith to Herrnhut. 

(5) Algiers. In order to prepare the way for 1739 
this enterprise. Count Zinzendorf wTote to Para\'icini, 

the Dutch Consul, explaining that his only purpose 
was to lead the slaves to Christ and teach them 
good conduct. With this letter Paravicini appears 
to have been satisfied. The chosen apostle was 
Abraham Richter. For about six months he did 
most excellent work, preaching in public on Fridays, 
visiting the slaves in their bagnios and attending to 
the sick free of charge. At this point, however, 
Algiers was visited by a pestilence ; the number of 1740 
deaths soon rose to 30,000 ; and among the victims 
was Abraham Richter himself. 

(6) Constantinople. In this enterprise Zinzendorf 1740 
had a special purpose. As the first two missionaries 

158 A History of Moravian Missions. 

to Bohemia and Moravia, Cyril and Methodius, had 
come from the Greek Church in Constantinople, 
and as, therefore, there existed a certain affinity 
between the Greek Church and the Moravian Church, 
Count Zinzendorf naturally hoped that, if he could 
enlist the sympathy of the local Patriarch, the door 
might be opened for mission-work in the East. 
Never did Zinzendorf show more practical skill. 
First, he selected as his agent a good Greek scholar, 
Arvid Gradin ; then he prepared an address to the 
Patriarch, sketching the history of the Moravian 
Church, and asking the Patriarch to intercede with 
the Holy Synod of the Greek Church in Russia ; 
and then he had the address translated into Greek 
by Arvid Gradin himself. With this document in 
his possession Arvid Gradin went to Constantinople, 
and in due time was introduced to the Patriarch. 
The interview closed as such interviews often do. 
In his manner the Patriarch was friendly, and Gradin 
reclined by his side on a couch, drank coffee, and sniffed 
a bowl of surat-smoke. With all his suave polite- 
ness, however, the Patriarch, like most ecclesiastics, 
was cautious, and, after due deliberation, he explained 
that for two reasons definite action was impossible. 
First, he was afraid of offending the Roman Catholics, 
and secondly, he was equally afraid of offending the 
Russian Government. With this disappointing 
answer Gradin returned home. 
1740 (7) Wallachia. At that time Wallachia, now 

the southern portion of Roumania, was a small 
autonomous State. As Brethren had settled here in 
former times, the Count conjectured, with some 
plausibility, that, just as in Bohemia and Moravia, 
there might still be left a " hidden seed," and his 
two agents, Andrew Jaschke and Zechariah Hirschel, 
were so warmly welcomed by the Hospodar, that 
Zinzendorf hoped, before very long, to send a larger 

The Flying Scouts. 159 

force. But the next Hospodar was hostile, and the 
project had abandoned. 

(8) The Calmucks. According to Zinzendorf 1742-8 
himself, the chief object of this expedition was, not 
to preach the Gospel, but rather to discover what 
special sins the heathen Calmucks committed. His 
first three agents — Conrad Lange, Zechariah Hirschel, 
and Michael Kund — had a most remarkable experi- 
ence. At St. Petersburg they were accused of being 
spies ; the Government, after pronouncing them 
innocent, kept them in prison five years ; and the 
Brethren, who, like St. Paul at Rome, were allowed 
to receive visitors, enjoyed the experience so much 
that they called their cell a " Hall of Grace." 

But the next expedition was far more encouraging. 1764 
In response to a special invitation from the Empress 
Catherine II., who promised complete religious 
liberty, and said that she would be delighted if all 
her heathen subjects became Christians, the Brethren, 
in 1764, sent out a large colony, and built, on the River 
Volga, a flourishing little settlement named Sarepta ; 
there they discovered a mineral spring and stationed 
a resident physician ; and so famous did Sarepta 
become that gouty grandees came from Berlin and 
Moscow. For many years Sarepta was the centre 
of Moravian work among the Calmucks. In theory, 
those Calmucks were Buddhists, and held that there 
was not much difference between their religion and 
Christianity ; in fact, like the people of Western 
Tibet, they were lama-ridden, worshipped thousands 
of Buchan, i.e., departed spirits, turned Prayer-mills, 
and believed in the transmigration of souls ; and so 
firmly did they hold their behefs that the Brethren 
baptized only one convert. For this reason, in 1800, 
the Calmuck Mission was abandoned. 

At the special request, however, of the British and 1815-'22 
Foreign Bible Society, which had a Branch at St. 

160 A Htstory of Moravian Missions. 

Petersburg, where the local Secretary, Isaac Schmidt, 
happened to be a Moravian, the Brethren made an 
attempt to renew the Mission. The Czar, 
Alexander I., supported the scheme ; two Brethren 
settled down near Sarepta, and a small congregation 
of twenty-three was formed. For seven years there 
was uninterrupted success ; then the Russian 
Government ordered the Brethren to hand their 
converts over to the Greek Church, and the Brethren, 
being compelled to obey, retired from the scene. 

1743-7 (9) Livonia. In order to prepare for this 
Mission, Zinzendorf sent Arvid Gradin to St. Peters- 
burg, with a letter to the Holy Synod. The great 
scholar had a dismal experience. For no very 
special reason the Government kept him three years 
in prison, and then, as he had committed no crime, 
allowed him to return to Germany ; and, mean- 
while, his letter to the Synod had not even been 

1747 (10) Persia. For this enterprise Zinzendorf gave 

a charming reason. As the Kurds were descended 
from the " Wise Men from the East " — so, at least, 
an Armenian Bishop informed him — the Count 
held that they had a special claim on the attention 
of the Church; and hearing that medical work was 
needed in Persia, and also that the Kurds were seeking 
a new religion, he now sent out two qualified medical 
men, Hocker and Riiffer. The two doctors had a 
series of strange adventures. At Aleppo, after attend- 
ing the English Church, they slept in a billiard-room, 
and sang evening hymns on the house-roof. At 
Bagdad they were entertained by Carmelite priests. 
At a lonely spot beyond Bagdad they were attacked 
and robbed by highwaymen. But at Ispahan, the 
Persian capital, they met with marvellous kindness. 
The British Consul supplied them with money ; the 

The Flying Scouts. 161 

Jesuits, the Dominicans and the Carmelites brought 
them clothing ; and the British Ambassador tried to 
obtain them compensation for their losses. For one 
simple reason, however, the two Doctors never dis- 
covered the Kurds. The country was in a state of 
civil war, and the road to Kirman, where the 
Kurds lived, was blocked. Soon afterwards Riiffer 
died in Egypt. 

(11) Abyssinia. Once more the Count was in 1752 
search of Candace -Souls. As the Coptic Church was 
said to be fairly pure, Zinzendorf had a vague idea 
that a good medical man would be sufficient. His 
agent was Dr. Hocker. For about a year Dr. Hocker 
resided in Cairo, studying Arabic, and then, having 
mastered the language, he called on the Patriarch, 
presented his credentials, and asked the Patriarch to 
sanction his Mission to the Copts. But the Patriarch, 
though very polite, made no definite promise. In- 
stead of giving Hocker the letter which he required, 
he composed a solemn non-committal epistle, and 
Hocker, seeing how the land lay, sought, like Gradin, 
for assistance at Constantinople. For one moment 
there was a gleam of hope. With the aid of the 
British Ambassador, Hocker obtained from the 
Grand Vizier a letter of introduction to the Prime 
Minister of Abyssinia. With this letter he now re- 
turned to Cairo ; there, to his dismay, he learned that, 
as the King of Abyssinia had just died, his letter was 
waste paper; and feeling that further efforts were 
useless he returned to Herrnhut. In spite, however, 
of this failure. Count Zinzendorf next year sent out 
another expedition. His agents now were Dr. Hocker, 1756 
George Pilder, and Henry Cossart. At Cairo, Pilder 
and Cossart dined with the Bishop of Libya, and then, 
for some unknown reason, Cossart returned to 
Herrnhut. The other two Brethren had an interest- 
ing adventure. As they sailed along the eastern 

162 A History of Moravian Missions. 

shore of the Red Sea, on their way from Suez to 
Jedda, a seaport due west of Mecca, the ship 
foundered in a storm. For nineteen days Hocker 
and Pilder Hved on the barren island of Hassan, 
off the coast of Arabia. At Jedda, Dr. Hocker 
received an invitation to pay a professional visit 
to the Prime Minister of Abyssinia, who, he was told, 
suffered from boils on the face. For three cogent 
reasons, however, Dr. Hocker declined the invitation. 
He had lost his medicine-chest ; his friend Pilder was 
ill ; and the Lot, when consulted, answered " No." 
And thus, when success was possible, the Brethren 
returned home. 
1768 For the third time, however, after Zinzendorfs 

death. Dr. Hocker visited Egypt, lodging this time 
with a French chemist at Cairo. His chief colleagues 
were John Danke, a cabinet-maker, John Antes, a 
watch-maker, Dr. Roller, another physician, Weiniger, 
a tailor, and Herrmann, a carpenter ; and the curious 
feature of the story is that all the seven Brethren 
passed as Englishmen. Dr. Hocker was known as the 
English doctor ; John Danke, who was born in 
Hanover, boldly described himself as an English 
subject, t and John Antes was really an English- 
man, born in North America. From the com- 
mercial point of view this was a great advantage. 
The mere fact that the Brethren were English was 
taken as a proof that they were good workmen. 
"The English," said a Turk, "are an honest people ; 
their yea is yea, and their nay, nay ; but you Copts 
are false, and while your words are sweet your hearts 
are bitter." For this simple reason, therefore, the 
Brethren at Cairo prospered greatly in business. 
Dr. Hocker was often summoned to attend high 
officials ; John Danke was asked to make gun- 

•)■ Danke was perfectly honest. Hanover was then regarded as an 
English Colony, 

The Flying Scouts. 168 

carriages ; and judging by one of Herrmann's letters, 
the Brethren Hved in comfort. The French bakers, 
he reported, made dehcious wheat bread ; meat, 
poultry, butter, honey, milk, and fruit abounded ; 
and sometimes the Brethren drank, not only Nile- 
water, but a little wine. 

On the other hand, the Brethren at Cairo were 
often exposed to great danger. During the whole 
of this period there was no stable government 
in Egypt. The chief officials were certain Turkish 
Beys ; murders and highway robberies were common ; 
and the main object of the officials was to line 
their own pockets. The most terrible experience 
was that of John Antes. For the crime of refusing 
to hand over money to a highwayman, he was 
haled before a Bey, accused of being a thief, taken 
to a castle, laid face downwards on the carpet, 
bound round the ankles by means of a chain and a 
stick, and bastinadoed so severely that the whip, 
which was made of horse-skin, felt like a red-hot iron. 
The scene was a torch-lighted room, several 
spectators were present, and John Antes gave 
himself up for lost. In his own narrative Antes 
says that the appointed number of blows in such 
cases was generally 2,000 ; that after 600 blows the 
ears began to bleed, and that victims frequently 
died of exhaustion. 

" Gold ! gold ! " whispered an officer. " Give the 
Bey gold, and you will be free." 

" I have no gold," said Antes. 

" But what have you got at home ? " demanded 
the Bey. 

" Nothing but a musket," said Antes. 

" Hit the dog again," roared the Bey. 

At last, however, an officer intervened ; Antes was 
seated on a donkey and taken home ; and, after 
three years, the swelling on his feet disappeared. 

164 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Meanwhile, the Brethren's work in Egypt was of 
an unusual nature. f Instead of trying to extend the 
Moravian Church, or turn Copts into Moravians, the 
Brethren themselves attended the Coptic Churches, 
called on Coptic priests, chatted in a friendly manner 
on religious topics, and endeavoured to do good, 
not by public preaching, but by shewing the people 
that man is saved, not by good works or ceremonies, 
but by a living faith in the crucified Christ. For a 
few years the Brethren were very popular. Dr. 
Hocker exerted a wide influence by translating 
Zinzendorf's Berlin Discourses into Arabic ; Danke 
hired a room at Behnesse, a town further up the 
Nile, and there interviewed ardent seekers after truth ; 
and some Coptic priests declared that such charming 
men as the Brethren they had never met before. 
Among the Brethren's chief supporters were Ibrahim, 
a Coptic priest of high rank, and Michael Baschera, 
a Turkish official ; Danke even lodged for some 
days in the house of a friendly Turk ; and though, 
in one sense, the Brethren gained no converts, they 
do seem to have exercised a certain evangelical 
influence in the Coptic Church as a whole. With 
1783 such results they had to rest content. At length 
however, fierce opposition arose, and the Brethren 
were denounced as intruders ; and, not wishing to 
create trouble, they retired from the scene. 

1768 (12) The Tartars. In 1768, two Brethren, 

Gralisch and Gruhl, crossed the Caucasus, visited 
the Tartars at Inleesha, and inquired whether 
among them there still survived any members of the 
" Hidden Seed." The answer was in the negative. 
All the Tartars were Mahometans, and Mahometans 
they intended to remain. 

1768ol803 (13) The Coromandel Coast. For the long 

■j-For details 3ee J, W. Davey'a articles.. Per. Aces. 1904. 

The Flying Scouts. 165 

period of thirty-six years the Brethren, with the full 
approval of the Danish Government, conducted a 
wonderful " Garden " at Tranquebar ; there no 
fewer than forty missionaries died in the service ; 
and the Brethren finally abandoned the cause, not 
because they lost heart, but because they were not 
allowed by the local clergy to preach to the heathen 
in the neighbourhood. 

(14) The Nicobar Islands. The chief worker 1768-87 
here was John Gotfried Hansel (1779-87). For 

the special delectation of William Wilberforce, this 
man, in his old age, wrote a delightful book, entitled 
" Letters on the Nicobar Islands," and therein 
he explained fully why the Brethren had to abandon 
the cause. First, they were often on the verge of 
starvation, and had nothing better to eat than 
swallows' nests ; secondly, they suffered from diseases 
of the liver ; thirdly, they died in large numbers — 
twenty-four in a few years — from fever ; and fourthly, 
they never succeeded in learning the native language. 

(15) Bengal. For the following reasons this 1777-1803 
Mission also ended in complete failure : — (1) because 

the missionaries had to earn their own living, and 
had, therefore, little time for preaching ; (2) because 
the other Christians belonged either to the Greek 
Church or to the Church of Rome, and, for ob\aous 
reasons, opposed the Brethren ; (3) because, on 
account of the caste system, they had little chance 
of coming into close touch with the natives. 

For the policy described in this chapter, Zinzendorf 
was sometimes severely criticised, and some of his 
enemies pointed out that, in these apparently vain 
enterprises, he had sacrificed, not only large sums of 
money, but also many valuable lives. But to all 
such criticism he gave the same answer. He did 
not estimate success by numbers. " If a missionary 

166 A History of Moravian Missions. 

travels a thousand miles," he said, " and gains only 
one convert on the journey, his efforts have not been 
in vain." 

The Death Rate. 
In the eighteenth century the death rate among 
the Moravian missionaries was very high, and all 
honour should be given to the men who were so 
ready to fill the gaps. The most striking examples 
of this high death rate are : — 

(1) St. Thomas, 160 deaths in 50 years (1732-82). 

(2) St. Croix, 22 deaths in 2 years (1733-5). 

(3) Surinam, 50 missionaries died within a year 

after their arrival. 

(4) Tranquebar and Nicobar Islands, 46 deaths 

in 37 years. 

Nor was this high death rate confined entirely to 
the eighteenth century. In the British West Indies, 
in 1835, there were 10 deaths in one year ; and in 
Surinam, in 1851-2, 14 missionaries died in 10 months. 

Chapter XIII. 



As long as the Count had a breath in his body, 
his zeal for Foreign Missions burned with a pure and 
steady flame. At the time when he was banished 
from Saxony (1736) he announced that the chief 
duty of the Moravian Church was to proclaim the 
Saviour to the world ; on another occasion he said 
" The earth is the Lord's ; all souls are His, I am 
debtor to all '* ; and holding firmly to this sublime 
ideal, he acted, during twenty-eight years (1732-60), 
not only as the general manager, but also as the 
teacher, as the politician, and as the poet of the whole 

1. The General Manager. 
The position occupied by Zinzendorf was remark- 
able. In order to understand the situation, we must 
remember that, during the whole of this period, the 
Renewed Moravian Church had no fixed con- 
stitution ; no constitution was formed, m fact, 
till four years after his death ; and the natural and 
inevitable consequence was that, while Zinzendorf 
summoned his colleagues to Synods and Conferences, 
at which Foreign Mission problems were discussed, 
yet, by the mere force of his genius, he exercised such 
a commanding influence that his designs were nearly 
always accepted. On this point the leading Moravian 
historians are agreed. Dr. J. T. Miiller says that, 
after a Synod at Hirschberg (1743), his position 
in the Church was dictatorial;! Guido Burkhardt 
calls him an absolute monarch;* E. W. Croger says 

fArticIe on Zinzendorf in " Hauck'a Real-Encyclopsedie," p. 694. 
* •' Zinzendorf und die Brfldergemeine," p. 127. 


168 A History of Moravian Missions. 

that at the Synods Zinzendorf s influence was 
overwhelming ;t and Gerhard Reichel, in his " Life 
of Spangenberg," says that not even the Lot was able 
to deprive Zinzendorf's sovranty of its absolute per- 
sonal character.* With these views I agree. By 
nature Zinzendorf was an autocrat, and, as long as he 
held sway, constitutional government was impossible. 
For two years, it is true, there existed a governing 
body called the General Conference, appointed by 
a Synod held in London (September, 1741) ; two 
years later, however, Zinzendorf himself, on his 
own authority, dissolved this Conference, just as 
Oliver Cromwell dissolved the Long Parliament ; 
and henceforward his rule was almost entirely un- 
disputed. At the Synods he himself generally 
presided. By him, and him alone, they were 
generally summoned ; by him most of the speaking 
was done ; and the clear impression produced 
by the minutes is that though Zinzendorf, in some 
cases, allowed his colleagues to vote, he may be truly 
compared, not to the Speaker of the House of 
Commons, but rather to a general instructing his 
officers. J 

Let us now see how he exercised his authority. 
His first move was of fundamental importance. At 

f'Geschichte der Emeuertcn Briidcrkirche," Part I., p. 311. 

♦"August Gottlieb Spangenberg," 1906, p. 207. 

JFor a slightly different view of Zinzendorf's authority see 
Moravian Almanac (1909) Appendix, p. 118. The writer, 
Rev. J. N. Libbey, M. A., sayi : " Like everything else in the 
early years of the Renewed Church, the Synod is dominated by 
the perBonality of Zinzendorf. When he was present he always 
presided. It was he who called his fellow-workera together to 
a Synod like a commander calling a Council of War. Ho took 
a large part in the discussions, trying to avoid taking re- 
solutions by vote, and seeking to reach unanimity in his 
summing up. Hence the records of Synods sometimes read 
almost like Homilies of Zinzendorf on Church Principles and 
Practice, and perhaps, in giving prominence to his weighty 
utterances, scarcely do justice to the share in the discussion 
taken by others," 


an early period Zinzendorf realised that, in colonies 
belonging to other countries, no missionary would be 
recognised by the Government unless he was 
ordained. For this purpose, therefore, on March 
13th, 1735, he had his friend David Nitschmann, the 
carpenter, consecrated a Bishop by Bishop Daniel 
Ernest Jablonsky. In the certificate Nitschmann 
was described as " Bishop of the Foreign Con- 
gregations," and his chief function was to ordain 
foreign missionaries. During the next few years, 
therefore, most of the leading missionaries — such 
as Frederick Martin, George Schmidt, Matthew 
Stach, and David Zeisberger — were ordained; 
being ordained they could baptize and conduct 
the Holy Communion; and thus, in the most 
important fields, the work was placed on a 
firm ecclesiastical basis. But this change in 
the status of the men must not mislead us. 
The mere fact that a man was ordained did 
not mean that he was any the less under 
Zinzendorf's authority. 

In 1737 he himself was consecrated a Bishop ; 
in 1743 he was appointed " Fully Authorized 
Servant;" and acting in this double capacity, 
he gathered round him a body of chosen 
disciples — called first the Pilgrim Band, and later the 
Disciples' House — employed them as confidential 
clerks, and, through them, managed the whole enter- 
prise. With the aid of these clerks he kept in 
personal touch with all the missionaries. According 
to his own estimate, he spent about £28 a year in 
foreign correspondence ; he had often, he said, one 
hundred and fifty letters in his desk awaiting an 
immediate answer ; and his own letters had the force 
of commands. On several important occasions, 
also, he appointed and sent out men to pay official 
visitations. In 1786, for example, he sent Spangen- 

170 A History of Moravian Missions. 

berg to St. Thomas ; in 1739 he visited St. Thomas 
himself ; and then, in due course, he sent Andrew 
Grassman to Greenland (1740), David Nitschmann 
to St. Thomas (1742), Christian Henry Rauch to 
the West Indies (1745), John de Watteville to North 
xlmerica (1749), the West Indies (1749), and Green- 
land (1752), Seidel to the West Indies (1753), Rauch 
to the West Indies (1755), Seidel to Rerbice and 
Surinam (1755), and finally Seidel again to the West 
Indies (1759). To this absolute authority on his 
part, Zinzendorf allowed only one exception. For 
eighteen years (1744-62) Spangenberg and his 
colleagues at Rethlehem had the oversight, not only 
of North America, but also of the West Indies, Rerbice 
and Surinam. Rut even here the Count was the 
ultimate authority. He himself had appointed 
both Spangenberg and his colleagues ; on one 
occasion he even sent Watteville to supervise 
Spangenberg ; and thus, even in North America, 
he was the dominating force. During Zinzendorf's 
lifetime, therefore, there was no such thing 
in the Moravian Church as constitutional govern- 

Nor was this the full measure of the Count's 
authority. In addition to appointing the inspectors, 
he also appointed the missionaries, and no candidate 
could be accepted without his permission. On 
such occasions the scene at Herrnhut was both 
impressive and inspiring. At the president's table 
sat the Count as examiner ; on his left hand sat the 
Rrethren and on his right the Sisters, wearing their 
snow-white caps ; and there, in the presence of 
many witnesses, the candidate for missionary service 
made his confession of faith. In his right hand 
the Count held a sheet of questions ; to these 
questions the candidate read his replies ; and one 
case — that of Dr. Regnier, a medical missionary in 




Surinam— may serve as a typical example : — 

1. What are your religious beliefs ? 

A. I build my hopes of salvation on the risen 

2. What makes you think you are called to this 

work ? 
A. I have long felt an inward call to preach the 
Gospel to others. 

3. Where do you desire to go ? 

A. When the elders mentioned Surinam I felt 
that that was the very place designed for 
me by Christ. 

4. What do you intend to do there ? 

A. I will do my best to earn my living and bring 
sinners to Christ. 

5. How do you intend to get there ? 

A. I shall simply trust to Christ to shew me the 

6. How long do you intend to stay there ? 

A. I shall stay there either till I die or till the 
elders call me to another field. 

7. How do you propose to treat your wife ? 

A. I will love her with all my heart ; but I shall 
not allow my love for her to interfere with 
my work. 

8. How will you treat the Brethren already 

there ? 
A. I will cherish them as though they were my 
own children. 

9. How will you treat the congregation you are 

leaving ? 
A. I will honour and obey Herrnhut as my 

spiritual mother. 
10. How will you behave if you have to wait a 

long time before you go ? 
A. If I have to wait for a ship, I shall simply 

regard the delay as the will of the Lord. 

172 A History of Moravian Missions. 

In his choice of men Zinzendorf was very broad- 
minded. As long as the man possessed a noble 
soul, and gave evidence that he was sound in the 
faith, Zinzendorf did not care very much whether 
he was learned or ignorant. For some special 
tasks, of course, he selected scholars such as 
Arvid Gradin, Solomon Schumann, and Drs. Hocker, 
Eller, and Regnier ; most, however, of the missionaries 
were artisans ; and once, after hearing of the death 
of the learned teacher, Albin Feder, the Count 
said : "It looks as though God did not want 
any more scholars." In one sense, however, all 
his men were alike. Each was a free-will agent ; 
each was willing to earn his own living, and serve 
the cause without pay ; and each was ready, even 
at the risk of his life, to render Zinzendorf implicit 
obedience. The Church did not even provide for the 
whole of the travelling expenses. For many years 
the rule was that while the Church would pay the 
expenses as far as the nearest seaport, the missionary 
worked his passage on the ship. Most of the early 
missionaries did the first part of the journey on foot ; 
frequently they slept in the open air, and some 
hired themselves out as boatmen and worked their 
passage down the Rhine. 

Let us now examine the causes of this grand 
spirit. The first was the Brethren's belief in the 
Lot ; the second was their belief in the Moravian 
Text Book ; and each belief w^as simply a form of 
their belief in God. For the first belief Zinzendorf 
was chiefly responsible. On no theological doctrine 
did he express more decided opinions. To doubt 
his own judgment was possible ; to doubt the Lot 
was impossible ; and whether his theory was true or 
false, it was at least logical. Zinzendorf firmly 
believed in answers to prayer. By consulting the 
Lot, he said, he was simply asking God for guidance ; 


such prayers God had promised to answer ; and 
acting on this simple principle, the Count carried 
his Lot-apparatus, a little green book, in his waist- 
coat pocket. " To me," he wrote to his friend 
Spangenberg, " the Lot and the Will of God are 
one and the same thing. I would rather trust an 
innocent piece of paper than my own excited feelings." 
At every serious crisis, therefore, Zinzendorf turned 
to the Lot for guidance. His theory was perfectly 
consistent. Christ, he said, was the only true Head of 
the Church ; Christ had His own missionary "plan"; 
and Christ revealed that " plan " to His servants 
by means of the Lot. Christ, said the Count, by 
this means, was giving him and his colleagues in- 
fallible guidance. Christ had sent him to Copen- 
hagen ; Christ ordered him to visit St. Thomas ; 
Christ forbade him to visit St. Croix ; Christ selected 
Leonard Dober as the first Moravian missionary ; 
Christ sanctioned the consecration of David Nitsch- 
mann as a Bishop. With this faith Zinzendorf 
inspired his soldiers. " You must never," he wrote 
to Matthew Stach, " take a single step without con- 
sulting the Lot." On the men themselves the effect 
was wonderful. With this simple faith in their 
hearts they could face any fate. 

For the other cause, the Moravian Text Book, 
Zinzendorf was equally responsible. In 1727 he 
adopted the practice of giving the refugees a 
daily watchword from the Bible ; in 1731, for the 
first time, an annual volume of such watch- 
words was published, and just as the missionaries 
believed in the Lot, so they also believed that 
in the Text Book Christ was giving to each 
of them a special message for the day. Let three 
examples illustrate the point. On December 13th, 
1732, Dober and Nitschmann landed in St. Thomas, 
and the text was " The Lord mustereth the host of 

174 A History of Moravian Missions. 

battle" ; on April 10th, 1733, the Caritas sailed for 
Greenland, and the text was " Faith is the substance 
of things hoped for, the evidence of things not 
seen " ; and on the day when he reached the Sweet- 
Milk Valley, George Schmidt acted on the text, 
" Enlarge the place of thy tents." 

2. The Teacher. 

But Zinzendorf was far more than a manager. 
He was also a systematic teacher of method. For 
some years before the Moravian Missions began, 
Zinzendorf had made a close study of the chief 
missionary methods employed both by Francke's 
three men in Tranquebar, and by Egede in Greenland ; 
with some of those methods he disagreed; and writing 
on April 12th, 1732, to an English missionary — 
probably a member of the S.P.G. — he made the first 
written statement of his opinions. In three ways, said 
Zinzendorf, previous missionaries had blundered, 
and the Englishman was now given good advice. 
" First," he said, " you must never try to lord it 
over the heathen, but rather humble yourself among 
them, and earn their esteem through the power of 
the spirit. I have been informed by a missionary's 
wife that the missionaries would not associate with 
the heathen, but regarded them as mere slaves. Our 
Lord never talked like that. Secondly, you must 
say nothing about the Creation and the Fall, but 
come at once to your point, and preach the Crucified 
Christ. Thirdly, you are not to aim at the con- 
version of whole nations to your particular form of 
Christianity. You must simply look out for seekers 
after the truth, who, like the Ethiopian eunuch, 
seem ready to welcome the Gospel. I am quite 
disgusted when I hear that the heathen are made 
into mere sectarians, that particular Churches are 
held up for their admiration, and that they are 


actually asked to say to which Church they belong." 
In that letter we find the key to all Zinzendorf's 
missionary principles. Leonard Dober received 
similar instructions, and then, for the benefit of other 
Moravian missionaries, the Count issued the follow- 
ing missionary manuals : — 

(1) Instructions for George Schmidt, 1736. 

(2) Instructions for Missionaries to the East, 


(3) Letter to the Brethren in Greenland, 1738. 

(4) Instructions to all Missionaries, 1738. 

(5) Homily for Apostles to the Heathen, 1739. 

(6) Plan of a Catechism for the Heathen, 1740. 

(7) The Right Way to Convert the Heathen, 


(8) Instructions to Lange concerning his journey 

to China, 1741. 

(9) Instructions for the Missionaries in Greenland, 


(10) Instructions to the Missionary among the 

Christian Slaves in Algiers, 1746. 

(11) Instructions for the Brethren in Surinam, 


(12) Instructions for Grabenstein, Zander, and 

Dahne in Surinam, 1756. 

(13) Instructions to Stahlmann, 1758. 

(14) Homily for all Missionaries to Tranquebar, 


Let us now see how, in these pamphlets, Zinzendorf 
worked out his three main points, and then we shall 
understand his importance as a missionary pioneer. 

(1) Personal Conduct. For his views on this topic 
the Count had a special reason. At that time there 
was a comforting delusion in certain cultured con- 
tinental circles that, the heathen being like innocent 
children, the more they were left to themselves 

176 A History of Moravian Missions. 

the better, and knowing how false this doctrine 
was — knowing, i.e., that the Eskimos were scoffers, 
that the Indians drank, that the Negroes were 
immoral, and that the Bush Negroes poisoned 
each other — Zinzendorf informed his men that 
nothing but the force of personal example could 
raise such wretches from the mire. By nature, 
he said, all heathen are weak. Bad example would 
ruin them ; only good example could save them. 
" Let them once taste European vices," he said, 
" and they will rush headlong to perdition." For 
this reason he set before the missionaries certain 
high moral ideals : — (a) The first duty of every 
missionary was to earn his own living. By earning 
his own living he could not only save the Church 
funds, but also teach the natives the dignity of 
labour ; on the other hand, he must not seek large 
profits, but be content with the bare necessaries of 
life ; and having provided himself with food and 
clothing, he must devote the rest of his time to the 
heathen. On this point he wrote a blunt letter to 
George Schmidt. " If you take a penny more than 
you need," he said, " I will dismiss you from the 
service." No missionary might demand any luxuries, 
and no missionary might accept any presents. f 
(b) Secondly, the Brethren must be obedient, not 
only to their ecclesiastical superiors, but to the 
secular government. The Count had here a two- 
fold problem to solve. On the one hand he tried to 
win the goodwill of the various governments under 
which the Brethren lived ; on the other hand, having 
done this, he taught his men to be law-abiding 
citizens. In the first of these efforts he was fairly 
successful. In the Danish West Indies, he had the 
Brethren's work recognised by Frederick VI., King 

t Thia rule was not always observed. Frederick Martin, when 
in sore straits, accepted presents from his friend Carstens. 


of Denmark ; in Greenland, by Frederick V. ; in 
Surinam, by the Dutch India Company ; and in 
South Africa, for a time, by the Chamber of Seven- 
teen. But his greatest success was achieved in the 
British Colonies. On May 12th, 1749, an Act of 
Parliament was passed conferring on the Brethren 
certain privileges in all British Dominions. The 
Moravian Church was officially recognised as an 
ancient Protestant Episcopal Church, and hence- 
forth all Moravians were exempted, both from taking 
the oath and from bearing arms.f On the Brethren 
themselves the Count always enjoined loyalty. 
" You are not," he said, " to work against the police, 
or regard the government with suspicion. Do not," 
he added, " interfere between employer and employed ; 
do not play any part in party poUtics, but teach 
the heathen, by your example, to fear God and 
honour the King." (c) Again, said the Count, the 
missionaries must be careful in their treatment of 
the heathen. " The right way with savages," he 
said in his " Natural Reflections," " is this : you must 
set them such a dazzling example that they cannot 
help asking who made these delightful characters." 
"Let the people," he said, in another pamphlet, " see 
what sort of men you are ; let them hear you pray 
and sing ; and then they will be forced to ask, ' Who 
makes such men as these ? ' " George Schmidt 
received the same kind of advice. " You must 
labour with your hands," said the Count, " until 
you have won the love of the people." By such 
methods, more than by preaching, would the heathen 
be conformed to the image of Christ, (d) Above 
all, said the Count, the Brethren must be content 
to suffer, to die and to be forgotten. No missionary 

fThis privilege has not recently been claimed. In the Great War 
the English Moravians enlisted from the outset, and several 
gained the M.C. and other distinctions. 

178 A History of Moravian Missions. 

must ever seek the praise of man, and still less must 
he desire to become immortalised in print. To that 
rule the Count himself held firm. He was not a good 
story-teller himself, f and he did not encourage the 
gift in others. As long as Zinzendorf trod this earth 
not a single missionary biography was published ; the 
only records that saw the light were a few extracts 
from diaries, and most of these were not printed, 
but copied out by Zinzendorf's clerks, to be read at 
missionary meetings. Thus did Zinzendorf, in his 
"Instructions," demand self-denial to the uttermost. 
Nor was even this the highest ideal that Zinzendorf 
placed before his warriors. No matter what trials 
they encountered, he would not allow them to be 
down-hearted. In one of his speeches he com- 
plained that some of the early missionaries suffered 
from what he called the " English Malady," i.e., 
melancholia ; and such men, in his opinion, were not 
fit for the service.* 

2. Theology. In theology Zinzendorf introduced, 
not exactly a change of doctrine, but rather a change 
in order or method. Previous missionaries had failed, 
he said, not because they taught erroneous doctrine, 
but because they began at the wrong end. First 
they spoke of God, then they narrated the Fall, 
and then they preached Christ. Count Zinzendorf 
reversed the process. Others began with God 
and ended with Christ ; he began with Christ 
and ended with God. " What is it," he said 
to Leonard Dober, " that the heathen know already ? 
They know that there is a God (Rom. i., 19, 20), 
and, therefore, the man who tells them of God is 
simply wasting his time. What is it that they do not 
know ? They do not know that Jesus Christ came 
into the world to save sinners, and, therefore, the 

fHe knew it. " I have no gift for narrative."— Speech in London, 1743. 
*Por the " E.iglish Malady " see Bosivell's Johnson, Anno 1728. 


missionary must always begin with the Gospel 
message. How is it that missionaries have failed 
in the past ? They have failed because, instead of 
preaching Christ, they have given lectures on 
theology." In one of his official pamphlets he 
repeated this point. " You must never be deceived 
by the notion," he said, " that before you tell them 
of Christ you must first tell them of God. The idea 
is false. They know already that there is a God. 
They do not, however, know Christ ; they do not 
know that He alone can save them ; and that, 
therefore, is what they must be told." At the same 
time Zinzendorf always insisted that, while the 
missionaries must preach Christ first, they must 
also make it clear to the heathen that Christ and 
God were two different names for the same person. In 
theory he was opposed to dogma, and condemned the 
old dogmatic methods ; in fact, like most reformers, 
he was a dogmatist himself; and, believing that the 
Augsburg Confession was inspired, he insisted that 
the Brethren must preach Christ, not merely as 
Redeemer, but also as God manifest in the flesh and 
Creator of all things. " You must tell the heathen," 
he said, " that Jesus Christ is truly God, begotten 
of the Father in eternity." For the use of all 
missionaries he prepared a " Catechism for the 
Heathen," and in this catechism he expounded the 
main principles of his own theology. The most 
important questions were as follows : — 

Q. Who made men and women ? 

A. The Lord God. 

Q. What do you call Him ? 

A. Jesus Christ. 

Q. Do those words mean anything ? 
A. Yes. 

180 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Q. What, then ? 

A. Jesus means Redeemer and Christ means 

Q. How did He obtain these names ? 
A. That is a special story. 

In the next section the candidate was informed how 
man had been ruined by the Fall ; how God, in 
order to save him, became a man, was crucified, 
rose and ascended ; and how all converts must be 
baptized in the name of the Father, the Son, and the 
Holy Ghost. Thus was the candidate led by degrees 
to the doctrine of the Holy Trinity. 

Q. Who are these three ? 
A. The first is the Father of the Lord Jesus. 
Q. But who is He ? 

A. I cannot possibly tell you. He is so high that 
I cannot attain to Him. 

Q. But how shall I learn to know Him ? 
A. The Lord Jesus will teach you Himself when 
His Father becomes your Father. 

Q. Who is the Holy Ghost ? 

A. He is God's Helper. He is also master of 
the baptized, and teaches them to pray. 

Q. Why must I be baptized with water ? 

A. The blood of Jesus Christ, shed for you, is 

invisibly there and cleanses your heart 

from sin and guilt. 

But now we come to a still more important point. 
In 1734 Zinzendorf made his already mentioned 
great theological discovery. One day, so he tells 
us, he was burning some waste paper ; one slip con- 
tained the words : " Oh ! Let us in Thy nail-prints 
see our pardon and election free " ; and taking those 


words as a heavenly message, he discovered that 
God could be known to man only through the 
Suffering Christ. During the next twenty-six years 
Zinzendorf laid stress on what he called his " Blood 
and Wounds Theology " ; and this theology was 
now preached by the missionaries. In the past 
they had preached abstract doctrine ; henceforward 
their sermons were in the form of a narrative. In the 
past they had expounded theology ; henceforward 
they told the story of the Scourging, the Crown of 
Thorns, the Nail-prints, and the Wounded Side ; 
and the records of such men as John Beck, Gottlieb 
Israel, Rauch, Schumann, and Stoll, prove that this 
picturesque mode of preaching appealed with con- 
vincing force to the heathen mind. By means of 
the old method only few converts were gained ; 
by means of the second many thousands. 

3. The Politician. 

Let me now endeavour to expound the Count's 
missionary policy. His main purpose was both 
unique and original. At the time when he sent 
Leonard Dober to St. Thomas the three chief 
missionary agencies in the world were the Anglican 
S.P.G. (Society for the Propagation of the Gospel 
in Foreign Parts, founded 1700), the Danish 
College of Missions, and the Dutch East India 
Company ; each of these bodies had done genuine 
missionary work, and the difference between them 
and Zinzendorf was that, while they endeavoured 
to establish State churches, Zinzendorf was entirely 
free from any such motive. For what purpose, 
e.g., did the S.P.G. exist ? Chiefly, though not 
exclusively, to minister to the spiritual needs of 
English settlers in English colonies. For what 
purpose was the Danish College of Missions founded ? 
To establish a branch of the Danish State Church in 

182 A History of Moravian Missions. 

the Danish colonies. For what purpose, besides 
business, was the Dutch East India Company formed ? 
To estabHsh the '* true Reformed Religion," i.e., 
the Dutch State Church, in Dutch possessions. In 
the case of these three Societies, State Church and 
Colonial interests were uppermost ; in the case of 
Count Zinzendorf no such motives existed, and the 
strange feature of the story is that, though he him- 
self was a Moravian Bishop, though he had the 
Sacraments administered according to the Moravian 
ritual, and though, in several Mission Fields, he 
encouraged the formation of Herrnhut institutions — 
such as Choirs, Love-feasts, Bands, and Hourly 
Intercessions — yet, at the same time, he had not the 
least desire to extend the Moravian Church. Other 
missionaries toiled conscientiously for their re- 
spective native lands and for their respective State 
Churches ; Zinzendorf toiled for the glory of God 
alone ; and in his instructions to the missionaries 
he made that point abundantly clear. " You must 
not," he said emphatically, " try to establish native 
churches ; you must not enrol your converts as 
members of the Moravian Church ; you must be 
content to enrol them as Christians." With one 
exception, all the missionaries followed Zinzendorf's 
instructions ; that one exception was David 
Zeisberger, who tried to found a Delaware National 
Church ; and even he did not formulate his scheme 
fully till some years after Zinzendorf's death. In 
this policy we find the explanation of a singular 
fact. How was it, we ask, that at Zinzendorf's 
death the total number of enrolled converts was 
only about one thousand ? Because, while the 
missionaries were anxious to win souls, they were not 
anxious to enrol them as Church members. The 
most striking case was that of Frederick Martin. 
In the year 1736 he had gained seven hundred 




converts, and of these only thirty were baptized. 
For this self-denying policy Zinzendorf gave two 
reasons. First, he had no faith in the independent 
existence of the Moravian Church ; that Church, 
he once declared, would soon be both dead and 
forgotten ; and then the converts would be enrolled 
as Anglicans, Presb\i:erians, or Lutherans. 

Secondly, Zinzendorf laid great stress on what he 
called his J^ First _Fruits_ldeaJ' In his views about 
the heathen he was a Calvinist. As long as the 
Jews remained unconverted, Zinzendorf con- 
scientiously believed that the only heathen who 
would accept the Gospel were a few Candace- Souls 
specially chosen by God. The time to convert 
whole nations had not yet come ; only a few " first 
fruits " might be expected ; and so fond was the 
Count of this idea that he had it immortalised in 
paint. The picture was painted by his friend Haidt, 
and may still be seen at Herrnhut.f Below the 
picture there is the text, " These were redeemed 
from among men, being the first fruits." — Rev. 
XIV., 4. There, arrayed in native costume, and 
holding palms in their hands, we see twenty-two 
Mora\-ian " First Fruits " before the Lamb on 
His throne, and nothing throws a clearer light on 
ZinzendorTs missionary policy.* 

4. The Poet. 

Finally, and above all, Zinzendorf was the poet of 
the movement. He was at his best when he donned 
his singing robes. At the monthly missionary 
meeting he often opened the proceedings by singing 
a solo, and some of the best h\Tnns were WTitten 
by himself. His " Warrior Songs " were trumpet 
calls to action. For his fiery zeal he could give a 

tAt Zeist, in Holland, there is a r, production of this pictxire. 
♦for the names of ths " First Fruits " aee Appendix. 

184 A History of Moravian Missions. 

special reason. The more closely Zinzendorf studied 
the Scriptures, the more the conviction deepened 
within his soul that, before the eighteenth century 
closed, Christ would appear in bodily form to the 
Jews ; and then, he declared, the Jews would learn, 
like St. Thomas, to say " My Lord and my God." 
By these Jews the glorious Gospel would then be 
preached to all mankind, and filled with this con- 
viction, he said : — 

The work is Thine, Lord Jesus Christ, 

The glory and the shame ; 
The hour hath struck when all the world 

Shall know Thy saving name. 

For this reason Zinzendorf's poetry was exceptionally 
optimistic in character. He did not, of course, 
ignore the fact that his soldiers had many dangers 
to face, and that some of them had perished un- 

Ambassadors of Christ, 

Know ye the way ye go ? 
It leads into the jaws of death. 
Is strewn with thorns and woe. 

But to him these disasters were simply pledges 
of speedy victory. The more swiftly his soldiers 
fell in the ranks, the more swiftly should others fill 
the gap. No coward was fit to carry the Captain's 
banner. " If your finger trembles on the trigger," 
he said, " you will never learn to shoot straight ; 
if you fear to stand in the fighting line, you will 
never rest in the tents." In a speech at Herrnhut, 
on January 19th, 1758, he used a curious com- 
parison. f As the cab-horses in London wore 
blinkers, so the missionary, he said, must be blind 
to dangers ; and the same thought — though not the 
same simile — is found in many of his hymns. In 

•fSee " Zeitischrift fiir Brudergeschichte," 1912, Vol. II., p. 136. 


" Go, ye comrades " he urged to self-surrender ; 
in " Sloth no beauty " he declared that the grandest 
sight in the world was the Christian warrior covered 
with dust ; and in " Prince of Thy People " he 
foretold the almost immediate triumph of the Gospel. 
The very names he gave the Brethren stirred the 
blood. In order to fire their zeal, he used a great 
variety of military metaphors. "Christ," he said, 
" is the conquering Prince, with a voice like the blast 
of a trumpet, and His royal chariot rolls behind ; 
His preachers, His warriors, His noble prisoners of 
war are ' Comrades of the Noble Order of IMockery ' ; 
and His Blood is their guide and their staff." On 
land or sea, said the Count, the missionaries were 
equally under the protection of Christ. For ten 
years (1748-58) the Moravian Church possessed its 
own missionary vessel, the Irene, a snow,! built at 
New York, and commanded by an American, Nicholas 
Garrison ; this vessel frequently crossed the Atlantic, 
and also carried missionaries to Greenland and 
Surinam; and speaking of her exploits, Zinzendorf 
said that, as Christ Himself filled her sails, no harm 
would come to her from rocks, icebergs, and storms. 
His prophecy seems to have been literally fulfilled. 
As long as the Irene was in Moravian hands, none of 
the forces of nature damaged her ; in 1758, however, 
she was captured by a French privateer, and a few 
weeks later she foundered. But the Brethren, 
said the Count, were more than the soldiers of Christ. 
They were His comrades ; they had, like Him, to 
wear a crown of thorns ; they shared both His shame 
and His glory ; and, in all their trials, their consolation 
must be that, while, on earth, no wreath of fame 
would girdle their sunburnt brows, they could see 

fA snow is a small three-masted vessel. For a full description see 
EncyclopcEdia Britannica. Scott mentions a snow in Red- 
gauntlet (Chap. xiv). 

186 A History of Moravian Missions. 

in imagination the pearly gates of the Holy City, 
the Lamb on the Throne, and the glories of the 
Paradise of God. With such songs upon their lips, 
the early Moravian missionaries feared no foe. 
" If you go to Labrador," said someone to Drachart, 
" the Eskimos will kill you." " If they kill me," 
he answered, " they will kill me." 

The same spirit animated all the missionaries. 
With songs of praise Bishop Nitschmann and his 
comrades amazed John Wesley on the Simmonds ; 
with songs the converts in St. Thomas escorted 
Martin to his cell ; with a song Gottlieb Israel, 
clinging to the rock at Tortola, bade defiance to 
the winds and waves ; with a song Matthew Stach 
confronted the men who had come to slay him ; 
and with songs the captive Christian Indians met their 
fate at Gnadenhiitten, on the Tuscarawas River. 
May 9th, As the poet lay on his deathbed at Berthelsdorf, 
1760 his last thoughts were of the Missions. He had sent 
out no fewer than 226 missionaries, and the results 
of their labours far exceeded his expectations.! 
" I only asked," he said, " for first fruits among the 
heathen, and thousands have been granted me. 
What a grand caravan there must be now before the 
throne of the Lamb." 

fOn the work accomplished by the Brethren, Dr. Gustav Wameck, 
author of the Vr'ell-known " History of Protestant Missions," 
epoke as follows : " By 1760 the Moravian Church had done 
more for the heathen than all the other Protestant Churches put 
together." Address at Hermhut, June 7th, 1900. See the 
official report of the Centenary Celebrations. 

Chapter XIV. 


As soon as the Brethren had recovered from the 
shock occasioned by Zinzendorf's death, the chief 
question they had to consider was how far they 
should still follow his lead, and how far they should 
strike out new paths for themselves. To that 
question they gave a two-fold answer. There was 
some resemblance between Zinzendorf and Brutus. 
In his principles and ideals Zinzendorf, like Brutus, 
was almost perfect ; in his methods he was often 
mistaken ; and therefore, while his successors adhered 
to his main principles, they abandoned many of his 
methods and replaced them by what they considered 
better methods of their own. 

1. Zinzendorf's Principles. 

(a) Doctrine. According to Zinzendorf the chief 
duty of a preacher to the heathen was not to expound 
any system of dogmatic theology, but to tell the story 
of the Cross ; to that principle his successors adhered ; 
and taking as a motto St. Paul's words, " I deter- 
mined to know nothing among you but Jesus Christ 
and Him crucified," they declared, officially, at a 
General Synod, that henceforth, as in the past, I7g4 
the doctrine of the merits of the life and sufferings 
of Jesus should be the main substance of their 
message. For thirty years after Zinzendorf's death, 
the chief leader in the Church was Bishop Spangen- 
berg ; this man, in 1780, issued an official account 
of the Brethren's methods ; and, speaking in the 
name of the Church, he said : " We always preach 
the same Christ that died for us on the Cross." In 
their mode of preaching, therefore, the Brethren 


188 A History of Moravian Missions. 

made no change. For this pohey they gave an 
excellent reason. By means of this method Gottlieb 
Israel had created a revival in St. Thomas ; by means 
of this method Schumann had won the hearts of the 
Arawack Indians ; by means of this method both 
Tschoop and Kayarnak had been converted. Such 
tales had now become Moravian classics ; similar 
stories were told by the converts in letters read at the 
monthly missionary meetings, and, judging by those 
letters, the Brethren concluded that on this funda- 
mental point Zinzendorf was in the right. 

(b) Self-denial. For many years after Zinzendorf 's 
death, all the missionaries still worked without a 
salary, and, speaking broadly, the general principle 
was that while the Church paid the missionaries' 
travelling expenses, and sometimes sent them parcels 
of food and clothing, they had still to earn their own 
living, either by mental or by manual labour. The 
form of labour varied according to the district. In 
Jamaica some of the missionaries worked plantations ; 
in St. Thomas they opened a large boot factory ; 
in North America they shot and fished ; in Green- 
land they had kitchen-gardens, cows and fishing- 
boats ; in Surinam they cultivated corn-fields and 
orchards, and conducted a tailoring business at 
Paramaribo ; in Labrador they traded with the 
Eskimos ; in Tranquebar they planted a wonderful 
"Garden"; and in Bengal they acted as doctors and 
interpreters. The system had often led to great 
privations. In 1737 Frederick Martin found both 
his purse and his larder empty ; in 1735 the Green- 
land missionaries had to live on mussels and sea- 
weed, and suffered, in consequence, from scurvy ; 
and in 1758, all the missionaries in the Danish West 
Indies, being unable, on account of the Seven Years' 
War, to obtain supplies from North America, had 
to pass a resolution to eat no bread. But the 

The Count's Successors. 189 

missionaries were not entirely neglected. At the 
monthly missionary meetings collections for Foreign 
Missions were made. But the amomit thus raised 
was very small. In 1758, e.g., the Central Fund was 
only £300, and the sum sent out to the missionaries 
was only £200. For the purpose of supplying them 
with food and clothing three auxiliary societies were 
founded. The first was the Dutch " Brethren's 
Society for the Spread of the Gospel among the 
Heathen," founded in 1738, and renewed in 1795 ; 
the second, the English S.F.G., founded May 8th 
(N.S.), 1741 ; and the third, the American " Society 
of the United Brethren for Propagating the Gospel 
among the Heathen," founded in 1745, and renewed 
in 1788. The first sent out parcels to Surinam ; 
the second to Labrador ; and the third both to 
Zeisberger and his colleagues and to the West Indies. 

But even with the aid of these Societies expenses 
could not be entirely covered. f At one important 
General Synod (1775), a new Central Mission Fund 
was established ; fourteen years later the debt on 
the work was £12,000, and by 1800 this debt had 

Let us now see how much each missionary cost the 
Church Fimds. In the year 1800 the number of 
missionaries, counting wives, was 161 ; the cost that 
year to the Central Fund was £3,000 ; and thus. 

■fFor evidence on this point see : — (1) A. G. Spangenberg's "Account 
of Moravian Missions," 1782 ; (2) C. I. La Trobe's Preface to 
Vol. I. of "Periodical Accounts," p. 7, and Introduction, p. 15 ; 
(3) Peter Braun's Letter in " Retrospect of the Mission in 
Antigua," p. 8. Both Spangenberg and La Trobe state that 
no missionary received a salary ; and Braun's letter shows 
clearly that if the missionary was out of work he was on the 
verge of starvation. " We have nothing to eat except a 
little bread made of the flour sent us by our American Brethren 
and Sisters, for three months we have had no work, and 
consequently no means of earning anything. My dear wife 
has been so reduced by illness and sufiering that she is little 
but skin and bone." 

190 A History of Moravian Missions. 

the expense on each missionary was only £18 12s. 

(c) Choice of Men. For two reasons the Moravian 
Church still insisted that, while scholarly men were 
not excluded, most of the missionaries must be 
drawn from the artisan and labouring classes ; first, 
because such men were best able to endure a rough 
life ; and secondly, because, in the Church's opinion, 
higher education was not required. On each of these 
points C. I. La Trobe, the English Mission Secretary, 
was most emphatic. Students, he said, did not, 
as a rule, make as good missionaries as mechanics ; 
and in the sphere of education the missionary needed 
only four great qualities. First, he must have a good ' 
knowledge of the Scriptures ; second, a good under- ' 
standing ; third, a friendly disposition ; and fourth, \ 
a heart filled with love to God.f But this system i 
had one great disadvantage. With a few exceptions — 
such as Zeisberger and Kleinschmidt — the eighteenth 
century Moravian missionaries did very little trans- 
lation work. For systematic Scripture translation 
no proper provision could be made. 

{d) The Lot. On this matter, too, the Brethren 
were faithful to Zinzendorf. At the General Synods 
no vote was valid unless confirmed by the Lot. 
By the Lot men were appointed ; by the Lot new 
work was planned ; and by permission of the Lot 
alone were missionaries allowed to marry. Let a 
few examples show how the Lot was used. By 
Lot the Managing Board decided to continue 
the Mission in Tranquebar ; by Lot it closed the 
station at Hoop, in Surinam ; by Lot Kohlmeister 
was called to Labrador ; by Lot, in South Africa, 
candidates were admitted to Baptism and the Lord's 
Supper. In due time, however, there was made 

tSee his " Concise Account," " Periodical Accounts," Vol. II., 
Appendix, p. 3. 

The Count's Successors. 191 

one great exception. At the General Synod in 1789, 
the Brethren decided that the Lot should no longer 
be used in business matters. 

{e) Attitude to Government. According to Zin- 
zendorf, every missionary, -wheresoever his lot was 
cast, must love and honour the King of the country ; 
that spirit animated his successors ; and one result 
of this pohcy was that, wheresoever the missionaries 
went, they had the sjonpathy of the Government. 
Washington praised their work among the Red 
Indians ; Sir Hugh Pallisser aided them in Labrador ; 
Governors supported their work in the Danish West 
Indies ; Paramaribo officials begged them to preach 
to the slaves ; Danish officials, in Greenland, called 
the Moravian converts the cream of the country ; 
and the Earl of Caledon, in South Africa, asked the 
Moravian Church to build a station near Cape Town. 

In these five ways, therefore, Zinzendorf 's successors 
followed his lead. 

2. Changes of Method. 
(a) Government. Under Zinzendorf the system 
was an absolute monarchy ; under his successors 
it was more democratic. The three most important 
steps were as follows : — 

(a) General Synod, 1764. 
At this Synod two important measures were 
passed : — 

(1) That henceforth the General Synod, con- 
sisting partly of ministers and missionaries, 
and partly of elected deputies, should be 
the supreme authority both in home and 
in foreign matters. (Thereby, the Moravian 
Church adopted an unique position. In 
the Moravian Church, Foreign Missions 
were the work of the Church as such ; 

192 A History of Moravian Missions. 

in other Protestant Churches they were 
committed to special societies.) 

(2) Foreign Missions were to be managed by 
a Board called the "Missions Deputation"; 
and this Board was, of course, appointed 
by the General Synod. 

(b) General Synod, 1769. 

All Moravian Church matters were to be managed by 
one Board, called the Unity's Elders' Conference.! 
This Board was divided into three departments, and 
one department managed the Foreign Missions. 

(c) General Synod, 1789. 

The U.E.C., as such, was to manage Foreign 
Missions, and the Mission Department was to be a sub- 
office. Thus Foreign Missions, more than ever, became 
the direct concern of the whole Church. This arrange- 
ment lasted a hundred years. General Synod repre- 
sented the Church ; by that Synod the U.E.C. was 
appointed, and by that U.E.C. the Foreign Missions 
were managed. In every department of the work 
the authority of the U.E.C. was supreme. U.E.C. 
appointed Spangenberg to prepare a " Missionary's 
Guide " ; U.E.C. appointed men to their posts ; 
U.E.C. sent official inspectors. Thus did the Brethren 
replace the rule of one man by the rule of the whole 
Moravian Church. Formerly, the missionaries had 
obeyed Zinzendorf ; now they obeyed the U.E.C, 
and in obeying the U.E.C. they obeyed the whole 

(b) The First Fruits Idea. The next change was 
still more important. For two or three years before 
Zinzendorf's death, John de Watteville and other 
leaders had been expressing dissatisfaction with 
Zinzendorf's First Fruits Idea ; Watteville even 

fHenceforth referred to as U.E.C. 

The Count's Successors. 198 

expressed the hope that for every convert gained 
there might soon be a thousand ; and now the whole 
Moravian Church, by a SjTiodal resolution (1764), 
declared that henceforth it would endeavour, not 
merely to seek for Candace-Souls, but to preach the 
Gospel to all, strengthen the fields already established, 
and organize these fields as integral parts of the 
Church. For this purpose the " Conference " system 
was now, as far as possible, applied to the mission- 
fields. Each field now became a province ; each 
province now had its " Helpers' Conference " ; and 
each Helpers' Conference had its president. At the 
close of the century the provinces were as follows : — 
(1) Danish West Indies, (2) Jamaica, (3) Antigua, 
(4) Barbados, (5) St. Kitts, (6) South Africa, 
(7) North America, (8) Surinam, (9) Labrador, 
(10) Greenland. Thus did the Mora\'ian Church reject 
Zinzendorf's First Fruits Idea; thus did she also 
reject his theory that the time for the heathen 
had not yet come ; thus, taking Matthew xiii., 47, 
as a motto, did she become in the fullest sense a true 
Missionary Church. 

(c) Missionary Literature. Finally, in opposi- 
tion to Zinzendorf's views, the Moravian Church 
now authorised the publication of missionary 
literature. The system adopted by Zinzendorf was 
peculiar. During his lifetime no mission histories, 
no magazines, no systematic accounts were published. 
At Hermhut there was a body of clerks, who 
copied out the diaries and letters sent home by the 
missionaries ; each congregation received a copy ; 
and the general understanding was that each con- 
gregation heard the same reports on the same day. 
Once a month there was a missionary meeting, 
called " Congregation Day." At that meeting the 
diaries and letters were read, and sometimes the 
reading process lasted several hours. With this 

194 A History of Moravian Missions. 

mode of instruction, however, Zinzendorf s successors 
were not content. He had made known the facts 
to Moravians only ; they would make them known 
to the general public ; and, therefore, they now 
authorised the following publications : — 

1. Books. 

(a) " History of Greenland," f David Cranz, 1765 

(German and English). 

(b) " History of the Moravian Church," Part II., 

including sketches of all the Mission-fields, 
David Cranz, 1771. (German and English.) 

(c) " Succinct View of the Missions," Benjamin 

La Trobe, 1771. (English.) 

(d) " History of the Mission in St. Thomas, 

St. Croix, and St. Jan," G. A. Oldendorp, 
1777. (German.) 

(e) " Account of the Brethren's Work among 

the Heathen," A. G. Spangenberg, 1782. 
(German and English.) 

(f) " History of the Mission to the North 

American Indians," G. H. Loskiel, 1789. 
(German and English.) 

(g) " History of the Moravian Church, 1769 — 

1801," J. R. Hegner. Mostly a record of 
missionary work (German only). 

2. Magazines. 

(a) " Reports from Moravian Congregations,"* 

issued for general circulation, but not 
printed till 1819 (German). 

(b) " Periodical Accounts relating to the Missions 

of the Church of the United Brethren 
established among the Heathen," 1790. 

tThis book was highly praised by Dr. Johnson : " The man who 
could not relish the first part was no philosopher, and he 
who could not enjoy the second was no Christian." 

*" Naohrichten au« der Briidergemeine." 

The Count's Successors. 195 

First Editor, Christian Ignatius La Trobe ; 
published by the Society for the Further- 
ance of the Gospel, and printed at 10, 
Nevill's Court, Fetter Lane. The first 
Missionary Magazine in the English 
(c) " Reports of the Evangelical Brethren's 
Missions to the Heathen," 1798 ; Dutch. 
Published by the above-mentioned {see 
p. 189) Dutch Auxiliary Society. 
It is doubtful how far this change was beneficial. 
Formerly the Church members had heard reports direct 
from the missionaries ; now they read the story in 
cold print ; and one result of the change was that, 
while missionary information was more widely 
diffused, there was no longer the same personal touch. 

8. The Moravian Church and the 
Slave Trade. 
(a) C. I. La Trohe's Policy. Among the Christian 
ministers in England, no one hated slavery more 
than C. I. La Trobe, the Moravian Mission Secretary 
in England, and the Editor of " Periodical Accounts." 
In his " Letters to my Children,"! C. I. La Trobe 
says that when he was a boy at Fulneck School, 
he read Captain William Snelgrave's " A New 
Account of Guinea and the Slave Trade " ; that 
book filled his young soul with horror ; and later 
he was the personal friend, not only of William 
Wilberforce, but of Dr. Porteous, Bishop of London, 
and of Lady Middleton. Why, then, did C. I. La 
Trobe not support Wilberforce in public ? W^hy 

tin this book La Trobe mentions a fact noticed by very few 
historians. Who was the first person to suggest that the 
question of the abolition of the slave trade be brought before 
the House of Commons ? Wio first inspired Wilberforce to 
take up the cause ? Not Clarkson, as most historians assert, 
but Lady Middleton, wife of Sir Charles lliddleton, Comptroller 
of the Navy, See Letter IL, pp. 21-22. 

196 A History of Moravian Missions. 

did he, in private, call the slave trade a monster and 
yet make no public attempt to kill it ? Why did he 
not espouse the cause in " Periodical Accounts " ? 
Because he feared that, if he did so, the slave-traders 
would attack the Moravian missionaries and destroy 
the Mission. For this reason, therefore, La Trobe 
adopted a very cautious policy. Privately, and as a 
personal friend, he supported Wilberforce, and 
supplied him with useful information. On the other 
hand, as an official, La Trobe maintained a dead 
silence. No hint of his opinions appeared in 
" Periodical Accounts," and not till 1815 did he 
make them generally known. 

(b) The Moravian Method. According to C. I. 
La Trobe, the Moravian missionaries in the West 
Indies never interfered between masters and slaves. 
Bishop Spangenberg makes a similar stateipent, and 
in his " Account of the Brethren's Work," he says — 
without, unfortunately, giving the date and place — 
that on one occasion the West Indian missionaries 
passed the following resolutions : — 

(1) We will consider it as our duty that our 

missionaries among the heathen are not to 
interfere with the commerce between them 
and the merchants, which ought never to 
be disturbed by us or by any fault of ours. 
Nay, we will faithfully inculcate to the 
heathen who belong to us that they must 
in their dealings avoid all fraud and deceit 
(which are otherwise so peculiar to the 
heathen), and that they shall approve them- 
selves honest and upright in all respects. 

(2) We will never omit diligently to set before the 

slaves the doctrines which the Apostles 
preached to servants. Servants in those 
days were almost universally slaves. We 

The Count's Successors. 197 

will put them in mind that it is not by 

chance, but of God, that one man is a master 

and another a slave, and that, therefore, 

they ought to acquiesce in the ways of God ; 

nay, that their service, if done with all 

faithfulness for the sake of Jesus, is looked 

upon as though they were serving the 

Lord Jesus Christ. 

(3) We will frequently remind the heathen of 

what Paul saith : "Let every soul be 

subject to the higher powers ; for there is 

no power but of God ; the powers that be 

are ordained of God." 

By teaching these principles the Brethren made 

the slaves fit for freedom, and that was their real 

contribution to the cause. 

(c) The Result. In reply to a question addressed 1787 
to him by a Conunittee of the Privy Council, C. I. 
La Trobe described the good work done by the 
missionaries among the slaves. Among La Trobe's 
chief friends was William Wilberforce ; to Wilberforce 
he showed his report ; and one of Wilberforce's 
arguments in Parliament was that, by their excellent 
work, the Moravians had made many slaves fit for 
freedom. Thus, in their own quiet way, did the 
Moravian missionaries aid the cause. By their 
work among the slaves they gave Wilberforce his 
strongest argument. 

4. Influence Over Other Missionary 
For sixty years (1782-92) the Moravian Church 
had been the only real Protestant Missionary Church 
in the World ; now, towards the close of the century, 
there arose other Protestant Missionary Societies, 
and the interesting point to notice is that, in the 


198 A History of Moravian Missions. 

formation of some of these Societies, the Moravian 
Church, either directly or indirectly, played a 
prominent part. 

The first Protestants influenced by the Brethren 
were the Methodists. In their case, however, their 
influence, as far as Foreign Missions were concerned, 
was only indirect. As John Wesley met several 
Moravian missionaries — e.g., David Nitschmann on the 
Simmonds, Spangenberg in Georgia, and Bohler in 
England — he must have admired their zeal for the 
conversion of the heathen. Further, he must have 
heard much about Foreign Missions at Herrnhut, 
and in his famous " The World is my Parish," 
he echoed Zinzendorf's words : " We must 
proclaim the Saviour to the world." His Gospel 
zeal led in time to Foreign Missions. Peter 
Bohler influenced John Wesley ; John W^esley 
influenced Dr. Coke ; Dr. Coke preached in the West 
Indies ; and before the close of the century Wesleyan 
missionaries were preaching to the slaves at Kingston 
in Jamaica. 

On the Baptists the influence of the Brethren was 
more direct. For some years before he preached 
his sermon at Nottingham, William Carey, the 
leader of the famous Serampore Three, had been 
famiUar with the Brethren's work. He read their 
magazine, " Periodical Accounts " ; he referred 
expressly to their work in his pamphlet, " Enquiry 
into the Obligations of Christians to use Means for 
the Conversion of the Heathen " ; and, finally, in 
the famous scene referred to in the opening chapter 
of this book, he appealed, in so many words, to their 
1792 example. " See what these Moravians have done," 
he said. " Can we not follow their example, and, in 
obedience to our Heavenly Master, go out into the 
world and preach the Gospel to the heathen ? " His 
words meant more than most readers generally 

The Count's Successobs. 199 

suppose. He was referring, when he said Moravians, 
not only to Germans, but to Englishmen. According 
to one modern writer of mission history,t William 
Carey, the founder, with other ministers, of the 
Baptist Missionary Society, was the " first Enghsh- 
man who was a Foreign Missionan*." The statement 
is incorrect. For several years before Carey was 
heard of, a large number of British Moravians had 
been toiling in the foreign field, and Carey, in 
" Periodical Accounts," had seen some of their names 
in print. In Antigua had worked Samuel Isles, 
Joseph Newby, and Samuel Watson ; in Jamaica, 
George Caries, David Taylor, Samuel Church, Samuel 
Russell, Thomas Shallcross, John Brown, Joseph 
Powell, John Metcalf, Joseph Jackson, John Fred 
John, Edward Roberts, Sam Fred Church, and 
Christian Lister ; in St. Kitts and St. Croix, James 
Birkby ; in Barbados, Benjamin Brookshaw and 
John Fozzard ; in Tobago, John Montgomery, the 
father of James Montgomery, the well-known hymn- 
writer and poet ; in Labrador, William Turner, 
Samuel Towle, James Branagan, James Rhodes, and 
Christian Lister ; and in North America, Wilham 
Edwards. From these facts we are justified in 
concluding that William Carey was inspired by 
the example, not only of German Moravians, 
but also of Moravians with British blood in their 

His companion, Marshman, was also indebted 
to the Brethren. 

" Thank you, Moravians," he said, " you 
have done me good. If I am ever a missionary 
worth a straw, I shall, under our Saviour, owe it 
to you." 

Again, the Moravians had something to do with 
the foimdation of the London Missionary Society. 

tG«orge Smith, "Short History o£ Chriatian Mifsione," p. 160. 

200 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Among the founders of the Society one of the most 
influential was Rowland Hill. He had read much 
about Moravian Missions, corresponded with Peter 
Braun of Antigua, and owed his zeal, very largely, 
to Braun's example. The other founders also came 
under Moravian influence. They all dipped into the 
pages of " Periodical Accounts " ; they brought 
copies of that magazine to their meetings ; and, in 
their speeches, they enforced their arguments by 
referring to what the Moravians had done. But the 
influence of the Moravians did not end here. The 
Society was founded, the leaders consulted, and not 
knowing how to do their work, they addressed to 
Christian Ignatius La Trobe the following practical 
questions : — 

1. How do you obtain your missionaries ? 

2. What is the true calling of a missionary ? 

3. Do you demand scientific and theological 

learning ? 

4. Do you consider previous instruction in 

Divine things an essential ? 

5. How do you employ your missionaries from 

the time when they are first called to the 
time when they set out ? 

6. Have you found by experience that the 

cleverest and best educated men make the 
best missionaries ? 

7. What do you do when you establish a 

missionary station ? Do you send men 
with their wives, or single people, or both ? 

8. What have you found the most effective 

way of accomplishing the conversion of 
the heathen ? 

9. Can you tell us the easiest way of learning 

a language ? 

The Count's Successors. 201 

10. How much does your missionary ship cost 
you ? 

To these questions La Trobe repUed in detail, 
the founders thanked him for his courtesy, and the 
first apostles of the L.M.S. went out with Moravian 
wisdom in their heads and Moravian instructions in 
their pockets.! 

And so, at the close of the eighteenth century, 
the Brethren found themselves in a new position. 
For sixty years they had toiled almost alone. 
Henceforward, they had friends on every hand. 
In Germany, the members of the " Society 
for Christian Fellowship " were contributing funds 
for Moravian Missions and laying the foundations 
of the Basel Missionary Society ; in England arose 
the Chur<?h Missionary Society, the London 
Missionary Society, and the Baptist Missionary 
Society ; in Scotland, Presbyterians had founded 
the Scottish Missionary Society, the Glasgow 
Missionary Society, and the Northern Missionary 
Society ; and thus, at the dawn of what Dr. A. T. 
Pierson calls the " Modern Mission Century," the 
Brethren took their place as a regiment in that great 
Protestant Army which had now undertaken, like 
Zinzendorf years before, to proclaim the Saviour to 
the World. ' 

What, then, had the Moravians done when William 
Carey issued his great challenge at Kettering ? 
They had sent out more than 300 missionaries ; they 
had estabUshed stations in the West Indies, in North 
America, in Surinam, in Greenland, and in Labrador ; 
they had attempted to convert the Jews ; they had 
sent expeditions to Lapland, Russia, Guinea, South 
Africa, Ceylon, Algiers, Constantinople, Wallachia, 

fin his " History of the L.M.S.," the Rev. C. SilTcster Home 
makes no reference to these fact*. 

202 A History of Moravian Missions. 

the Calmucks, Livonia, Persia, Egypt, Abyssinia, the 
Tartars, the Coromandel Coast, the Nicobar Islands, 
and Bengal ; and now they had under their charge 
14,976 baptized converts. At the General Synod 
in 1789, the official returns were as follows : — 
Danish West Indies, 6,690 ; British West Indies, 
6,820 ; South America, 312 ; North America, 200 ; 
Greenland, 891 ; Labrador, 63 ; total, 14,976. 




1. Jamaica ; or West Indies ; Western 

Province, 1805-1914 207 

2. The West Indies ; Eastern Province, 

1800-1914 230 

8. Greenland, 1800-1900 236 

4. The North American Indians, 

1808-1901 246 

5. Surinam, 1800-1914 250 

6. South Africa, West ; or the 

Hottentots, 1792-1914 .... 266 

7. South Africa, East ; or the Kaffirs, 

1828-1914 288 

8. Labrador, 1804-1914 300 



Chapter I. 


1. John Lang, 1805—1818. 

As Jamaica has often been described as the 
" Fairest Jewel in the British Crown,"' and as it is 
quite as civihsed as England, some readers may 
fondly imagine that, except in the pioneer days, 
our missionaries had few trials to endure. It is, 
therefore, all the more needful to remember that, 
while they did not liY£_among savages, they had, 
during the nineteenth century, a long succession 
_ 9f foes to overcome. Each leader had a hard problem 
to solve ; each, though in a quiet way, helped to 
uplift the people ; and each, though he did not covet_ 
the honour, might be described as a Hero, ^ 

The first leader of note was John Lang. At the 
time when he arrived on the scene, there was only 
one Moravian Church in Jamaica ; that Church was 
situated at Old Carmel, and the scene that greeted 
John Lang's eyes was enough to break his heart. 
On three sides of the building lay a black swamp. 
Among reeds and bushes alligators lifted their snouts ; 
behind the building lay a churchyard surrounded 
by a brick wall, with broken bottles at the top ; the 
Black River close at hand reeked with deadly germs ; 
and gnats and mosquitoes buzzed in the sultry air. 
For thirteen years John Lang held the fort in this 
death-trap. As Moravian missionaries still received 
no_ salaries, John Lang's first task was to earn 
his own li\ing. For this purpose, like his pre- 
decessors, he not only kept a small plantation worked 
by slaves, but also dealt in cattle and logwood, 
and acted as wajn^'arden for the Government ; and 
thus he earned sufficient, not only for himself, but 


208 A History of Moravian Missions. 

also for his two colleagues, Joseph Jackson and John 
Ellis, at the little out-preaching places of Two-Mile- 
Wood and Mesopotamia. 

For three or four years John Lang laboured in 
vain. " Oh ! Jamaica, Jamaica ! " he writes in his 
diary (1809), " dead as a flint, yea, hard as adamant 
to all that comes of or from God ! " The cause of 
his despair was two-fold. Both the planters and their 
slaves seemed hopeless. For most of the planters 
he could not say a good word, and other observers 
confirmed his testimony. In our own House of 
Lords one planter boldly declared that, so far as he 
knew, not a single planter in Jamaica was true to his 
marriage vows ; Lady Nugent, the Governor's 
wife, was shocked by the planters' immorality, and 
described their disgusting habits in her " Jamaica 
in 1801 "; and Archibald Monteith, a Moravian 
Negro lay preacher, speaking about the planters 
as he knew them, declared that, while many of them 
were good-hearted and treated their slaves with kind- 
ness, the idea that adultery was wicked was not even 
entertained. Among the slaves moral conditions were 
even worse. _Most of them believed iiL Obeahism, 
only a very few could read or write, and the Biblfiwas 
generally known as the "White Man's Book." On 
some of the estates, it is true, large numbers of 
slaves had been baptized. But, so far as our evidence 
goes, the baptism was a sham. No religious 
instruction was given, the slaves regarded the 
rite as a form of magic, and sometimes, it is said, 
the service was followed by a dance. 

The first spiritual impulse came from the United 
States. For some months an American evangelist, 
named George Lewis, created quite a sensation in 
Jamaica. His services were attended by thousands, 
and often lasted till the small hours of the morning. 
The slaves had what they called "The Convince," and 

The West Indies — Western Province. 209 

asked, like the Philippian jailer, what they must do to 
be saved. Some resorted to fasting ; some had -wonder- 
ful dreams ; and one convert, Robert Peart, brought 
the revixal to Old Carmel. And the ^tury he told 
John Lang was characteristic. To him, as to many 
others in the island, there had been granted a vision. 
In that vision, said Robert Peart, he had seen a 
stranger ; three times the stranger approached and 
kissed him ; and that stranger was no other than the 
Lord Christ Himself. For some weeks John Lang 
knew not what to make of this reWval ; then he had 
an interview with Cieorge Lewis ; and, being con- 
vinced that the man was genuine, he took the tide 
at the flood. It is strange how events turned out. 
As soon as the church at Old Carmel began to be 
crowded, John Lang was regarded as a dangerous 
character. By certain planters he was now accused 
of teaching sedition ; some of his converts were 
summoned before the magistrates, and the nature of 
his work may be judged by the answers given in 
Court : — 

" What sort of instruction do you receive ? " 

*' We are taught to beheve in God and Jesus 

'• Well ! What more ? " 

" We must not tell hes." 

" What more ? " 

" We must not steal from ^lassa." 

" What more ? " 

" We must not run away and rob Massa of his 

" What more ? " 

" We must not pretend to be sick when we are not." 

'' What more ? " 

" We must not have two wives, for by-and-by 
they will get jealous and hurt one another, and 
Massa's work will fall back." 

210 A History of Moravian Missions. 

" What more ? " 

" We must pray for buckra and everybody." 
The examination was of fundamental importance. 
The more closely John Lang's work was examined, 
the more obvious it became that, so far from being 
a dangerous teacher, he was teaching the slaves to 
be obedient ; all his colleagues acted on the same 
principle ; and now, encouraged by many white 
friends, the Brethren founded new stations at 
Windsor (1813), Irwin Hill (1815), and New Eden 
(1820). At the height of his glory John Lang passed 
1818 away. By the negroes he was beloved, and was 
called " Parson Lang " ; his name is held in honour 
to the present day; and only a few years ago (1908) — 
at the little village of Newton, near Old Carmel — 
certain admirers erected the " John Lang Memorial 
Church." ^j^,___^ 

2. John ELLisfl824-M. 

With John Ellis we enter on a new epoch. For 
ten years this level-headed Yorkshireman was the 
chief leader of the Mission in Jamaica. During 
that period three great events occurred, and those 
events laid the foundation of the prosperity of the 

(1) The first was the foundation of Fairfield on 
1824 the May Day Hills (1824). For this move the 
Brethren had a special reason. Among the slaves 
who attended the church at Old Carmel, large 
numbers came down from the May Day Hills ; these 
slaves were of a higher type than those v/lio lived 
in the valley ; and the Brethren very soon perceived 
that if they would have true success they must follow 
what they called "the mountain people." In all 
probability, the cause of the difference in character 
was climatic. In the valley, the slaves were inclined 
to be lazy ; on the hills they were alert and energetic. 

The West Indies — Western Province. 211 

For the missionaries, too, the change was beneficial. 
In the past they had hved by a fever-swamp ; hence- 
forward they breathed pure mountain air. For 
beauty and health aUke Fairfield was almost un- 
equalled in the island. In sunmier the temperature 
never rose above 80 deg. Fahrenheit ; in winter 
fires were rarely needed ; and all the year round, in 
the morning and evening, the air was sweet and cool. 
Nor was this the only beneficial change. At the very . 
time when Fairfield was made the headquarters, 
the Moravian Mission Board began to pay the 
missionaries a small salary. In the past, they had 
^een compelled to work plantations ; henceforward^ 
Tike the Anglican clergy, they could give ail their 
tlnie to spiritual work ; and, therefore, for the 
Tirst time they were now treated with more respect 
by the planters. At Old Carnicl the Brethren 
had been despised ; at Fairfield they were highly 
honoured ; and many of the planters now assisted 
the cause. At Fairfield itself one planter preached 
under a fig-tree, and another gave all the timber 
for the new church. At New Carmel, Hutchinson 
Scott not only gave the land, but also erected a 
temporary church, made a road, and entertained the 
missionaries at his own house. At New Eden, 
Edmund Green gave twenty-six acres. At New 
Bethlehem, James Miller gave the land ; at Beaufort 
and Salem, the planters were at least friendly; and 
finally, at Lititz, the Hon. D. Snaife not only gave 
the land, but added a donation of £100. The situation, 
therefore, is fairly clear. With Fairfield as their 
headquarters, and with the aid of friendly planters, 
the Bretliren, under Ellis's leadership, had now a 
firm and permanent footing in the Parish of 

(2) Secondly, John Ellis was a great Sunday-School 
pioneer. At the time when he arrived in Jamaica, 

212 A History of Moravian Missions. 

the great problem of n^gro^e^ducatiou^ had.-llQt, even 
1826-'34 been eoiisidered ; neither Church nor State had hfted 
a finger ; and, so far as I have been able to discover, 
the only person in Jamaica who had tried to teach 
negro children to read and write was a certain Mrs. 
Cooper, of the Cruse, an estate not far from Fair- 
field. John Ellis, however, tried to solve the whole 
problem. It is well to note the exact order of events. 
First^n^_18263^ John Ellis, with the permission of the 
local planters, opened a small Sunday School at 
Fairfield, and his'^wire became the first Sunday 
School teacher ; then his friend, Mrs. Hutchinson 
Scott, wrote to the London Association in aid of 
Moravian Missions^ .urging that something definite 
be done for negro education ; then, in response to that 
Tetter, the London Association formed the " N egro 
School Fuiid^'l; then some English ladies founded 
The " Ladies' Negro Education Spcietj^ " ; then this 
Ladies' Society opened a branch in Jamaica, and the 
Secretary of the Jamaica Branch was Mrs. Cooper, 
of tlie Cruse ; and thus we have the interesting fact 
that, while a Moravian missionary opened the first 
Sunday School, the first people in Jamaic a to propose 
an education fund ^\■e^c two planters' wives. The 
new movement rapidly spread. B\ the year 183-4 
every Moravian Church had^itsSiuiday School. Some 
of the teachers were whites ; others juvenile slaves, 
trained by the Brethren ; and others veterans who had 
trained themselves. For regular service each teacher 
received, at first, a small fee of £3 10s. a year ; and 
the scholars were encouraged by a system of rewards. 
Each child who arrived in^ time, i.e.i_at 9 juai., 
received a ticEet ; this ticket had money yaluej 
and oncea quarterT^accordlng to the num ber of his 
tickets^ the child received a book-prize^ 

(3) With Sunday Schools, however, neither Ellis 
nor his colleagues were content. The first man to 

The West Indies — Western Province. 213 

open a day school was John Scholefield ; the place July, 1827 
was Mt. Airy, near New Carmel; and_by the year 
1834 each station also possessed its day_school. 

Meanwhile, during this pefiodT^reat events had 
been taking place in Jamaica, and by those events 
the real value of the Brethren's work was tested. 
The situation may be briefly explained. At the very 
time when John Ellis took charge of the work at 
Fairfield, Fowell Buxton, in the House of Commons, 
carried his momentous resolution : " That the state 
of slavery is repugnant to the principles of the 
British constitution and of the Christian religion." 
Soon after a law was passed forbidding the flogging 
of slaves in the open air, and the consequence was 
that Emancipation became the grand topic of dis- 
cussion. For eight years Jamaica was in a ferment, 1823-31 
and in due course the excitement led to violence. 
On the one hand certain planters, at a mass meeting, 
passed a solemn resolution that if emancipation 
were granted they would simply defy the British 
Government ; on the other hand certain slaves, 
chiefly in the Parish of St. James, heard that 
emancipation had been granted already, and that 
all the slaves would be free on Christmas Day ; and, 
therefore, when Christmas Day arrived, and no 
further news had been heard, they broke into open 
rebellion and fired a hundred plantations. For some 
weeks the greatest excitement prevailed. The red 1831 
glare in the sky could be seen at Fairfield, fifty miles 
away. Some of the planters galloped in terror to 
the coast ; others formed a small defensive army ; 
the chief rebels were speedily caught and hanged ; 
and red-coats were stationed at the church doors. 
At this crisis the Moravian converts shewed how well 
they had been taught. Instead of encouraging hopes 
of emancipation — which, they said, might or might 
not be granted sooner or later — all the missionaries 

214 A History of Moravian Missions. 

had consistently urged their converts to be loyal and 
obedient. *'Do not listen," they would say, "to 
foolish stories," and now they had their legitimate 
reward. At Fairfield there was not one sign of 
disorder ; at New Eden the converts promised that, 
much as freedom might be desired, they would use 
no illegal means to obtain it ; at Fulneck, New Carmel, 
and Mesopotamia, not one convert struck work ; 
and finally, those who struck work in other places 
were easily persuaded to resume work. But the 
finest spirit was shewn in the Parish of St. James. 
Among the converts at Irwin Hill were five Native 
Helpers ; all five were employed on neighbouring 
estates ; and now, when the rebellion burst out, 
all five, as James Light, the missionary, declared, 
" did their duty to their earthly masters." At 
Williamsfield, Robert Hall defended his master's 
house so stoutly that the rebels put a price on his 
head. At Irwin, William Hall stored water in 
buckets, and thereby prevented the fire. At Wor- 
cester, William Dickson saved his master's property, 
and received a suitable reward for so doing. At 
Tyrall, the Native Helper appointed a patrol, and 
thereby preserved the property intact ; and finally, 
at a small estate, named Fairfield, the Helper per- 
suaded all the slaves to be loyal. Let us not attribute 
this conduct to fear or policy. With all the force at 
his command, James Light, at Irwin Hill, had 
endeavoured to promote good feeling between planters 
and slaves ; both sides had profited by his discourses, 
and the slaves under his care were loyal, not because 
they had a servile spirit, but because they had learned 
to honour their masters. 

But now the Brethren had an unpleasant sur- 
prise. In spite of their efforts on behalf of 
law and order, ma,ny of the Moravian missionaries 
were accused of disloyalty. For some months 

The West Indies— Western Province. 215 

there w ^g an q^^g"^^ — mm our that t hey were^ 
secret preachers of sedition. One missionary, 
Henrj^ Pfeiffer, was seized at New Eden, carried to 
Mandeville, imprisoned in the organ loft of the Jan., 1832 
Parish Church, and tried on the charge of preaching 
a seditious sermon ; and though Pfeiffer was, of 
course, acquitted, there was still a great deal of 
suspicion against the Brethren. In order to probe 
the matter to the bottom, the House of Assembly 
appointed a Committee of Inquir\\ The result 
was curious. With perfect truth the Committee 
reported that once in eight weeks the Moravian 
Missionary held a private meeting with his converts, 
commonly kno\\'n as a " speaking " ; at these 
" speakings," suggested the Committee, the recent 
rebellion had probably been hatched ; and acting on 
this naive suggestion, the House of Assembly issued 
a declaration that the teaching and preaching, 
not only of Moravians, but also of " Wesleyans and 
Methodi-^ts," had, to say the least, a seditious 
ten dency. 

But tlie ill-feeling_ against- the Moravians did not 
last very long.._ In reply to the Committee of Inquiry, 
tlie Brethren issued a " Remonstrance," wherein April, 
they explained fully, not only how their converts 1832 
had been taught, but how they had behaved during 
the rebellion ; and this simple statement was so 
convincing that, so far from being suspected, ,the__ 
.Brethren were now praised for their loyalty. The 
Bishop of Jamaica, Lipscombe, spoke in their praise ; 
the new Governor, Earl Mulgrave, promised to 
protect them, visited Fairfield, and allowed his wife 
to become the Patroness of the Female Refuge 
School ; and testimonials in the Brethren's favour, 
signed by magistrates, clerks, and other government 
officials, were printed in tjie Jamaica Courani and the 
Kingston Chronicle.^ 

216 A History of Moravian Missions. 

At length, by means of two Acts of Parliament, the 
long desired emancipation was granted. By the 
first Act (August 1st, 1834), the slaves, before becom- 
ing free, had first to serve a short term of apprentice- 
ship ; by the second (August 1st, 1838), the 
apprenticeship system was abolished, and emancipa- 
tion granted outright ; and thus two different days, 
August 1st, 1834, and August 1st, 1888, came after- 
wards to be known as EmancipatiQn Day. 

On each occasion thanksgiving services were held, 
and on the second, the more important, the scene 
at Fairfield was one long remembered. At 4 a.m. the 
church-bell began to chime ; during the morning 
the converts arrived, arrayed in dazzling white ; 
and so great was the congregation that the officials 
had to divide it into two sections. Inside the Church, 
the preacher was Ellis's successor, Jacob Zorn ; 
outside, under a fig-tree, his native assistant, Price ; 
and each preached from the words : "If the Son, 
therefore, shall make you free, ye shall be free 
indeed." In the Church itself the excitement was 
uproarious ; and three times the delighted people 
interrupted the preacher. 

" You must give the glory to God," said Zorn. 

" Yes, Massa ! " the people answered. " We do 
thank the Lord for it. Bless the Lord ! " 

At the close of the service all the converts sang 
the following prayer : — 

Jesus, the great Deliverer, 
Our sluggish wills provoke ; 

Thy better freedom to desire, 
Freedom from Satan's yoke. 

But Zorn, being a practical man, desired something 
more than praise and thanksgiving. Freedom, in 
his opinion, liad its dangers ; some, he feared, might 
use it to take to drink ; and, therefore, before the 

The West Indies — Western Pbovince. 217 

proceedings closed, he founded his first Temperance 
Society. The day was over ; the old order had 
passed ; and new problems now awaited the Brethren. 

3. Jacob Zorx, 1834-43. 

As soon as the Jamaica negroes obtained their 
freedom, many people in the island feared that they 
would make a bad use of the gift. At first sight the 
prospect was alarming. Among the hills there still 
lived fierce Maroons ; in the woods young lads ran 
naked and hved on raw potatoes ; in the to^Mis 
there was a rum-shop at every corner. From these 
facts pessimists drew their o^\ti conclusions. *' Most 
of the negroes,^ thcv sai d, "will work no more, the__ 
common peace will be broken, wives will be kicked 

to^ death ~and children neglected, and drink will 

destroy its thousands." 

With these dismal forebodings, however, the 
Brethren entirely disagreed ; to Jacob Zorn, the 
new leader, emancipation was simply a great oppor- 
tunity ; and rehing on the uphfting power of the 
Gospel, he, like ElHs, his predecessor, attempted 
three methods of reform : — 

(1) First, being a lo5'al Moravian, he endeavoured 
to estabhsh as many new stations as possible. In 
1834 the Brethren founded Beaufort ; in 1838 Xew 
Hope and Bethany ; in 1839, Lititz ; and in 1840 
Bethabara. At most of these places Zom himself 
acted as land-sur\-eyor ; he had also a fascinating 
manner, and " obtained subscriptions from the 
Governor ; and thus he strengthened the Moravian 
Church, nor~oiiIy in numbers and influence, but 
aTso In prestige. 

(2J Secondly, like John Ellis, Zorn ]aid great 

s tress on education. But Zorn was not content with 1835 
Elhs's Methods. ElUs had merely endeavoured to 
estabhsh Day Schools ; Zom hoped to estabhsh 

218 A History of Mob avian Missions. 

Bogxding Schools ; and his reason for this poHcy 
was that, so far as he could see, the children would 
never make much progress unless they were separated 
from their parents. On this point lie wrote an 
important letter to his supporters in England 
(August 18th, 1835). " Let us," he pleaded, " establish 
in Jamaica a number of Industrial Boarding Schools ; 
let those schools be staffed by competent teachers 
from England ; and let the children in those schools, 
by means of their own industry, earn sufficient for 
their own maintenance." 

His schenae ha4 spme prospect of success. In 
the year 1835 — i,^, immediately after the first 
Emancipation Act — the British Government in- 
augurated its system of Annual Parliamentary 
Grants for purposes of Negro Education. The 
first grant for Jamaica was £20,000 ; the Moravian 
share of this sum was £1,500, and one condition 
laid down by the Government was that for every 
£l provided by the State the Church concerned should 
raise 10s, To those terms the Moravian Church 
agreed. The Moravian Mission Board promised 
the needed £750 ; the Society for the Furtherance of 
the Gospel opened a Negro School Building Fund ; 
and with the £2,250 now in hand the Brethren soon 
erected thirteen schools. In two important respects, 
however, Zorn was disappointed. First, so far as 
I can discover, these schools did not become Industrial 
Schools ; secondly, they were not Boarding Schools, 
but Day Schools ; and though, in the reports I read of 
children who brought five days' rations with them, 
and who, therefore, might be called weekly boarders, 
Zorn's boarding school idea was not fully realised. 
Most of the pupils still lived with their parents ; those 
parents, in many cases, were still half heathen ; 
and this fact partly accounts for the trpjiiblesjifififtcdjed 
in the next section. 

The West Indies — Western Protince. 219 

With this state of things, however, Zom was 
dissatisfied. **At all costs." he contended, "negro 
boys must be^wifFidrawn from their parents and 
taught industrious habits." For this purpose, there- 
fore, he now opened at Fairfield his " Manual Labour 
and Training School." Here the boys were 1840 
genuine boarders ; here they learned to wash their 

J2][IIL_^'^f!^. f'nmb fhpir nwn hair, maVp thcir own 

beds, an d sweep the rooms ; and here they t illed 
the school garden, and thereby, to s ome extent, 
paid their own board. For many years t ^is sphnnl^ 
though small, rendered efficie nt service ; some of 
tTie pupils became good day-sc hool tea chers, while 
others, after a short course at the Mico Institution, 
Kingston, became local preachers ; and the real tragedy 
of the situation was that, on account of the lack 
of money, similar scho ols could not be opened fit the 
other stations^ 

(3) His last scheme was even more ambitious. 
At the very time when he opened his training school, 
the Basel Missionary Society was seeking for colonists 
for Central Africa ; one of their agents, Reis, came 
to Jamaica ; and the result of his ^'isit was that 
five Mora\'ian families sailed for Africa. Nor was 
even this the best. Among Zorn's pupils in the 
training school, five offered for missionary ser\'ice ; 
these five, he fondly hoped, would soon become a 
thousand, and thus, he said, Africa would be 
evangelized by native preachers from Jamaica. 
With these bright dreams to cheer his soul, Jacob 
Zom passed to his reward. His life, like that of 
most pioneers, was partly a success, and partly a 
failure. In his attempt to establish good day- 
schools he succeeded ; in his attempt to establish 
Industrial Boarding Schools he failed ; and the value 
of his strenuous life must be estimated, not so much by 
what he accomplished, but by the ideals he cherished. 

220 A History of Moravian Missions. 

4. John Henry Buchner, 1843 — 1857. 

The next leader had still harder problems to solve. 
As the sun was setting one February evening, a 
vessel neared the mouth of the Black River ; on the 
deck stood young John Henry Buchner, gazing with 
delight on the distant heights of Fairfield ; and before 
he had been very long in Jamaica, John Henry 
Buchner discovered that, in spite of the numerous 
schools opened with the aid of the Government, 
most of the people were still the victims of super- 
stition, ignorance and vice. Against each of these 
foes of progress Buchner fought a long fight. 

(1) The first was a curious form of superstition. 
Within a few weeks of his arrival, Buchner lay ill 
of yellow fever at Irwin Hill ; strange sounds floated 
in through his bedroom window ; and when he 
asked the meaning thereof, he was told that the 
Myalmen were performing. The situation was 
alarming. For some reason, which no one could quite 
understand, the negroes in the Parish of St. James 
had long been known as far more excitable than 
those in other parts of the island. There the recent 
rebellion had been hatched ; there the estates had 
been burned to the ground ; and there, soon 
after Buchner's arrival, both the Obeahmen and 
the Myalmen drove the people frantic. Let us 
first look at the Obeahman or Obeah. He was 
really the priest of a very old heathen religion. 
According to the popular belief, each Obeah, like 
a Surinam sorcerer, possessed the power of causing 
diseases ; for the sum of three or four shillings he 
would undertake to slay an enemy ; and now the 
whole Parish of St. James lay imder a reign of terror. 
His usual method, it is said, was to come to the 
enemy's house by night and leave a parcel at the door. 
In the morning the housewife discovered the parcel ; 

The West Indies — Western Province. 221 

in the parcel lay a few feathers, or a little grave- 
mould ; and then, within a few weeks, some one in 
the household died. Let us not regard this trouble 
as a light one. In spite of the fact that they were 
mipostors, the Obeahs had a real hold on the people. 
Fear, said Buchner, was the real cause of death ; 
fear paralysed both body and mind; fear even 
caused some to commit suicide. For many years 
this fear of the Obeahs increased the death-rate in 
Jamaica ; even Morayiao, Church members "were 
sometinies deceived ; and once, as late as 1888, the 
Brethren, in the little village of Xewton, discovered a 
terror-stricken victim. 

The other evil, MyaUsm, was of a different nature. 
Accordmg to their own account, the Myalmen had 
been specially raised up by God to deal with 
Obeahism ; and, just as the Obeahs claimed to be 
possessed by the devil, so the Myalmen claimed to 
be filled with the Holy Ghost. In outward form, 
therefore, the Myalmen, after a fashion, claimed to 
be Christians ; in reality they were the Church's most 
dangerous enemies ; and claiming to have received 
Di\ine revelations, they asserted that they, and they 
alone, could overcome, not only the cruel Obeahs, but 
every conceivable form of moral evil. It is not quite 
certain whether they were rogues or fanatics. Accord- 
ing to Buchner many of them were sincere ; Buclmer 
was an excellent judge of character ; and his opinion 
must be treated with respect. For some months, 
in order to attract attention, they behaved more 
hke buffoons than inspired prophets, wearing a 
special costume, squatting in the hollows of trees, 
singing songs about Father Abraham, Christ, and the 
Holy Spirit, and flying along the country roads like 
a swimmer doing the breast-stroke ; and then, 
after some of them had been arrested for brawling 
in Church, and also for committing assault and 

222 A History of Moravian Missions. 

battery, the public gradually made the painful 
discovery that while these prophets claimed Divine 
revelation they were really both workers and teachers 
of iniquity. No one, said the Myalmen, can be truly 
religious unless he is immoral ; and no man truly 
happy without a harem. x\t their evening services, 
which were held under a cotton tree, they generally 
opened with a hymn ; then the rum bottle passed 
round ; and then, like men bewitched by Comus, 
they indulged in '* midnight shout and revelry, tipsy 
dance and jollity." 

For a dozen years this poisonous teaching — the 
teaching that true Christianity encourages sin- 
wrought incredible damage in Jamaica. No teaching 
could be more ruinous to body and to soul ; some 
of the Moravian converts themselves were affected ; 
and the missionaries, Buchner declared, had ever to 
be on the watch. 

(2) For these evilSiin Buf'-hner's ojoimoiT^bp pnly 
remedy was more education. In opposition to the 
Brethren, the Myalmen always denounced Biblical 
study. " Let us not rely," they said, " on books ; 
let us rely directly on the Holy Ghost ; and thereby 
we shall see how misguided the missionaries arc." 
The r€al cau^e ojLthejimible, thereJore,_was ignorance ; 
ignorance led, not only to sin, but also to lazi ness ; 
and laziness was causing economic ruin. In spite 
of Zorn's heroic efforts, most of the children wcr_e 
still uneducated. In the Moravian settlements he 
had succeeded ; in the country districts he had 
failed ; and Buchner endeavoured to remedy the 
defect by establishing " Country Schools." The scene 
in the country districts was appalling. The fields 
once teeming with sugar-canes were now overgrown 
with bushes ; the gates were broken, the stores 
empty, and the living-houses dismantled ; and 
the tenants, instead of tilling the soil, basked and 

The West Indies — Western Province. 223 

smoked tobacco in the sun. At first sight the 
situation seemed hopeless. For the children in the 
country districts the State, so far, had done nothing. 
Once more, however, Mrs. Hutchinson Scott came 
to the rescue. At her request the money was 
provided ' by the London Association in Aid of 
Moravian Missions ; the Moravian Church in Jamaica 
found the headmasters ; and the converts, by free 
labour, erected the buildings. By means of these 
Country Schools, therefore, Buchner and his colleagues 
fought with ignorance and sloth. In 1850^ there 
were fifteen sch ools, with 573 scholars ; in 1865. forty 
oM^T^^^wifh 9,««fi Rf^hffl^^ I n these s chools nearly 
air^he headmasters were natives. §ome of them 
came from the T'rammg School ar Fairfield ; others 
were simply trustworthy church members ; and 
most of them were selected for their piety, rather 
than for their learning. The chie f subject taught in_ 
the schools was the Bible ; reading, ^^ritillg and_ 
arithmetic were, of course, i ncluded ; and taking 
the Scriptures as his tQ^-book, th e headmaster 
taught the childr en to be clean, to be polite, to be 
good, and to be happy. TKe daily morning scene is 
worth describing. At 9 a.m. the laughing children — 
some naked, and some in Osnaburg shirts — streamed 
to the schoolyard from the woods ; and each child 
brought his dinner with him, either in a calabash 
or in a tin can. In the school-yard they now formed 
into line. As soon as the morning hymn had been 
sung, the children entered the school, set the tin 
cans in a row along the school wall, took their places 
and faced the teacher ; and the teacher, beaming 
upon them, said : " Dear children, I want you all 
to love the Saviour." But the scene in the 
school was not always inspiring. For many 
Xt^-Xs _there was a great shortage of slates, books 
and ink-pots ; and the master^s salary Avas only_ 

224 A History of Moravian Missions. 

£10 a year. On the other hand there was cause for 
encouragement. In many cases the children them- 
selves had helped ui-the buildmg of the school x 
and this fact fostered a proper pride and a certain 
sense of school honour. In the playground all 
was energy and joy, and, far happier there than in 
their own homes, the children ate their yams and 
salt-fish, spun their windmills, cracked their whips, 
and stood on their heads. 

(3) In another sense, also, Buchner was a good 
successor to Zorn. In spite of the fact that the 
Moravians were still few in number, he believed that 
they alone could save Jamaica from destruction. 
They alone, he contended, ^xercised the necess^ary 
discipline ; ..tliey almxfv in_any real sense, combined 
religion and ethics ; they, above all, had t aught 
the people to teach themselves. In oilier words, 
they alone had the right to establish, not only a 
Native Ministry, but a fully organized Native Churchy 
With that ideal before them, therefore, the Brethren 
now took three important steps : — 

1841 (a) They opened a Normal School at Fairfield, 

with a theological department. 
1850 (b) They enacted that at each station there 

should be a "Council," possessing certain 

governmental powers. 
1854 (c) They arranged that suitable Church members 

should be employed as Scripture Readers 

and Assistant Preachers. 

5, The Great Revival, 1858—1860. 
The more closely we study the history of the 
^loravians in Jamaica the more we are compelled 
to recognise that the most important, pait nf their 
work, was the educational. By teaching the children 
the Bible they developed a high moral ideal ^ by 
means of their industrial schools tluy encouraged 

The West Indies — Western Province. 225 

initi ative : and now, soon after his departure from 
Jamaica, Buchner heard that his work among the 
young was producing remarkable results. The first 
move was made at Fairfield. According to 
Sonderman, head of the Training School, the first 
" convert " was one of the students ; then a few 1858 
others formed a club for Bible reading; then all 
the students, of their own accord, not only formed 
a Juvenile Missionary Association, but even wrote 
a letter to the children in the Sunday School urging 
them to join ; and the importance of the whole 
movement lay in the fact that for the first time 
young Jamaica Moravians were showing pubUc 
spirit. In the past such work had been left to whites ; 
henceforward natives must take a lead. In other 
congregations the same feature was noticed. At 
New Carmel the young men, without a hint from 
the missionarv', organized their own prayer meeting ; 
at Woodlands young women rebuked sinners on the 
high-road ; and at Fulneck, under the influence of 
Goodwin North — a young man from Heckmondwikt , 
in Yorkshire — the children became the leaders in a 
revival. By the young the Great Revival was 
started ; by the young, chiefly, it was maintained 
throughout. Let us try to understand its real 
nature. For some months this memorable revlTal, 
which soon affected old and young alike, was dis- 
figured by what the critic may call excesses ; and 
yet, on the other hand, we must remember that 
those excesses were no worse than those which 
occurred in England during the Evangelical Revival. 
In outward form there was sometimes a slight 
difference ; in reaUty the main features were the 
same ; and nearly every incident that happened 
in Jamaica might be paralleled by something similar 
in England. In most cases, just as in England, the 
chief symptom some bodily convulsion. At 

226 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Fulneck the convicted sinners screamed, gnashed, 
tore their clothes, tried to throw themselves down 
from the gallery, and even, in some mysterious 
cases, were struck deaf and dumb. At Clifton a 
woman refused food, smashed the wattled walls of 
her hut, and raged so furiously that her neighbours 
had to hold her with ropes. At Nahoe a young 
woman snapped like a dog, flung chains and pots at 
her neighbours' heads, and, screaming " The devil ! 
the devil ! " jumped out of the window. At Fair- 
field men, convulsed with agony, rolled in the open 
air under the fig-tree. At New Hope men had 
twitchings in the face and lay speechless for a fort- 
night. At Lititz the very children writhed on the 
floor. In some cases, however, the mind was more 
affected than the body. Some lay unconscious 
for several days ; others had remarkable visions 
and saw signs in the clouds; and others, convinced 
that the Judgment Day had come, declared that 
they saw Christ in the sky and the souls of the 
damned in hell. 

We must not regard all this as mere excitement. 
For nearly all these physical manifestations there 
was a genuine spiritual cause ; that cause, in most 
cases, was not so much a fear of hell, but rather a 
profound sense of sin ; and when the missionaries 
inquired into the matter they discovered that many 
of the most respected Church members, probably 
misled by Myalmen, had, while outwardly pious, 
been guilty of secret sin. In some cases good Church 
members had pleaded poverty, while all the time they 
had been saving money ; in other cases the sins con- 
fessed were still more serious ; and now men had 
physical convulsions simply because their consciences 
gave them no peace. For this reason, therefore, the 
Great Revival must be described as thoroughly 
genuine, and many of the converts proved their 

The West Indies — Western Province. 227 

sincerity by making sacrifices. At Ipswich a con- 
verted fiddler smashed his fiddle and tambourines ; 
most of the converts now became teetotallers ; 
and the young women burned their fine dresses 
and scattered their rings and bracelets on the Church 
floor. " We earned these things by sin," they said, 
*' and we cannot bear the sight of them." Nor 
were decency and morality the only results of the 
Revival. For some months there was a great demand 
for Bibles and Hymn-books ; " The Pilgrim's 
Progress " became a popular book ; defaulters paid 
their Church dues ; and many contributed to the 
Bible Society and to Foreign Missions. 

6. Two Modern Problems. 

The first is the great problem of the Native 
Ministry. During the next forty or fifty years the 
Moravians were engaged, not so much in Church 
extension, but rather in consolidation ; only seven 
new stations — Mizpah (1866), Dober (1882), Broad- 
leaf (1885), Carisbrook (1885), Patrick Town (1891), 
Kingston (1898), and Moravia (1894) — were founded ; 
and this slowness in advance was due, not to any 
decline in zeal, but to the lack of men and means. 
For the shortage of men the only and obvious remedy 
was the formation of a Native Ministry. But the 
experience of the Moravians was not encouraging. 
In 1876 they opened at Fairfield a Theological 
College ; in 1888 that institution was closed ; 
and the reason given for this last reactionary 
measure was that while some of the candidates 
had been ordained, and became acceptable 
preachers, they had not yet, in the judgment of the 
other missionaries, attained that stability of character 
required in the minister of a congregation. 

The other problem may be called the Housing 
Problem. For the long period of twenty-five years, 1870-95 

228 A History of Moravian Missions. 

one prominent Moravian Missionary, a Swiss, named 
Heinrich Walder, made a systematic endeavour to 
solve this problem ; thereby he became the negroes' 
best friend ; and at the close of his career the people 
expressed their gratitude in a testimonial. The 
situation may be briefly explained. In Jamaica 
the housing problem was closely connected with 
the system of land tenure. At the time when 
Walder commenced his labours the negroes in the 
country districts were divided into three classes. 
At the top of the scale, very few in number, were 
freeholders, living in roomy houses ; next came 
tenants, in small cottages, and liable to be turned 
out by their landlords ; and last, the plantation 
labourers, packed into miserable shanties, and earning 
perhaps, in the busy season, about Is. 6d. a day. 
But this division was moral as well as economic. 
According to the size of the house he occupied 
the moral character of the tenant varied. The 
freeholders had a high sense of self-respect ; the 
cottagers were moderately good ; and the labourers 
were apt to be degraded. The conclusion was 
obvious. The more freeholders there were in 
Jamaica the higher the people would rise in moral 
character. For this reason, therefore, Walder both 
induced and helped many of the converts to become 
freeholders. His name became a household word 
in Jamaica ; other missionaries followed his example ; 
and one declared, a few years ago, that in the free- 
holder lay the hope of the future. | 

By these various methods, therefore, the Moravians 
endeavoured to make Jamaica a land of hope and 
glory. In his English in the West Indies, J. A. Froude, 
the historian, who, in 1887, paid a short visit to the 
island, asserted that the Moravians had more 

•fFor a brief sketoh of Waldor's life, see "Moravian M salons," 
1903, pp. :}0-8. 

The West Indies^ — Western Province. 229 

influence over the natives than eith er Chu rchmen 
"or Xoncoriformists ; they, he decl ared, r eally 

did the most good ;t and, if that statement 
may be accepted as correct, the explanation 
vdW be found in the fact that, while the Moravians 
ha\c preached the same Gospel as their colleagues, they 
have always exercised a stricter discipline, demanded 
and enforced a high ethical standard, paid closer 
attention to the individual, studied the people's 
social requirements, and laid great stress on education. 

t" The English in the West Indies." pp. 232-3 ■ " Of the Morariant 
I heard on all sides the warmest praise. They, above all 
the religious bodies in the island, are admitted to hare a 
practical power for good over the limited number of peopl« 
which belong to them. But the Moravians are but a few. 
They do not rush to make converts in the highways and 
hedges." See also p. 260, where Froude describes an interest- 
ing interview between himself and a Moravian misaionary- 
Araong other things. Froude remarks that while the miB«ioaanr 
was not in the leaat enthusiastic about his " poor black 
sheep " (the phrase is Froude's), he beid that the Jamaica 
labourers were no worse than the English, and that, if they 
were paid better wages, they would probably be much mora 

Chapter II. 


As all the islands in the West Indies are in- 
habited by the same race, negroes — exhibiting, 
though with small variations, the same general 
national characteristics — we are practically justified 
in assuming that in each island the Moraviaa, 
missionaries had the same problems to solve ; in 
each island they opened day schools, trained 
evangelists, and founded temperance and Bible- 
reading Societies ; and, therefore* &l\ wc need to do_ 
in this chapter is to take each island of the Lesser_ 
Antilles in turn and note any distinguishing features 
of interest. In the broad sense, each island was 
simply Jamaica repeated ; in another sense, each 
had its own distinguishing feature. 

1. St. Thomas. In this island the distinguishing 
feature was a curious change in the population, 
brought about by the Danish Act of Emancipation 
(1846). Before emancipation most of the slaves 
lived on the country plantations ; after it they 
swarmed to Tappus and turned the little village 
into the town of St. Thomas. Before emancipation 
the most important congregations were New Herrnhut 
and Niesky ; after it the most important has been 
St. Thomas ; and thus the Moravians now minister, 
not only to men in country districts, but also to 
citizens in a busy city. One fact to the credit of 
the Brethren should be emphasised. In 1840, six 
years before emancipation, the Danish Government 
passed an Act that all Moravian slaves should be_ 
free ; and thereby the Government showed how 
highly Moravian work was valued. 


The West Indies — Eastern Province. 281 

2. St. John. In this island emancipation caused 
a still more radical change. Instead of seeking 
employment in the towns, most of the liberated slaves 
fled from the island altogether ; those who remained, 
aboiit^hlne hundred, settled down on the sea coast ; 
and the missionary who ministers to their needs 
is such an all-round man that the people call him the 
"Father of St. John." With his medicine chest 
attached to his girdle, he visits every cottage, holds 
services at Emmaus and Bethany, and is personally 
known to every negro on the island. 

8. St. Croix. In this island emancipation had 
the very opposite effect. Instead^ of deserting the 
old plantations, the negroes- -inad£_^Ood bargains^ 
with their past owners, and agreed to work for_ 
wages ; the plantations flourished more than ever.i. 
and the population rose to 20,000. For this reason, 
therefore, St. Croix became the most prosperous 
island in the Danish West Indies ; each of the 
three Moravian stations — Friedensfeld, Friedensthal, 
and Friedensberg — became a centre of Christian 
activity ; and the Church members drove in fine 
style to Church, and gave a tenth of their income to 
Church Funds. The chief danger in St. Croix was 
drink. For many years rum was only threepence 
a bottle ; many of the baser sort succumbed ; and 
wife-beating and gambling became very common. 

4. St. Kitts. St. Kitts is the island of disasters. 
In 1836 there was a terrible earthquake ; in 1880 there 
was a flood ; in the next decade there was great 
poverty, caused by the fall in the price of sugar ; 
and in 1896 there were so many riots that the 
Government had to call out the mihtary. Never- 
theless, the Moravian Missi on ^prospered ; three new 
^atjons— Bethesda (1821)," Bethel (1882), Estridge 
(1845) — were founded ; Friendly Societies and 

232 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Missionary Unions flourished ; and most of the 
members, in spite of poverty, proved steady and 

5. Antigua. Antigua became the pride o f ;t^e 
Moravian Church. For many years after the death 
of " Massa Brown," Antigua was commonly regarded, 
from the moral and spiritual point of view, as the 
finest island in the British West Indies ; at the 
special request of the Government, the Brethren 
Biiilt T^ewReld (1817), followed five years later by 
Cedar Hall ; and so high was the character attained 
by the 15,000 negroes under the Brethren's care, 
that when tlie First Emancipation Act was passed, 
the Government inserted a special clause declaring 
that, while in all the other islands the slaves must 
first serve a period of apprenticeship, in Antigua 
they should receive their full liberty at once. Never 
did the Moravian Church receive a higlier com- 
pliment ; and never was the confidence of the 
Government more fully justified. But the greatest 
glories of Antigua were still to come. During the 
next twenty years three more stations were founded, 
Lebanon (1838), Gracefield (1840), and Greenbay 
(1849). In 1855, by founding a Female Teachers' 
Seminary, the Brethren supplied female teachers 
for the day schools ; in 1856, J. Buckley became the 
first ordained native minister ; in 1890 the Governor 
of Antigua was so impressed by the Brethren's work 
that he asked them to open a mission in Dominica; 
and in 1900 the Mission Board opened a Theological^ 
College at Buxton Grove. In Jamaica the attempt 
to establish a native ministry had failed ; in Antigua^ 
it was much more successful. For this high moral 
standard in Antigua much of the credit must be 
ffiven to a Yorkshireman, l^ishop Westerby 
(^(1838-80). For many years he was ~tlie most im- 
portant man in the island. He introduced organs 

The West Indies — Eastern Province. 238 

into every Moravian Church ; viTote a treatise on 
hurricanes ; compiled the Communion Liturgy used 
in the West Indies ; was Chairman of the Antigua 
Board of Education, of the Poor Law Board, and of 
the Board of Guardians ; and, altogether, did so 
much to upUft the people that, on his retirement, 
they asked the Governor to give him a pension. At 
his funeral Anglican Clergymen helped to carry the 
coffin, and afterwards the people erected a memorial 
fountain to his memory, f 

6. Barbados. The distinguishing [feature of 
Barbadosrjwill be found in the character of the 
people. For some reason — possibly the presence 
of an Irish element — both the whites and the negroes 
of Barbados are said to be far more lively and 
talkative than those in the other islands ; and many 
Barbadians pride themselves on their intellectual 
superiority. But this feature was not always 
an advantage. As the Moravians took no 
part in the great negro rebellion in 1816, most 
of the planters now befriended the Mission ; thus 
encouraged, the Brethren founded new stations 
at Mt. Tabor (1826), Bridgetown (1886), and Chfton 
Hill (1841) ; and yet, on the whole, the missionaries 
found the people hard to reach. In disposition 
the people were genial and smart ; in reliability 
of character they were often disappointing. For 
this reason, therefore, progress in Barbados was 
slow. The island also suffered from several disasters. 
In 1819 and 1831 there were terrible hurricanes ; 
in 1854 the cholera carried off one-seventh of the 
population ; and two destructive fires occurred in 

7. Tobago. On this small island the Moravian 
missionary has long been the next most important 

tFor a aketoli of Westerbv, see " Moravian Missions," August, 190S. 

284 A History of Moravian Missions. 

man to the Governor. At the request of a pious 
planter, Montgomery was founded (1827) ; two 
more stations, Moriah (1848) and Bethesda (1878), 
followed ; and Sir Hugh Clifford, after visiting the 
island, declared that of all the religious bodies the 
Moravians achieved the most satisfactory results. f 
By his patient labours, he said, T. L. Clemens taught 
the young people self-respect. 

8. Trinidad. For some years Trinidad had been 
the most prosperous island in the West Indies. 
1890 Port of Spain was now a great business centre ; 
one hundred and twenty million barrels of cocoa 
were exported ; and recently seven hundred 
Moravians had found work on the island, partly 
on the docks and partly on country estates ; and 
now some Moravian natives at St. Madeleine asked to 
have a minister. For fifteen years (1890-1905) 
the chief worker in Trinidad was Marc Richard, 
a Swiss ; stations were founded at Rosehill (near 
Port of Spain), Chaguanas, Manantial, Belmont, 
Manzanilla, L'Anse Noir, and Matelot ; and both 
Richard and his successors discovered that in no 
island was Moravian work more needed. In Port 
of Spain many of the business men were morally 
corrupt, and the missionary's only staunch friends 
were a few Free Church Ministers. In Manantial, 
heathen Chinese conducted a rum-shop ; in some 
of the villages there were many Mahometans ; 
and many of the natives were still addicted to old 
African vices and superstitions. With the aid, 
however, of his native converts, Marc Richard 
soon accomplished wonders ; Native Helpers, Native 
Catechists, Native Committee Men, and Native 
Teachers rendered faithful assistance ; and A. B. 
Hutton, Richard's successor, found his people ready 

fSee Blackwood's Magazine, " Time and Tobago," September, 
1905, pp. 321-2. 

The West Indies — Eastern Province. 285 

to work, fond of good music, and interested in 
Biblical instruction. 

9. San Domingo. — For the benefit of Mora\'ian 1907 
converts who had gone to San Domingo in search of 
work, a native minister, J. A. D. Bloice, was appointed 
(1907) ; San Pedro became the headquarters ; and 
the number of members soon exceeded one thousand. 

Chapter III. 
GREENLAND, 1800—1900. 

For one hundred years the Moravians in Greenland 
plodded on so quietly with their work that, although 
they wrote many letters home, they had rarely any- 
thing very exciting to tell. Sometimes the weather 
was severe, and sometimes mild ; sometimes the 
Greenlanders caught plenty of seals, and some- 
times they were nearly starving ; sometimes they 
increased and multiplied, and sometimes they were 
slaughtered by an epidemic ; sometimes the Brethren 
had safe voyages, and sometimes they were wrecked 
and nearly drowned ; and thus the same tale of ups 
and downs was told from year to year. As the 
Brethren's field of labour was limited, they had not 
much chance of extension. For some years they 
remained contented with the three old eighteenth 
century stations, New Herrnhut, Lichtenfels, and 
Lichtenau ; then, at intervals, they founded 
Frederiksdal in the south (1824), Umanak to the 
north (1861), and Igdlorpait (1864) near Lichtenau ; 
and thus, eventually, the Brethren commanded the 
whole region from Godhaab to Cape Farewell. In 
accordance with the law laid down by Government, 
the Greenlanders lived, not only in the Brethren's 
settlements, but at many fishing places along the 
coast ; and, therefore, in connexion with each 
station there were several out-preaching places. The 
Brethren's parish was about 300 miles long ; and 
about 4,000 people were under their charge. 

At the request of certain friends in Dundee, 
Matthew Warnow (1857) visited Cumberland Inlet, 
but reported that work up there was out of the 
question ; and later, with a similar result, John 


Greenland. 287 

Brodbeck (1881) visited the East Coast of Greenland. 
We note some points of interest. 

1. If a prize were offered for producing veterans, 
Greenland would be an easy winner. The Founder 
of the Mission, Matthew Stach, served thirty-eight 
years (1733-71) ; his colleague, Frederick Bohnisch, 
twenty-nine years (1733-63); John Sorensen, forty- 
seven years (1746-93) ; John Gorke, forty-three 
years (1782-1825) ; John Grilhch, forty-eight years 
(1786-1884) ; Fhegel, forty-one years "(1775-1816) ; 
and J. Miiller, forty-one years (1818-54). But the 
most distinguished veterans of all were the Becks. 
The first, John Beck, was in Greenland forty-two 
years (1736-1777), his son, John Jacob, fifty-two 
years (1770-1822), and altogether there were Becks 
in the service for more than one hundred and fifty 
years. The self-denial of the Brethren was 
stupendous. In spite of improvements in naviga- 
tion, the voyage to Greenland was always dangerous, 
and four missionaries — Christian Heinze, John R. 
Walder, John F. Kranich, and Sophia Konigseer — 
perished at sea. The stations were lonely and far 
removed from each other; and thus, far away from 
books, from doctors, and from modem scientific 
inventions, the Brethren toiled ^^ithout a murmur, 
among a dirty and stupid people. In summer they 
tilled their gardens, mended houses, and explored the 
coast ; in winter, they kept many meetings for young 
and old ; and thus, as Cowper said : — 

Fired with a zeal peculiar they defy 
The rage and rigour of a polar sky, 
And plant successfully sweet Sharon's Rose 
On icy plains and in eternal snows. 

2. Again, several Brethren did literary work. 
At the time when Kayarnak was converted, John 
Beck had begun translating the Gospels. John 

288 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Kleinschmidt, the elder, continued his work, and 
finished the whole New Testament ; and in 1828 
this translation was published by the British and 
Foreign Bible Society. At various times other 
Brethren produced a Manual of Christian Doctrine, 
a Hymn Book, a Harmony of the Gospels, translations 
from the German " Nachrichten," and a Reader's 
Primer. But, perhaps, the best Greenland scholar 
was Samuel Kleinschmidt. He prepared a Greenland 
Grammar and Dictionary, wrote, in Eskimo, a 
Universal History, a Geography, and a History of 
Missions, and aided by the Danish chaplain, 
Jaergenson, translated most of the Old Testament. 

3. In order to reach the outlying districts, the 
Brethren, of course, had largely to rely on natives. 
For some years, both at New Herrnhut (1850-84), 
and at Lichtenau (1860-84), they made a systematic 
attempt to train Native Helpers. But the students 
never made any striking progress. The course 
lasted six years. Two hours a day the student 
gave to his books ; the rest of the day he was 
hunting or fishing ; and at the end of his training 
he received a rifle. He had, of course, though 
licensed to preach, to earn his own living with his 
hands. If he merely preached he received no salary 
at all ; if he taught in the Day School, he received 
six rix-dollars a year. The success of the system 
was partial. In spite of all the Brethren's efforts, not 
a single student was found fit for ordination. Some 
caused scandal by committing sins of the flesh ; 
and only two, Louis at New Herrnhut, and Stephen 
at Lichtenfels, could be left, even for a short time, 
in charge of a station. The most famous Native 
Helper was Stephen. For two years he was left in 
charge of Lichtenfels (1892-4) ; and there he was 
both a stern teacher and a kind friend. With the 
zeal of a temperance orator, he rebuked the people 

Greenland. 289 

for drinking too much coffee ; and when the 
influenza came, he hobbled on his gouty toes 
from hut to hut, nursing the patients, cooking 
their meals, and reading the Bible to them. But 
Stephen died in his early prime, and the Brethren 
never looked upon his like again. As long as the 
Greenlanders had to work so hard there was no 
chance of forming a Native Ministry. They had 
not the intellectual ability ; they had not the time ; 
and they had not the character; and, therefore, 
finally, the Brethren abandoned the attempt. 

4. Another stern fight was the fight with 
poverty. In this work the Brethren were aided 
by the Danish Government. In order to encourage 
the people to be thrifty, the Government even 
offered prizes to all who had saved up for the winter. 
For keeping his kayak the man received a shilling ; 
for kayak and gun, a little more ; for kayak, gun, 
and provisions, a little more still. But, in spite of these 
lessons, the people were as thriftless as ever. Instead 
of saving up for the winter, they either devoured the 
fish they had caught, or sold it for coffee and tobacco, 
and then, when the winter storms began, the regular 
question in the Mission House was, " I wonder 
how our people vdM fare to-day.'* 

As they asked the question there would come a knock 
at the door, and there stood a woe-begone family man. 

" Well, what is it ? " said the missionary. 

" We have nothing in the house to eat. Can you 
let us have some dried herrings ? " 

" But surely," said the missionary, " you have some 
laid up for the winter." 

" No, not a single fish." 

" But that is very careless of you." 

" If you loved me," whined the hungry beggar, 
" you would never talk hke that. Ah ! you don't 
practise what you preach." 

240 A History of Moravian Missions. 

At such crises the missionary shewed both good 
temper and sense. For every herring now provided 
he arranged that the beggar should do so much work 
the following spring, and the agreement was duly 
entered into a book. But the Greenlanders hated 
these rules. According to them, Europe was a land 
of gold, and the missionary a millionaire ; and the 
man they loved most was not the man who taught 
them self-help, but the man who gave them most 
to eat. If the missionary promised to give out 
bread, he could always have a full Church. At best 
the Greenlanders were only grown-up children. At 
the Centenary celebrations, for example, each man 
received a knife, each boy a fish-hook, and each 
woman and girl some needles and pins ; and home they 
trudged that night with beaming faces. The more 
they received the more pleased they were ; and the 
more they were asked to give the more they rebelled. 
For school materials — slates, pencils and books — 
the fee was one penny a session, and the mothers 
thought this price exorbitant. Above all, the people 
objected when told that they should help to support 
the Mission ; and even at the close of the nineteenth 
century they thought, with very few exceptions, 
that they should be paid for coming to Church. 

" Ah ! " said the mothers, " the old missionaries 
were the best. Instead of asking for subscriptions, 
they had something to give us." 

5. In education the Greenlanders were equally slow. 
As the boys had to go hunting in summer, the 
schools were open in winter only. As the storm raged 
outside, the boys and girls huddled round the cosy 
stove ; and anon, the boys, glancing out of the 
window, watched some young man trying to paddle 
his kayak. 

At the stations the teacher was generally one of 
the missionaries ; at the out-stations one of the 

GR££NLAND. 24 1 

Native Helpers. But neither missionaries nor helpers 
forced the process. As long as the Greenland climate 
remained so severe, the chief duty of a boy was to 
manage a kayak, and the chief duty of a girl was to 
help her mother ; and neither boys nor girls were 
set hard tasks. They sang a hymn, read aloud from 
a primer ; studied Bible pictures, and coveted the 
Jews' red and blue dresses ; and %\Tote on slates with 
pencils wrapped in bright paper. As these pencils were 
given out the greatest excitement prevailed ; and 
while the pupil who obtained the bright one rejoiced, 
the one who obtained the dullest wept. Sometimes the 
boys learned a little arithmetic, and the girls sewing 
and knitting. The arithmetic had always a practical 
purpose : " If a man can eat six dried herrings a 
day," said the missionary, " how many herrings 
should he save up to last the six winter months ? " ; 
and sometimes, it is said, a bright boy solved the 
problem. With such small results the missionaries 
had to be content. As soon as a boy could manage 
a kayak he was given one by the Government ; 
his school-days then ended, and off he paddled 
after seals ; and even if he attended a night-school, 
he was too sleepy to Usten, 

" We must not expect too much knowledge," 
said a missionary; "if they know their Bibles and 
Christian doctrine, let us be content." At the 
close of the century there were 24 schools, with 
891 pupils. 

6. In physical health the Greenlanders 
deteriorated. According to one missionary, this 
change was chiefly due to the fact that while in 
former years they lived on seals, in later years they 
lived on herrings ; and, therefore, they had now- 
less fat, less exercise, and less courage. In olden 
days every man could manage a kayak ; in modern 
times only one in ten. In olden days they dressed 

242 A History of Mokavian Missions. 

in seal-skill, but now in European cloth ; in olden 
days they drank chiefly water, but now strong 
coffee ; and having less power to resist disease, 
they fell before fearful epidemics. At the same time 
the Greenlandcrs had less skill on the sea ; each year 
large numbers were drowned ; and, according to 
Samuel Kleinschmidt, at least half the able-bodied 
men died sudden accidental deaths. For these 
reasons, therefore, the Greenlanders were dying out. 
In 1857 there were 1,965 converts ; in 1899, only 

7. In morals, however, the Greenlanders decidedly 
improved. As no alcoholic drinks were allowed 
in the country, they could not possibly be topers ; 
and although they are said to have drunk coffee 
to excess, they never became confirmed drunkards. 
Sometimes they smoked too much and were prone 
to be lazy. " If I only have tobacco," said one 
pleasure lover, " I am content, and need no con- 
version." At the close of the century, adultery 
was still fairly common, robbery an occasional 
scandal, and murder almost unknown ; and although 
the poor folk were still conceited, and materialistic 
in their desires, they had learned to be kind to each 
other, to feed the hungry, and to bear trouble with 
Christian patience. 

8. At last the Brethren were faced by a serious 
problem. For over one hundred and sixty years 
the Brethren had toiled in this dreary " land of 
desolation " ; and as the whole west coast of 
Greenland was now nominally Christian, some 
Moravians held that the time had come to retire 
from Greenland and hand the converts over 
to the Danish Church. In order, if possible, to come 
to a wise decision, the Mission Board first sent 
Otto Padel to Copenhagen to negotiate both with 

Greenland. 243 

the Danish (Government and the Danish Church, 
and then, having gathered information in abundance, 
they submitted the issue to the General Synod. 
The debate thorough. On the one side was 
sentiment; on the other common sense; and the 
resohition passed was that " The work in Greenland 1899 
be transferred to the Danish State Church.'* For 
this decision the following reasons were given : — 

(1) The work was begun as an aid to the Danish 

Church, and that aid was no longer needed. 

(2) The Brethren, who worked among pure 

Natives, had failed to estabhsh a Native 
Ministry ; the Danes, who had worked 
i mong half-breeds, had succeeded, and 
these men could perform the long journeys 
far more quickly than the Brethren. 

(3) The Mission was costly, and the Brethren 

needed the monc}- for new work. 

(I) The converts might safely be left to Danish 
Chaplains, now devoted to the work. 

(5) Til • Danish Government welcomed the change. 
:\t present, they said, there was a slight 
discord between the Moravian and Danish 
con\erts, and the idea was that all should 
belong to one Church. 

Next year the resolution took effect. In Green- 1900 
land the news excited mingled feelings. At some 
of the stations a few base wretches rejoiced, thinking 
that under the Danish Church they would have more 
liberty to sin. But most of the people were sorry 
and wept sore. At Umanak the scene was heart- 
breaking. As the Brethren's boat pushed off from 
the shore, the people, standing at the water's edge, 
tried to strike up a chorale; but, alas ! their voices 
were choked in sobs and the trombones gave no 

244 A History of Moravian Missions. 

sound. At Igdlorpait the people believed that they 
themselves were to blame. 

" It's a judgment on us for our disobedienee," 
said Helper F. Carolus. 

" It's worse than that," said Maurice. " It's 
the end of the world." 

The most striking farewell service was at Lichtenau. 
As the Church would hold only 400 the service had 
to be held in the open air ; eight hundred Green- 
landers sat on the grass, and this was the largest 
gathering ever known in Greenland. The missionary, 
Bohlmann, took a photograph of the scene. Among 
those present was the new Danish Minister, Baele. 
The old order was changing; the new was about to 
begin ; and after Reigel, the President, had preached 
the farewell sermon, young Baele, in thrilling tones, 
informed the crowd that, although there was a change 
of management, he would preach the same Christ, 
the same faith, and the same Father in Heaven. 
At the close of the service there was a United Com- 
munion, and then the Helpers, in a hymn composed 
by one of themselves, sang farewell to their parting, 
and welcome to their coming, friends. 

At last, when all farewell services were over, the 
Moravian missionaries, with wives and children, 
Sept. Uth were gathered in the starlit harbour of Julienhaab. 
As the Brethren put off in boats to board the Nordlyset, 
the Greenlanders standing on the shore cried out, 
" Tread your path in peace." For a week, on 
account of bad weather, the Nordlyset rode at anchor, 
and on Sunday, the Greenlanders, ascending a hill, 
played chorales on their trombones. 
Sept. 18th Ori Tuesday the wind blew fair ; the anchor was 
weighed ; and slowly the Nordlyset began to move. 
Around the great ship was a fleet of Greenland boats ; 
in one sat the faithful band ; and once again across 
the waters came the grand solemn soiuid of the 



trombones. As the music swelled the whole crew 
paused to listen, and the eyes of the Moravian 
Brethren filled with tears. Along the coast the ship 
crept slowly southward. A few days later Cape 
Farewell was passed, and the story of Mora^ian 
Missions in Greenland had closed. 



As David Zeisbergcr lay on his death-bed at 
Goshen, the sad thought oppressed his heroic soul 
that, after more than sixty years of toil, only three 
Christian Indian stations remained; and now on these 
three stations — Goshen in Ohio, Fairfield on the 
Thames in Canada, and Springplace in Georgia — 
his successors concentrated their attention. At each 
place they endeavoured to save a dyir><7 race ; v.\ 
each place they encountered insuperable difficulties ; 
and at each place, thei-efore, they fought a losing 

1. Goshen. In this case the enemy was drink. 
Formerly there had existed a law, passed at 
Zeisberger's request, that no whisky should be sold 
to the Indians in Ohio ; just before his death, how- 
ever, that law was repealed, and so many of the 
converts took to drink that in 1823 the station was 
closed. Only a few sober Indians remained, and 
these few were now transferred to Fairfield in Canada. 

1813 2. Fairfield.— During the war between England 

and America this station was destroyed ; soon after- 
wards, it was rebuilt and called " New Fairfield " ; 
and the Brethren's success at this new station was 
largely due to the efficient help rendered 
by the British Government. Nowhere had the 
Delaware Indians a better opportunity to prosper. 
New Fairfield became a model settlement ; a famous 
sorcerer, Onin, was couAcrted ; and the Indians, 
for the time being, becan^.e good Christian citizens. 
No white trader was allowed to encroach on the 
premises. Each fanii'y had at least about forty 


The North American Indians. 247 

acres of good land ; each family also received an 
annual government grant of £2 10s. ; and, if the 
farmer was both industrious and thrifty, he could 
become a freeholder. For these privileges the 
Indians had to pay no taxes. In the eyes of the law 
the Indians were minors, and could not, therefore, 
be arrested for debt. On the other hand, they were 
considered morally responsible ; for any offences 
against the law they, like other criminals, might be 
punished ; and the missionary, acting as Government 
Commissioner, saw that the laws were enforced. 
At the special request of the converts, the British 
Government once more forbade the sale of spirits 
to Indians (1836) ; and further, at the Brethren's 
request, the annual government grant was made, 
not as formerly, in money, but in agricultural 
implements. Thus were the Indians at New Fairfield 
shielded from temptation. For a while these 
measures proved successfid. Most of the Indians 
were now total abstainers ; some of them became 
prosperous farmers ; and the missionary could often 
hear them singmg hymns in the cornfields. 

Meanwhile, however, beneath the surface, a deadly 
force was at work. In the eighteenth century 
Spangenberg had complained that the Indian, 
by nature, was as fickle as an April day ; now 
his successors had the same experience ; and 
the sad fact has to be recorded that, during 
the latter half of the nineteenth century, the 
Indians at New Fairfield steadily degenerated in 
character. According to one Moravian minister, 
there was a fundamental difference between the 
Negro and the Indian. The former was like a child 
with a hopeful future ; the latter was like an old 
man with a softening brain. In all probability, the 
cause of the trouble was drink ; drink had ruined the 
Delawares for generations ; drink had enfeebled 

248 A History of Moravian Missions. 

both the mind and the body ; and now, it appears, 
the sins of the father were being visited upon the 
children. At all events, whatever the cause, the 
Indians became both ungrateful and disobedient. 
1837 Some emigrated, and founded Westfield, in Kansas ; 
some, though members of a Temperance Society, 
drank in secret ; some denounced the missionary 
as a tyrant, and claimed that the land they rented 
was their own ; and some, disgusted with the 
Moravians' stern system of discipline, deserted to 
the Methodists. In vain one missionary, Adolphus 
Hartmann, opened an Orphan Home ; the children's 
relatives compelled him to close it. The last straw 
was sectarian controversy. By the close of the 
nineteenth century three churches — Anglican, 
Methodist, and Moravian — competed with each 
other at New Fairfield ; the Indians, always 
fond of discussion, now made invidious 
comparisons ; and the Brethren ended the 
dispute by handing over their converts to the 

8. Georgia. For the absolute failure of the 
Mission in Georgia the chief blame rests on the 
Georgia Government. For a few years the Mission 
flourished ; both at Springplace and at Oochgelmy 
boarding-schools for Indian boys were opened ; 
and then, in 1831, the Government, without the 
slightest provocation, not only expelled the Moravian 
missionaries from Springplace, but also robbed the 
Cherokees of their land, instituted a State lottery, 
and handed over the land to fortunate winners. 
For a dozen years the Cherokees wandered from 
State to State, seeking rest and finding none ; 
and then, at last, they found a new home (1848) 
in Indian territory. There the Brethren endeavoured 
to revive the cause ; and two new stations. New 
Springplace and Woodmount, were founded (1878). 


The North American Indians. 249 

For the following reasons, however, this last enter- 
prise ended in failure : — 

(a) The System of Land Tenure. The American 
system of land tenure was far inferior to the British. 
In Canada the land was leased direct to individuals 
or families ; in Indian Territory it was leased to whole 
tribes ; and the individual, being only a sub-tenant, 
had no real security of tenure. At any moment, 
some rival, by offering a higher rent, or by means 
of some backstairs influence, might dispossess him 
of his property. For this reason the Cherokee farmer 
could take little interest in his farm ; frequently 
he sublet it to a white ; and thus, while in theory he 
was a farmer, in reality he became an idle vagabond. 

(6) The Cherokee Language. Among the Cherokees 
Zeisberger's books were useless. No one had written 
a Cherokee Dictionary or Grammar ; the Cherokee 
language was exceptionally difficult ; and no 
missionary could learn it unless he began in his child- 
hood. On Sundays, therefore, the scene at Church was 
chaotic. The missionary spoke in English ; a Cherokee 
interpreted ; and often the interpreter was drunk. 

(c) Tobacco and Whisky. With a few exceptions 
the Cherokees smoked to excess ; even at Church both 
men and women sat chewing tobacco ; and the women 
were sometimes lighting their pipes as the minister 
entered. The drink evil was stUl more deadly. In 
theory, as at New Fairfield, the sale of spirits to Indians 
was forbidden ; in fact, the Indians drank in secret. 

For all these reasons, therefore, the Brethren 
found it impossible to gather a settled congregation. 
In 1895 both stations were taken over by the 
Bethlehem Home Missionary Society ; thereby they 
became incorporated with the North American 
Province of the Moravian Church ; and a few faithful 
Cherokees still attended the services. 

Chapter V. 

SURINAM, 1800—1914. 

During the last forty or fifty years the Dutch Colony 
of Surinam has been by far tlie strongest province 
in the whole Moravian Mission Field ; more than half 
the Christians in the country belong to the Moravian 
Church ; and so efficiently has the work been 
organized, and so deep has been the missionaries' 
influence over the lives of the natives, that 
Paramaribo, the capital, might be described as the 
most Christian city in the world. In the year 1909 
a religious census of Surinam was taken ; and, 
not counting the unknown numbers of heathen, 
who still swarm in the southern woods and jimgles, 
the official result was as follows : — Moravians, 
27,159 ; Roman Catholics, 5,529 ; Dutch Reformed 
Church, 505 ; Anglicans, SSi ; Lutherans, 3,022 : 
Hindus, 12,467 ; Jews, 1,094 ; Mahometans, 8,418. 
Let us now examine : — (1) The Old Mission, or 
Paramaribo and its environs. (2) The new Mission, 
or the Bush Negroes. (3) The Coolies and other 
New-comers. (4) The New Order. 

1. The Old Mission, or Paramaribo and 
Its Environs. 

(a) Business. The first point to notice is 
geographical. For over one hundred and fifty years — 
I cannot say exactly how lono— the Moravian Church 
has held possession, at the south end of Paramaribo, 
of a goodly little tract of land known as the 
" Moravian Compound " ; the business part of this 
compound is called the Winkel ; and there, in 1765, 
a Moravian firm, known still as J. Kersten & Co., 
established, for the benefit of the Mission, such a 
flourishing business concern that, until quite recently, 


Surinam. 251 

trade and religion went hand in hand. For taking 
that step the Church must not be called -woildiy. 
In the eighteenth century no Mora\'ian missionary 
received any salary for his services. In every case 
his first duty was to earn his living. For many 
years, therefore, the rule existed that every Surinam 
missionary must serve his time in the Winkel ; there 
he toiled the greater part of the day, keeping bocks 
and serving customers ; and then, when that little 
flower, the "Fo Joeroe," closed her petals — i.e., at 
about 4 p.m. — he closed the shop, sipped liis coffee, 
set out to \'isit his flock, and conducted week-night 
meetings. In due time this business ministered to 
nearly all the physical and mental needs, not only 
of the missionaries, but also of their converts. For 
some years the only articles sold were such simple 
household commodities as linen, wool, buck-skin, 
hats, combs, brushes, slates, pencils, and mouse- 
traps ; then, in due course, the Brethren opened 
a bakehouse, a carpenter's shop, a smithy, a dairy, 
and a plant for manufacturing such articles as 
ploughs, locks, clocks, pumps, and p>etroleum cookers ; 
and finally, through their printing press, the Brethren 
published Bible Stories, New Testaments, H\Tnn 
Books, Text Books, Catechisms, Law Books, 
Magazines, and School Books in thousands. Thus did 
the ^loravian missionaries, by means of their industry, 
solve the financial problem, find employment for 
many of their converts, improve the economical 
status of the colony, and raise the natives to a 
high state of intellectual efficiency. In connexion 
with this business firm, country branches were 
established ; by means of these country branches 
building material was supplied for purposes of Church 
extension ; and so successful was the whole system 
that, till the year 1876, the Surinam Mission was 
financially independent. 

252 A History of Moravian Missions. 

(6) Supervision. But now comes the most 
wonderful part of the story. In spite of their 
strenuous business engagements, the Moravian 
missionaries in Paramaribo managed to keep in 
personal touch with all the members of their flock. 
In the city parishes they had 8,000 members ; others 
dwelt in the suburbs of Rust en Vrede (1882), Combe 
(1884), and Wanica (1886) ; and preaching-places 
were also opened on very many plantations. 
And yejt all the 14,000 members were personally 
known to the missionaries. The mode of supervision 
was remarkable. In the attic above the central 
church in Paramaribo, which held about 2,000, there 
was an office called the " Great Room " or " Bigi- 
KamiraJ" ; in that office one missionary, acting as 
General Registrar, kept a number of differently- 
coloured roll-books ; in those roll-books all the 
names of all the communicants, all the adherents, 
and all the children were entered ; and the simple 
and ingenious system was that each Moravian in 
Paramaribo also possessed a ticket corresponding in 
colour to that of the roll-book in which his name was 
entered. In the orange book, e.g., were the names of 
new-comers ; in the dark green the men from A to J ; 
and in the grass-green, the women from A to D. 
By means of this ticket system, the missionaries 
supervised all their members. Each Comnmnicant 
showed his ticket before he came to Communion ; 
each candidate showed his ticket at the Baptism 
Class ; each schoolboy showed his ticket at the school 
door ; and the only meetings for which no tickets 
were required were those set apart for public 
worship. In spite, however, of this system of 
discipline — or rather, perhaps, on account of it — the 
Moravian missionaries in Paramaribo were popular. 
On Sundays all four churches were generally crowded ; 
on special occasions, such as Easter and Christmas, 

Surinam. 258 

one half of the congregation Ustened through the 
open windows ; and sometimes, at the annual 
Mission Festivals, the proceedings lasted tluree hours. 

(c) Social Work. We come here to a curious 
feature of the negro character. By nature the 
Surinam Negro was a clubman rather than a domestic 
man. Paramaribo is a city of clubs. In his club 
the Negro was perfectly happy ; in his o^ti home 
he was ill at ease; and the Brethren, recognismg 
the fact, and desiring to keep him from the pubUc- 
house, estabhshed a large number of Christian 
clubs. For the poor there was a " Poor's Society," 
founded in 1847 by some Negro women ; for all 
concerned a Sick Club, possessing its own small 
Hospital ; for the employees of Kersten & Co., 
an Insurance Society ; for the youths and maidens, 
Young Men's and Young Women's Christian 
Associations; for those so disposed, Prayer 
Unions and Singing Clubs ; and, for the boys, a 
Reading Society, known as " Timothy." By means 
of these organizations the Brethren fought the 
dram-shop, the gambling-den, and the picture-house ; 
most of the clubs raised money for charitable and 
religious purposes ; and thus, in Paramaribo, the 
club became almost as important as the Church. 

(d) Self-Help. In two ways the Brethren 
endeavoured to teach the people to help them- 
selves. First, the firm of Kersten & Co. had a 
special building scheme whereby each employee 
might become a freeholder. In principle this 
scheme was similar to the Wyndham Act in Ireland. 
The firm bought the house for the employee ; the 
employee paid off the price in instalments ; and 
thus, in time, he had his house free of rent. Secondly, 
with the aid of the Government, the Brethren 
looked after orphans ; one missionary.- was known 

254 A History of Mokavian Missions. 

as the Orphan's Missionary, and his business was 
to see that each had a good foster-parent. 
For looking after the ehild the foster-parent received 
8s. 6d. a week ; part of tliis sum was supplied by 
the Government ; and the missionary systematically 
visited the house. 

(e) Education. On this topic there was some 
difference of opinion between the Government and 
the missionaries. The question in dispute was the 
language question. For reasons of a patriotic nature 
the Government insisted that no school should receive 
State-aid unless the teachers used and taught the 
Dutcli language; with this condition the missionaries, 
wlio spoke Negro-English, could not at first 
( oiriply ; and the consequence was that though the 
Brethren imported, at very great expense, a few 
headmasters from Holland, they could never make 
their schools a success like those in the West Indies. 

(/) Visitation. In order to keep in close touch 
with the people the Paramaribo missionaries laid 
great stress on house-to-house visitation. Each 
evening, for two or three hours, they threaded the 
sandy streets, and heard strange talcs in little back 
rooms. In one, they met a crowd of young patriots 
puffing at their cigarettes and shouting " Surinam 
for the Surinamers;" in another a Cliinaman was 
lighting his opium pipe at a lamp ; in another lay 
a leper thanking God for His mercies, or a sinful 
woman dying of consumption, and asking the Lord 
to forgive her ; in another an aged saint reading her 
illustrated book of Bible stories. 

(g) The Bethesda Leper Home. For the benefit 
of all the lepers in Surinam, some of whom had 
caused great offence by begging in the streets of 
Paramaribo, the Government (1897) built a small 
\ illagc at Great CluitiUon ; one part of this 

Surinam. 255 

village, named Bethcsda, was placed mider the 
care of the Moravians, who p^o^^ded, not only the 
chaplain, but also a staff of nurses ; and so great was 
the enthusiasm roused by this charitable institution 
that when Henry Weiss, the chaplaLn, went on a 
collecting tour, he found himself famous. In 
New York (1903) he was presented to President 
Roosevelt ; at Buffalo certam benevolent ladies 
issued a half-yearly magazine entitled, " Among 
the Lepers in Surinam " ; and later, in Holland, he 
interviewed Queen Wilhelmina, and received from 
Iier a harmonium for the hospital, a gold medal for 
one of the nurses, and a bust of herself for the Roman 
Cathohc patients. The institution was soon well 
known in the land. Some of the patients became good 
Christians, and sent gifts to the Leper Home in 
Jerusalem ; most of them learned to make boots 
or till the garden ; and in 1917 the good news was 
announced that, after trying the so-called "Delord 
Remedy," one leper had been completely cured. 

By means, therefore, of all the foregoing methods, the 
Moravian Church gradually increased in favour, not 
only with the Go\ crnment, but also with the planters. 
Formerly the planters had hated and despised 
the Brethren ; now, towards the close of the century, 
they rendered financial assistance. In the year 
1833 only six plantations in the country were avail- 
able for missionary work ; in the year 1836 the 
number had increased to one hundred and thirty ; 
and, thus encouraged, the Brethren founded, in the 
immediate neighbourhood of the city, new stations 
at Charlottenburg (1835), Salem (1840), Beekhuizen 
(1843), Rust en Werk (1844), Leliendal (1848), 
Catharina Sophia (1855), Heerendyke (1856), Bersaba 
(1858), Waterloo (1859), Clevia (1859), Domburg 
(1891), Nickerie (1894), Potribo (1896), and Groot 
Chatillon (1898). 

356 A History of Moravian Missions. 

2. The New Mission, or The Bush Negroes. 

1840 At the special request of the Dutch Government, 

the Brethren revived their work among the Bush 
Negroes. These Negroes lived near four rivers, 
the Surinam, the Saramakka, the Koppename, 
and the Cotica ; and on the banks of each river the 
Brethren erected stations. 

(a) On the Surinam lived the Saramakkers. In 
this region the climate was specially deadly. The 
first missionary, Rasmus Schmidt lasted only five 
years (1840-5) ; the first station, Gingce, had to be 
closed ; and, though other stations were afterwards 
built — Gansee (1847), Koffykamp (1854), Bergendal 
(1869), and Aurora (1891) — the missionaries could 
only pay flying visits, and had to leave the work to 
Native Helpers. To that rule there was one|^^heroic 
1848''53 exception. For five years a missionary's widow, 
Mrs. Hartmann, lived all alone among these people, 
sleeping in a native hut, travelling from village 
to village, and teaching both old and young people 
Bible history ; and so gracious was the influence 
she exerted that the Saramakkers became noted 
for good character. 

(6) On the Saramakka lived the Matuaris. For 
thirty-seven years the chief preacher was a native 
evangelist, John King (1862-99) ; this man became 
famous in the land, partly for his dreams and visions, 
and partly for his insight into character ; and the 
missionaries themselves declared that he was 
inspired. With his assistance the Brethren founded 
two stations, Maripastoon (1862) and Kwattahede 
(1881) ; he himself visited many villages, and 
persuaded hundreds to hand over their idols ; and 
his own converts elected him their Grandman. 

(c) On the Koppename lived the Koffimakas. 
By tearing a heathen banner to shreds, one missionary 

Surinam. 257 

managed to convert the chief; the people speedily 
followed the chief's example ; and two stations — 
Copenkrisi (1889) and Kaimanston (1896) were 

(d) On the Cotica lived the Aukas. Among these 
people the Brethren had little success. The chief, 
Ossessi, adopted a curious attitude. For some 
reasons best known to himself, he declared that while 
he would worship the one true God, and teach his 
people good morals, yet he would not have the 
Christian religion ; with him, of course, all the 
Wintimen agreed ; and therefore, though the Brethren 
founded two stations — Wanhatti (1892) and Albina 
(1894) — they had to be content, for the most part, 
with occasional evangelistic visits. 

With regard to the Bush Negro Mission as a whole, 
one general remark must here be made. In 
Paramaribo and its \icinity most of the Negroes 
are Christians ; along the four rivers most of them 
are still heathen ; and one reason for their obstinacy 
is that they are still, for pohtical reasons, suspicious 
of whites. 

3. The New-Comers. 

During the last thirty years the Moravian Church 
has also endeavoured to preach the Gospel to the 
vast crowd of Coolies, Chinese, and Javanese imported 
by the Dutch Government. 

(a) The Coolies. In 1870 Great Britain and 
Holland made a treaty, one clause in which was 
that Coohes from India, on certain conditions, 
might be shipped to Surinam ; and so well were the 
first immigrants treated by the Dutch Government, 
that the number speedily rose to 20,000. In religion 
these Coolies were mostly Hindus ; but their Hinduism 
was of a peculiar type. In spite of their professed 
faith in Hinduism they really believed in many gods, 

258 A History of Moravian Missions. 

the great god, Ram, being specially popular; most 
of these gods were represented by images ; and some 
Coolies are said to have asserted that hovering 
round them in the air there were thirty million 
gods and fifty million goddesses. For twenty years, 
not knowing Hindustani, the Moravians could do little 
for these people. The first good opening came in a 
curious way. In 1894 a Coolie Christian, Samuel 
Balgobin, offered his services as evangelist, and 
was accepted ; in 1895 came a second, Nicholas 
Faden ; in 1897 came a third, Abraham Lincoln ; 
and so encouraging were these men's reports, that 
finally, in 1905, two ordained Moravian missionaries 
were appointed. Each of these missionaries under- 
stood Hindustani ; in 1909 a Church for Coolies was 
built in Paramaribo ; and some attempt was made to 
teach Coolie children. For at least four reasons, 
however, Moravian work among the Coolies has not 
been a great success : — (1) The Coolie Brahmins are 
fiercely opposed to the Mission, and inform their 
flock that the greatest crime a Coolie can commit is to 
become a Christian. (2) The Coolies are reserved 
and suspicious, and do not give the missionaries 
their confidence. (3) In spite of their high wages, 
the Coolies are not quite contented with their position 
in the colony, and, like many artisans, are more 
interested in politics than in religion. (4) Many 
Coolies conscientiously believe that. Ram and Jesus 
being two different names for the same person, 
Hinduism and Christianity are simply two^different 
forms of the same religion. 

(6) The Chinese. With the Chinese labourers the 
missionaries were more successful. In two ways the 
Chinese differed from the Coolies. On the one hand, 
they were more addicted to gambling ; on the other 
hand they were more serious and thoughtful ; and 
those who did accept the Christian religion — especially 

Surinam. 259 

certain business men in the city — became most useful 
members of Church Committees. 

(c) The Javanese. With the Javanese, who were 
mostly Mahometans, the great difficulty seems to 
have been that, being entirely satisfied with them- 
selves, they saw no need for instruction. In the 
beginning, they said, God made the first men out 
of baked clay. The first set were burnt and became 
Negroes ; the second were half-baked and became 
whites ; and the third, who were done to a turn, 
were the Javanese. The first preacher to these 
people was a Dutchman, Bielke. In order to render 1909 
himself thoroughly efficient, Bielke not only studied 
with a retired Java missionary, but also spent a short 
time in Java; then he settled down at Leliendal on 
the Commewijne River ; and making good use of his 
tricycle, he visited the Javanese labourers on the 
surrounding plantations. 

But he did not form a high opinion of their 
character. Most of the men were gamblers and 
opium smokers ; theft was remarkably common ; 
and the people, with a few exceptions, refused to 
listen to his preaching. 

4. The New Order, 1900 — 1914. 
And now came the great transformation. As long as 1900 
the missionaries did so much for the people — raising 
money in the Kersten factory, preaching the Gospel, 
managing clubs, teaching in day-schools, nursing 
lepers, providing for orphans, and visiting the pesti- 
lential Bush Negro stations — there was always the 
very serious danger that the people could never learn 
to help themselves ; this danger was fully discussed at 
a General Synod (1899) ; and, next year, acting on 
certain Synodal resolutions, the missionaries in 
Surinam — so far as the " Old Mission "f was con- 

fThe term " Old Miasion," refers to Paramaribo «aid its enviroiu. 

260 A History of Moravian Missions. 

cerned — made several important changes in the whole 
system of management. In the past the leading 
principle had been centralisation ; henceforward 
it was local self-government. In the past the 
missionaries had been kind-hearted autocrats ; hence- 
forth, to some extent, the people were to learn to 
rule themselves. In the past the missionaries had 
not only done nearly all the work, but raised nearly 
all the money ; henceforward the people shared 
both in the work and in the financial burden. 

{a) The first step was to separate business and 
preaching. In the past all missionaries had been 
compelled to serve their time with Kersten & Co. ; 
in 1900 this practice ceased ; and henceforward the 
business was managed, not by a conference of 
missionaries, but by a special business committee. 
On the natives this change had a great effect. 
Formerly, by serving in the shop, the missionary had 
earned his own living ; now, of course, he required 
a ministerial salary ; and thus the people were taught 
to realise that, if they would have efficient ministers, 
they must contribute something towards their 

(b) The next step was the abolition of common 
house-keeping. In the past the Paramaribo 
missionaries had all breakfasted, dined and supped in 
one room ; henceforward each, having his own private 
salary, managed entirely his own domestic affairs ; 
and Bishop VouUaire, the head of the Mission, 
regarded this change as highly important. In the 
past all the Paramaribo missionaries had met in 
daily conference ; now each was more exclusively 
concerned with his own congregation ; and thus 
another step was taken towards local congregational 

(c) In 1899, for the first time, a native was fully 

Surinam. 261 

ordained ; soon after a Theological College was 
founded ; and by the year 1912 Surinam had eight 
native ministers. 

(d) The " Great Room " above the Central Church 
was abohshed. Paramaribo was now di\'ided into 
districts ; each district elected its own committee 
and kept its own register books ; and each committee 
now undertook certain definite financial obligations. 

(e) The last move was still more radical. In 
1910 the General Mission Conference was abohshed ; a 
new body, called the Church Conference, was formed ; 
and the difference between these two bodies was that, 
while the former consisted of missionaries only, the 
latter included, not only ex-officio members, t.c, 
missionaries, the Principal of the Theological 
College, and School Inspectors, but also native 
delegates elected by the congregations. Thus did 
the native Christians of Surinam take the first steps 
towards the formation of a Native Church. 

Additional Note. 



For thirteen years Surinam was the scene of a 
keen, painful, and even dangerous controversy on 
the question whether, in matters matrimonial, the 
converts should be expected and compelled to 
conform, in spite of difficulties, to the normal 
Christian ideal, or whether they should be permitted 
to retain certain national marriage customs ; both 
among the missionaries and the converts the greatest 
excitement prevailed ; and the interesting feature 
of the story is that two prominent missionaries — 
H. B. Heyde and J. Haller — acting from the best 
motives, espoused the Negro cause. For this conduct 

262 A History of Moravian Missions. 

each of these missionaries paid a severe penalty. 
Heyde was dismissed from the service, and set up 
in business as a printer ; and Haller, broken down 
by the strain, died in the prime of hfe. To the 
careful student of Foreign Mission history, the story 
has great value. It shows with what difficult and 
complex problems the foreign missionary has some- 
times to deal. For this reason, therefore, I here 
give the main facts. 

1. The Cause of the Trouble. 

The true, original cause of the trouble was the 
institution of slavery. For the long period of one 
1737-1863 hundred and twenty-six years nearly all the Moravian 
converts in Surinam were slaves ; by the law of the 
land in Surinam slaves were not allowed to marry ; 
and, therefore, even Christian couples had, of 
necessity, to make their own arrangements. Among 
these Christian Negroes two customs existed. One 
was a spoken contract, called the Verbond, made by 
the contracting parties in the presence of the 
missionary. For all practical purposes this 
Verbond was as good as a legal marriage. In 
the eyes of the law it was not a marriage ; in the 
judgment of the missionaries it was ; and all couples 
thus united were admitted without question to the 
Holy Communion. The other custom was merely 
a private contract ; and this also was recognised by 
the missionaries. The Verbond was binding for 
life ; the other contract might be dissolved by 
mutual consent or because husbands and wives 
were sold to different masters. As long, however, as 
such couples remained faithful to each other, they 
also were admitted to the Holy Communion. 

But now arose a great change in the situation. 
In 1849 all slaves owned by the Moravian Church 
obtained their hberty ; in 1863 slavery in Surinam 

Surinam. 268 

was abolished entirely ; and henceforth, being free 
citizens of the colony, the Negroes had as much right 
to marry as the whites. Why, then, it may be asked, 
were Christian Negroes not fo^th^^^th compelled to 
abandon their old customs and marry according to 
the laws of the land ? But the answer was not so 
simple as might be expected ; and much could 
easily be said on both sides. To that question, in 
fact, three different answers were given. Let us 
note carefully the attitude adopted by each of the 
three contending parties. 

2. Three Different Attitudes. 

(1) The Attitude of the Moravian Mission Board. 
Without the slightest hesitation, the Moravian 
Mission Board held that the law of the land must 
be enforced. If a Negro, they said, desires to marry 
legally, he can now do so ; no excuse, either for the 
Verbond or for the private contract, exists any 
longer ; and all couples who refuse to obey must be 
expelled from the Church. With this ruling the 
Surinam missionaries agreed ; and during the years 
1863-1879, no fewer than 5,000 refractory Church 
members were excommunicated. 

(2) The Negroes' Attitude. For the following 
strong reasons, the Negroes, many of whom were 
excellent Christians, were conscientiously opposed 
to legal marriage : — 

{a) The marriage-fee, one guinea, was more than 
most of them could afford. 

(6) Most of the white couples in Surinam were 
still not legally married ; nevertheless, they 
were freely admitted to the Holy Com- 
munion both in the Protestant and in the 
CathoUc Churches ; and, if this was right 
for whites, it must also be equally right for 

264 A History of Moravian Missions. 

(c) Among the whites, so far as the Negroes could 
observe, legal marriage did not, as a rule, 
conduce to domestic happiness ; the happiest 
couples were the unmarried couples, and 
that, they honestly testified, was equally 
true among the Negroes. "As soon as a 
man gets married," they said, " the devil 
enters his house." 

With these arguments Bernard Heyde agreed. 
At a public meeting in Paramaribo (August 7th, 1879) 
Heyde contended that no missionary had any right 
to exclude a Negro from the Holy Communion 
for refusing to be legally married. In vain the 
Mission Board ordered him to recant ; and in vain 
his Surinam colleagues forbade him to agitate in 
public. Heyde regarded himself as inspired; for his 
obstinacy he was duly dismissed ; and the Negroes, 
in their anger, nearly tore the other missionaries to 

(3) The Missionaries^ Later Attitude. For the 
sake of peace, most of the Moravian missionaries, 
during the next period (1880-93) favoured some kind 
of compromise ; so keen was the situation that two 
members of the Mission Board — Eugene Reichel and 
Th. van. Calker — visited Surinam ; and finally, 
after much heart-searching, the Mission Board agreed 
to the following concessions : — 

(a) Unmarried couples might be baptized. 

(6) Unmarried couples, while not admitted to 
the Holy Communion, need not have their 
names struck off the Church lists. 

(c) If one of the contracting parties was willing 
to obey the law, but was prevented from 
so doing by the opposition of his or her 
partner, that one should be admitted to the 
Communion. With this attempt at com- 




promise, however, John Haller disagreed ; 
he himself refused to suspend defaulters ; and 
the Mission Board at last agreed that even 
unmarried couples might attend the Com- 
munion. Nevertheless, said the Mission 
Board, the Surinam missionaries must 
rectify matters some day. 

3. Final Solution. 

At the request of the Mission Board, the Govern- 
ment reduced the marriage-fee ; now the Negroes 
had no longer their chief excuse ; and henceforth 
legal marriage was enforced in all cases. 


Chapter VI. 



1. The Three Musicians, 1792—1806. 

As long as South Africa remained in the hands 
of the Dutch, with their rigid Calvinistic notions, and 
their theory that only State Churches had any 
right to exist, there seemed little chance that George 
Schmidt would have a successor ; and yet it was 
really a famous Dutch preacher who changed the 
whole situation. His name was Hesperous Ritzman 
Van Lier. For about three years this man 
was the chief topic of conversation in Cape 
Town. In defiance of orthodox popular opinion, 
according to which the Boers were God's chosen 
people, while the Hottentots were predestined 
to damnation, Van Lier boldly maintained that 
the Gospel should be preached to every creature. 
In the year 1789 he preached a sensational missionary 
sermon ; and one result of the sermon was that Mrs. 
Smith, in Cape Town itself, opened a Sunday School 
for slaves. But this was not the end of the preacher's 
influence. At the very time when Van Lier was 
at the height of his glory, Bishop John Frederick 
Reichel, who was on his way home from Tranquebar, 
called at Cape Town. And now, taking the tide at 
the flood, Bishop Reichel discussed the problem 
with Van Lier, addressed well-wishers at drawing- 
room meetings in Cape Town, and then, on his return 
1789 to Herrnhut, proposed at a General Synod that, 
if possible, the Mission to South Africa should be 
resumed. The authorities appealed to the Chamber 
of Seventeen. Meanwhile, in Holland, the change 
of opinion was almost as great as in Cape Town. 


South Africa West : or the Hottentots. 267 

In former years the Moravians in Holland had been 
regarded as heretics ; now large numbers of Dutch 
Christians had read Spangenberg's "Idea Fidei 
Fratrum " ; and the consequence was that, on 
certain conditions, the Seventeen gave their per- 
mission. First, they said, they must know the names 
of the men ; secondly, these men must not preach 
where other churches existed already ; and thirdly, 
they must not be replaced without the Chamber's 
permission. To these conditions the Moravian 
authorities agreed ; three musical Brethren were 
selected ; and in due course the three arrived at 
Cape Town. The eldest, Henry Marsveld, was a 
singer ; the second, Daniel Schwinn, played the 
flute ; and the third, John Kiihnel, played the 

The situation in South Africa was still uncertain. 1792 
At the time when the three musicians arrived on the 
scene there was still much difference of opinion on 
the question of Christian work among the Hottentots. 
In official circles the feeling was friendly ; among 
the Boers themselves it was mostly hostile ; and 
thus, at the outset, the Brethren met both with 
favour and with opposition. For the first two or 
three years they were almost entirely dependent 
on the goodwill of a certain Major Teunessen, the 
commandant in the Sweet Milk Valley. As this 
man had been taught by George Schmidt, he had 
a certain amount of sympathy with missionary work ; 
and now, from natural motives of gratitude, he acted 
as the Brethren's guide and patron. With the special 
permission of Rhenius, the Governor, Teunessen 
drove the Brethren to the Valley ; there, during the 
Christmas season, he entertained them royally in his 
own house ; and then, on December 24th, he drove 
them to the historic Glen of Baboons. For three 
hours the Brethren examined the sacred scene. 

268 A History of Moravian Missions. 

There, in full vigour, stood George Schmidt's pear- 
tree, heavily laden with fruit ; there, too, a Hottentot 
informed them, stood part of his house ; and dotted 
around, lay the ruins of cottages built by him and 
his converts. But the strangest Hnk with the past 
was still to come. At Sergeant's River, two miles 
further on, there still lived, said the Hottentots, an old 
woman named Helena, who had been baptized by 
Schmidt; she was now over eighty years old, and 
nearly blind ; and yet, they said, she could still 
remember the hour when Schmidt arrived. The 
Major drove the three Brethren to the spot. As 
soon as they arrived on the scene, the Hottentots 
gathered round and did obeisance ; old Helena, 
too weak to walk alone, was led out of her hut ; 
and, seated on the ground in the open air, she 
answered the Brethren's questions. 

"Is it true," asked Mars veld, " that George 
Schmidt baptized you ? " 

" Yes, masters, it is true." 

" And what name did he give you ? " 

" Helena." 

" And do you remember anything George Schmidt 
taught you ? " 

For some moments Helena tasked her memory 
in vain, then Mars veld, to give a hint, mentioned 
the name of Jesus, and old Helena smiled and 
answered: "Jesus! Jesus! Oh, yes! I remember 

" And we are George Schmidt's Brethren," said 
Marsveld, " and have come like him to tell you how 
to be saved." 

At this, Helena, folding her hands, exclaimed : 
" Thank God ! thank God ! " For a few 
moments she sat pondering, and then she informed 
the Brethren that in her hut she had a book 
which George Schmidt had given her. Forthwith a 

South Africa West : or the Hottentots. 269 

Hottentot ran to her hut, and returned with a 
sheepskin parcel. Inside the sheepskin lay a leather 
bag ; inside the leathei* bag a Dutch New Testament ; 
and that New Testament, carefully preserved in a box 
made of wood from the pear-tree, is now shewn to the 
visitor at Genadendal. On the Brethren the whole 
scene made a profound impression. In reply to 
further questions, Helena explained that, while 
unable to read herself, she still loved to hear the 
Bible read to her. The reader was a Hottentot 
young woman ; this young woman now appeared 
and read the second chapter of St. Matthew ; and 
the three Brethren, touched to the quick, resolved 
to revive the cause at Bavianskloof. 

As soon, then, as the usual Christmas and New 1793 
Year's festi^^ties were over, the three musicians, 
aided by friendly Hottentots, began to build the 
far-famed settlement of Genadendal. f On January 
4th, 1793, they laid the foundations of the first 
Mission House in South Africa. In order to encourage 
the Hottentots, they promised that, as soon as the 
house was ready, a day-school would be opened ; 
and the Hottentots, fired by this prospect, worked 
without any pay. For eight weeks Bavianskloof 
was the home of enthusiastic industry. The 
Hottentots doffed their caroches and toiled in the sun ; 
the women sat smoking strong tobacco and watching 
their husbands ; and the babies, sitting huck-a- 
back, grinned over their mothers' shoulders. As 
soon as the first house was ready, the Brethren 
proceeded to turn the Glen into a garden. The 
Hottentots, zealous as ever, guided the plough ; 
the women carried off refuse in their caroches ; 
and the Brethren, after clearing the brushwood, 
planted vegetables. Meanwhile, however, the usual 
foes were at work. In the dead of night baboons 

tPronounced Gnadendal, the a as in father. 

270 A History of Moravian Missions. 

purloined the pears; caterpillars, beetles and moles 
destroyed both cabbages and fruit ; and one 
night a furious gale removed the roof of their house. 
But the greatest trouble was the lack of milk and 
butter. For some reason which I am unable to 
define, all the cows in that district refused to be 
milked until their calves had been weaned, and the 
Brethren solved the problem by importing a herd 
of goats. The next trouble sprang from Cape Town. 
For several years the Brethren were constantly 
afflicted by gangs of sightseers. In those days there 
were no country hotels ; the law of hospitality was 
binding ; and the Brethren had to entertain visitors 
far better off than themselves. Each visitor, of 
course, expected his cake and wine ; each, if he 
stayed the night, occupied the best bedroom ; and 
most of them returned to Cape Town without sub- 
scribing to the funds. 

In spite, however, of these afflictions, the cause 
soon made good progress. As soon as the first 
house was ready, the promised day-school was opened ; 
and the Brethren discovered, to their delight, that 
all the Hottentots were eager to learn. Some came 
from kraals a hundred and fifty miles distant ; the 
school-room, i.e., the Brethren's parlour, held 200 
scholars ; and young and old alike could be seen 
conning their books in the cornfields. In vain the 
Boers warned these seekers after truth that the 
Brethren had a chest of bamboo-canes. " Never 
mind," retorted the students. " As long as we can 
get the learning we do not mind the stick." Still 
better, there was soon a marked improvement in 
morals. Some of the Hottentots were lazy, 
drunken, and immoral ; now, in their desire for 
learning, they submitted to discipline ; and the 
punishment which they dreaded most was expulsion 
from the day-school. The most striking case was 

South Africa West : or the Hottentots. 271 

that of a married man. For the sin of hitting his 
wife on the head he was exposed before the whole 

" Why did you beat your wife ? " said the school- 

" Because she would not mend my trousers,'* 
he answered. 

The schoolmaster seized the man's book ; the 
man was expelled from the school ; and the 
Hottentots learned that a scholar must be good, 
not only in the school-room, but also in his own 
home. With the children, in fact, the Brethren 
were rather too strict. If a boy or girl was accused 
of any serious sin, the Brethren generally arranged 
a public trial, at which the other scholars were 
encouraged to give e^^dence ; and then, if the 
verdict was " Guilty," the culprit was handed to 
his parents to be flogged. It is obvious that this 
system was a mistake. Boys and girls were taught 
to spy on each other ; the innocent gloated over 
the trials of the guilty ; and some of the children 
became, in consequence, insufferable prigs. Let 
us not, however, be too hard on the Brethren. As 
soon as they discovered their mistake they modified 
their methods. 

Meanwhile, the spiritual side of the work had not 
been neglected. For some years the Brethren were 
not allowed to build a Church. In the rainy season 
the services were held in the parlour ; in fine weather, 
under George Schmidt's pear-tree. From the out- 
set the Brethren laid great stress on music. Marsveld, 
the Dutchman, acted as precentor ; the two others 
played their respective instruments ; the children 
had music lessons twice a week ; and the Hottentots 
learned the Gospel message, not merely by hstening 
to the sermons, but also, and chiefly, by singing 
the high-class Moravian chorales. By employing this 

272 A History of Moravian Missions. 

method, therefore, the Brethren appealed, not to the 
reasoning faculties, but rather to the emotions ; most 
of their preaching, also, was of the "Blood and Wounds 
Theology " type ; and yet the ethical results were 
most encouraging. The more the Brethren described 
the sufferings of Christ, the more the people seemed 
convinced of sin ; one sinner, the Brethren reported, 
endeavoured to ease his conscience by taking 
medicine ; and the people often confessed their 
transgressions, not only to God, but to the Brethren. 
On July 19th, 1793, the first convert was baptized. 
The candidate was a young married woman, and 
strange was the story she had to tell. Her husband, 
she said, had often dreamed that three men would 
come to South Africa to resume George Schmidt's 
labours ; she herself was a daughter of Kybodo, 
one of George Schmidt's converts ; and thus, in her, 
the Brethren had another link with the past. 

At this point, however, fresh troubles arose. 
The first was due to the great European War. 
On February 1st, 1793, the French Republic 
declared war against both England and Holland ; 
1793-4 in April an order was issued in Cape Town that all 
able-bodied Hottentots must enlist in the Dutch 
Army ; and so many Hottentots now left Bavians- 
kloof that not enough were left to till the soil. For 
some months the missionaries were on short commons ; 
many Hottentot women and children actually died 
of starvation ; and friends at Cape Town had to 
send provisions. Next year, 1794, Holland having 
been conquered by France, England and Holland 
were at war ; the English fleet was now in Table 
Bay ; and once again the Hottentots were summoned 
to fight for their native land. 

We have next the famous " Story of the Bell." 
As the Brethren wished to teach the Hottentots 
punctuality, they used a large bell to summon them 


South Africa West : or the Hottentots. 278 

to work; and Kiilmel, in his diary, says that a Dutch 
clergyman named Borcherd, residing at Stellenbosch, 
interviewed certain Government officials at Cape 
Town, complained that the bell distm-bed his 
slumbers, and demanded, with success, that the bell 
be rung no more. For some weeks, so we are told, 
the story of the bell created a sensation in Cape 
Town, and pictures of the offending bell were sold in 
the stationers' shops. But now comes a question hard 
to answer. In his History of Christian Missions in 
South Africa, Dr. du Plessis dismisses the whole 
story as fiction. As Stellenbosch is fifty miles from 
Bavianskloof, Borcherd, he says, could not hear the 
bell, and no clergyman in his senses could make such 
an absurd complaint ; and, further, we must also 
admit that the evidence for the story will not stand 
much criticism. Kiihnel heard the story from 
Baas Teunessen ; Baas Teunessen, so he said, had 
heard it in Cape Town ; and Kiihnel recorded it as a 
fact without making further inquiries. How, then, 
it may be asked, could such a story arise at all ? 
In all probability Borcherd did make a complaint 
of some kind. At the time there was a rule in South 
Africa that only State Churches had the right to 
have bells. Borcherd heard that, against this law, 
the Brethren had a bell at Bavianskloof, and what 
he probably said was that the mere thought of such 
an enormity was sufficient to disturb his slumbers. 
At any rate, the bell was silent till Soutii Africa came 
under British rule. 

The next trouble was due to Major Teunessen. 
His motive was probably jealousy. For some thirty 
or forty years he had exercised a great influence over 
the Hottentots ; by many he was called the 
*' Hottentots' God " ; and now, when he found 
that the Brethren were exerting a stUl greater 
influence, he became their bitterest enemy, and sided 

274 A History of Moravian Missions. 

with certain unscrupulous Boer farmers. The 
farmers' case may have had some justice in it. In 
former years, so they declared, Hottentots had 
worked on their farms ; now they had deserted the 
farms and settled at Bavianskloof ; and as a result 
of this, they contended, the farming industry 
suffered. On the surface, this argument was per- 
fectly sound ; Major Teunessen went to Cape Town 
and complained that Bavianskloof was over- 
crowded ; and then, returning accompanied by three 
officials, he announced that, in accordance with a 
new Government order, no Hottentot might live at 
Bavianskloof unless he could show a certificate 
proving that the farmer for whom he had previously 
worked had allowed him to come. For some months 
this attack on the Mission succeeded ; most of the 
farmers, as Teunessen knew, could neither read nor 
write ; and his argument, therefore, about the 
certificate was unblushing trickery. But once again 
the Government acted nobly. In response to the 
Brethren's request, a special inspector came to 
Bavianskloof; this inspector now discovered that, 
so far from being over-crowded, Bavianskloof 
possessed only twelve head of cattle, only one hundred 
goats, only two sheep, and only one horse ; and 
acting on the inspector's report, the Government 
rescinded its order. 
1800 The last trouble was due to a famous rebel. At 

the very time when the English fleet was bombarding 
Cape Town, there was formed in South Africa the 
so-called National Party, the chief object of 
which was to throw off the yoke of Holland and 
establish a South African Independent Republic ; 
and now, led by an Italian named Pisani, they actually 
issued a manifesto declaring that one of their most 
important designs was the absolute destruction of 
Bavianskloof. Pisani appears to have been a half- 

South Africa West : or the Hottentots. 275 

mad fanatic. " I belong myself," said he, " to the 
devil ; sooner or later I shall be damned in any 
case ; and meanwhile I will do my best to prevent 
the Hottentots going to heaven." The chief terms 
of the manifesto were as follows : — 

(1) We will not permit any Moravians to live here 

and teach the Hottentots. 

(2) All Hottentots born on farms must live on 

those farms, and live without wages till 
they are twenty-five years old. 

(3) All other Hottentots must live among the 


(4) All Hottentots and Bushmen must remain 

slaves for life. 

(5) If the Moravians want to preach, they may go 

to the Bushmen. 

For the Brethren there was now only one course 
open ; Pisani issued a definite order that they must 
leave Bavianskloof in three days ; and the Brethren, 
driving off to Cape Town, left the station in charge 
of old Helena. 

But the day of deliverance was nearer than the 1801 
Brethren thought. Once more the Governor, 
Schuysken, proved himself a true statesman. In 
the past he had tried to be just to the Brethren, 
and now he openly acted as their champion. First, 
he provided the Brethren with a safe-conduct, and 
authorised them to return to Bavianskloof ; 
secondly, knowing that Moravian Hottentots were 
ser\ang in the Dutch Army at Cape Town, he ordered 
Teunessen to send provisions to Bavianskloof ; 
and finally, a month later, when Cape Town 
surrendered and South Africa became a British 
Colony (September 16th, 1801), he recommended 

276 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Bavianskloof to the care of the new Governor, 
General Craig.f 

2. The Rule of Great Britain, 1806 — 1914. 

As soon as South Africa passed into British hands, 
the Moravian cause at Genadendal entered on a new 
epoch of great prosperity ; the British rule began 
with fair play to all religious denominations ; and 
so deep was the interest taken by many of the 
Governors, not only in the material, but also in the 
moral and religious, welfare of the Hottentots, 
that one enthusiastic Moravian missionary, John 
Henry Schmitt — noted for his fight with a panther — 
declared that his confidence in the Government 
was complete. His praise was more than 
justified. Lord Macartney provided the timber 
of which the first Church at Genadendal was built, 
and had the Moravian property clearly defined by 
law. Sir John Craddock paid several visits to 
Genadendal, interviewed the converts in their huts, 
granted land for the extension of the settlement, 
subscribed towards the building of a school-house, 
and even sent the Brethren a sermon, printed at his 
own request, on the importance of religious education. 
Lord Caledon granted the land for a new station 
at Gruenekloof, near Cape Town ; Sir Tony Cole 
(1880) visited the Leper Hospital at Hemel-en-Aarde, 
and examined every detail of the work ; Sir George 
Grey,* who also visited Genadendal, informed the 
Brethren that if they would open schools in Kaffraria 
the Government would cover the expense ; and Sir 

tin 1802, by the Treaty of AmienB, South Africa was restored to 
Holland; but in 1806 was finally annexed by Great Britain. 

♦Sir George Grey is noted for his interest in Missions. He was 
afterwards Governor of New Zealand, and asked the Brethren 
to undertake work among the Papus in Victoria. For his 
interest in the natives of Samoa, sec R. L. Stevenson's 
" Vailima Memories," p. 18. 

South Afbica West : or the Hottentots. 277 

George Napier (1840) was so delighted with the 
settlement that he actually raised a fund for a 
Mission among the Fingoos. Let us now see 
how the Brethren, aided and encouraged by the 
Government, endeavoured to uplift the Hottentots. 

The Grant System. For eighty-two years lg27''1909 
Genadendal was managed on the so-called " Grant 
System " ; this system was also adopted at some 
other stations ; and the leading principle of the 
system was that while the Government granted 
the land free of rent, and for the benefit of the 
natives, the Brethren, in return for the privilege, 
undertook the entire management — govern- 
mental, industrial, educational, and religious — 
of the growing town. At each of these " Grant 
Stations," therefore, the missionaries had to perform 
a great variety of duties. They were employers of 
labour ; they were magistrates ; they were sanitary 
inspectors and medical officers ; they were school- 
inspectors ; and thereby they saved the Government 
many thousands of pounds. In England work of this 
sort was done by Government officials ; in South 
Africa it was done, without any extra salary, by the 
Moravian missionaries ; and the Government, 
recognising fully the high value of their work, were 
naturally only too anxious to make new grants of 
land. By observing how the system worked at 
Genadendal, we shall appreciate its importance. 

(1) By nature most of the Hottentots were lazy ; 
by the Brethren they were now taught to work ; 
and so industrious did they become that in a few 
years they made the settlement the second largest 
town in South Africa. The business part of the town 
was called the " Werft." At the head of each 
department was a missionary ; each section, t.c, 
the grocery stores, the flower garden, the smithy. 

278 A History of Moravian Missions. 

the allotments, and the pastureland, was under 
immediate Moravian control ; and thus guided, the 
Hottentots became energetic and skilful artisans. 
In the smithy they made the best knives in the 
colony ; both their tobacco and their snuff were 
renowned at Cape Town for their delicate flavour ; 
missionaries and Hottentots alike now wore home- 
made leather trousers ; and once, when a period 
of bad trade threatened the station with starvation, 
the missionaries speedily averted the danger by 
planting 7,000 castor-oil trees and setting up a machine 
to extract the oil. The little town became a model 
of decency and order. Each family man now lived, 
not as of old, in a bee-hive hut, but in a brick 
cottage, behind which he had about an acre of 
land, let out in usufruct ; and here, like an 
English allotment-holder, he grew his own fruit and 
vegetables, and kept his own pig and hens. By the 
middle of the century Genadendal had become a 
famous industrial centre. Genadendal ploughs, in- 
vented by a missionary, took first prize at Cape Town ; 
Genadendal snuff-boxes were made from the historic 
pear-tree ; Genadendal goods, of various kinds, 
were shown at the Great Exhibition in London (1851) ; 
and Genadendal castor-oil won a gold medal. Nor 
were such facts the best part of the story. Good 
articles suggested good workmen ; good workmen 
were the chief need of the colony ; and the con- 
sequence was that the Genadendal Hottentots often 
found employment outside the station. The 
labourers earned good wages on the railway ; the 
girls made good servants at Cape Town, sometimes 
in the homes of high officials, and became noted for 
their integrity of character ; and the young men, 
who enlisted in the army and fought in the Kaffir 
Wars, were praised for their loyalty and bravery. 
Thus did Genadendal become famous ; the natives 

South Africa West : or the Hottentots. 279 

called the place " God's Home " ; and \isitors from 
Cape Town were entranced by its beauty. In the 
spring and early summer the station shone at its 
fairest. On the neighbouring hill red flowers were 
massed in thousands ; peaches, oranges and tomatoes 
gleamed in the gardens ; the brook, on its way to 
the Sonderend, sparkled in the sunshine ; and 
Pringle, the South African poet, expressed the 
popular admiration in the lines : — 

In distant Europe oft I've longed 

To see this Vale of Grace ; to hst the sound 

Of bubbling brooks and morning twitters round 

The apostle Schmidt's old consecrated tree ; 

To hear the hvnins of solemn melody 

Rising from the sequestered burial ground, "f 

To see the heathen taught, the lost sheep found, 

The blind restored, the long-oppressed set free. 

All this I've \\-itnessed now, and pleasantly 

Its memory shall in my heart remain. 

(2) Secondly, the Brethren acted as magistrates. 
As the land was Moravian grant-land, the missionaries 
had full authority to say who might and who might 
not live there. No Hottentot, therefore, could 
live at Genadendal without the Brethren's per- 
mission ; and that permission was not given except 
on stringent conditions. Each applicant had to 
show a certificate proving that he was not some 
farmer's labourer ; he had to work whether he wished 
to or not ; and, above all, he had to sign a document 
known as the " Genadendal Regulations." And 
those " Regulations " were most rigidly enforced. 
No public-houses and no gambling halls were per- 
mitted ; no wines or spirits were sold in the shops ; 
no tramps solicited alms ; and no boys played pitch 

fPriiigle is probably referring here to the early morning Eaater 
Sunday service. 

280 A History of Moravian Missions. 

and toss in the streets. At one time certain hostile 
Boers circulated the absurd report that the Brethren 
were traitors in disguise, and that their converts 
possessed fire-arms, and might, therefore, at any 
moment, rise in rebellion against the Government. 
The very opposite, of course, was the case. " No 
Hottentot," ran the rule, " is to keep fire-arms in 
his house at night. He must dehver them up to 
us every evening. If he goes with arms into the 
country, he must have a certificate from us ; other- 
wise, every farmer has a right to take them from 
him." By enforcing' these " Regulations," there- 
fore, the Brethren preserved due law and order ; 
and all the converts were instructed to be loyal to 
the Government. 

(8) Still further, according to their limited ability, 
the Brethren tried to act as medical advisers. As the 
nearest doctor lived twenty miles away, and medical 
missionaries, strictly speaking, did not yet exist, 
the Brethren could only make the best of a bad case. 
In order to provide, as far as possible, for the medical 
needs of the people, they opened a chemist's shop, 
which was managed by a missionary ; and this 
missionary, though not a qualified practitioner, 
could, at least, deal with snake-bites, administer 
rhubarb and salts, check the rather frequent " bilious 
fever " by means of an emetic, and admonish the 
people to eat salt, wear suitable clothing, and wash 
their hands before meals. He had also, it appears, 
learned how to vaccinate ; and no conscientious 
objectors existed. 

(4) Above all the Brethren laid stress on general 

and religious education. In this work the chief 

leader was Bishop Hans Peter Hallbeck. He founded 

1838 an excellent Training School for teachers (1838) ; this 

institution provided native teachers for the day- 

South Africa West : or the Hottentots. 281 

schools ; and the people reached such a high 
intellectual level, that the printing press was able to 
issue two monthly magazines. With the spiritual 
results most of the missionaries at Genadendal 
expressed themselves delighted. Some of the people 
acted as sidesmen and sextons ; the Church music 
was of a very high order, and the Hottentots sang 
correctly tunes which, said Christian Ignatius La 
Trobe, a gifted ]Mora\-ian composer, were often 
considered too difficult for the average English 
congregation ; and all the Church members, especially 
after emancipation came into force, contributed 
generously to the Church funds and supplied free 
labour when required. 

8. Some Missionary Problems, 

As the work at Genadendal was such a brilliant 
success, several Government officials in\'ited the 
Brethren to found new stations ; and in response to 
these invitations they established Mamre (1808), 
Enon (1818), Elim (1824), Clarkson (1889), Wittewater 
(1859), Goedverwacht (1859), Berea (1865), Witklei- 
bosch (1883), Pella (1893), Twistwyk (1895). But 
these stations were not all of the same kind. Four 
of the stations — EHm, Wittewater, Goedverwacht, 
and Pella — were Moravian freehold property ; four 
others — Enon, Mamre, Clarkson, and Berea — 
were, like Genadendal, " Grant Stations " ; 
and the two remaining, Witkleibosch and Twistwj-k, 
were only preaching places. On the whole the " Grant 
Stations " gave the missionaries the most trouble. 
Let us see precisely how this came to pass. For 
of every trouble faced by the Moravians in South 
Africa we shall find the same fundamental cause ; 
that cause was the grooving native self-consciousness ; 
and the self-consciousness, in its turn, was due to 
other subsidiary causes. 

282 A History of Moravian Missions. 

(a) The first cause was the Act of Emancipation 
(1888). As soon as slavery was abolished in South 
Africa, many Hottentots, tired of working for a 
master, rushed in search of better conditions to the 
Moravian Stations ; the Boers now accused the 
Brethren of enticing the Hottentots ; and the 
Government came to the rescue of the Mission by 
forming a " Commission of Inquiry " (1849). At 
every station each Hottentot had to answer the follow- 
ing official questions : — 

(1) Are you compelled to buy your goods in the 

Moravian shop ? 

(2) Are you compelled to work here at a lower 

wage than you can get elsewhere ? 
(8) Are you urged to industry ? 

(4) Are you obliged to leave your employment 

in order to attend Church festivals ? 

(5) Do the missionaries interfere with the price 

for which you work for the farmers ? 

To each of these questions the answers were satis- 
factory ; the charges against the missionaries broke 
down ; and Hottentots flocked to the stations in 
greater numbers than ever. But this inrush brought 
its own dangers with it. In many cases these new- 
comers were not pure-bred Hottentots, but half- 
breeds, some of whom were of a lower moral 
type than the Hottentots ; and many of those who 
held Government certificates as teachers had to be 
dismissed for insubordination. 

(6) The next trouble arose directly from the 
" Grant System." Let us note here the precise 
difference between a " Freehold Station " and a 
" Grant Station." In the former, i.e., on its own 
property, the Moravian Church had undisputed 
authority ; in the latter, the property ultimately 
really belonged to the Government, and the Brethren, 

South Africa West : or the Hottentots. 283 

who had it merely on trust, and acted as Government 
officials, were bound down, as much as the natives, 
by Government regulations ; and the natives, being 
aware of this latter fact — knowing, t.e., that the land 
did not belong to the missionaries — began to suspect 
that, somehow or other, they were being defrauded 
of their just rights. If the land, they argued, did 
not belong to the missionaries, to whom then must 
it belong ? Surely it must belong to the natives. 
Such thoughts fostered a restive spirit. Some of 
the natives sometimes complained to the Govern- 
ment ; at one station they even instituted a law-suit ; 
and though the Brethren won the case, all the 
missionaries felt that such painful disputes must not 
be repeated. For all such troubles the only 
conceivable remedy was some form of local 
self-government. At the close of the Boer War 
the hopes of the natives rose higher than ever. With 
those hopes both the Moravian missionaries and their 
friends, the Rhenish missionaries, had a certain 
amount of sympathy. As long as the Hottentots 
remained loyal to the crown, there was no reason, 
they contended, why they should not learn to rule 
themselves. Each society, the Moravian and the 
Rhenish, now appealed to the Government. The 
Government yielded ; " Mission Land Act " was 
passed (1909), dealing with the Grant System ; 
and henceforward a station might be managed, not 
by missionaries acting as Government officials, 
but by a Board of six, four of whom were 
elected by the people, and two appointed by the 
Government. As, however, the application of 
the Act was optional, no sudden dramatic 
change occurred : Some of the stations tried 
to apply the Act ; others seemed to prefer the 
old conditions. 

(c) The third cause of trouble sprang from non- 

284 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Moravian sources. In 1892, some native converts, 
led by a certain Malone, left the Wesleyan Methodist 
Church and formed the " Ethiopian Church " ; 
then they affiliated themselves with the African 
Methodist Episcopal Church of North America ; 
and then, led by a colonial Bishop, Turner, they 
announced the far-reaching principle that South 
Africa could never be saved from ruin unless it 
possessed a Native Church served by native ministers. 
Bishop Turner's conceptions, to some extent, in- 
fluenced the Moravian converts ; the " Native 
Church" ideal steadily grew; and thereby problems 
were raised which still await solution. 

{d) The last trouble was of a different nature. 
In spite of the Brethren's repeated requests, the 
Government refused to deal satisfactorily with the 
liquor traffic. At one time a useful law was passed 
that no intoxicating liquor should be sold within 
ten miles of Genadendal ; but this rule was not applied 
to the other stations ; and the general situation 
was that while strong drink could not be obtained in 
the station itself, it could be obtained in the immediate 
neighbourhood. In South Africa drink is specially 
dangerous. Drink leads to immorality ; immorality 
leads to consumption ; and consumption, if un- 
checked, threatens to annihilate the people. 

4. The Work among the Lepers, 1818-68. 

For fifty years the Moravians, at the special 
request of the Government, did useful work among 
the South African lepers. The first centre was 
Hemel-en-Aarde, a few miles south of Genadendal, 
and six miles from the sea coast. Once more there 
was cordial co-operation between the Government 
and the Moravian Church. The Government built 
both the hospital and the Church, and provided the 
salary ; Dr. Honey, an English practitioner, visited 

South Africa West : or the Hottentots. 285 

twice a week ; and Peter Leitner, the Moravian 
chaplain, acted as general manager. Each week he 
had to see to it that twenty-four sheep were killed ; 
each day, aided by his English wife, he saw each 
patient properly fed and washed ; and, following 
Dr. Honey's instructions, he enabled those who could 
walk the six miles to have their daily sea-bath. 
His experience as a preacher of the Gospel was 
mingled. On the one hand he complained that 
many of the patients were fond of dancing, stole 
milk and butter, and smuggled in spirits ; on the 
other hand, he baptized ninety-five converts ; and 
when he died of a stroke at Church, the lamentation 
was great. For the physical troubles of the lepers 
neither Leitner nor the Doctor had been able to do 
much ; no case of cure was recorded ; and, after 
twenty-three years' work, nearly four hundred lepers' 
bodies lay in the little churchyard. 

But the Government had not yet abandoned hope. 
In order to segregate the lepers still more, 
they now removed the Hospital to Robben Island, 1846 
where the missionary had to look after, not only lepers 
of various races — English, Italian, German, Danish, 
Swedish, and Hungarian — but also fifty or sixty 
lunatics ; and as these latter were allowed to roam 
the island, both he and his wife and children were 
often in serious danger of being murdered. But 
Robben Island, as a health resort, was no more 
successful than Hemel-en-Aarde. In spite of the 
systematic sea-bathing the death-rate was still high ; 
one year the missionary conducted seventy-two 
funerals ; and sometimes several bodies, sewn in 
blankets, had to be placed in one grave. Nor 
were the spiritual results much more encouraging. 
For all the inhabitants on the island, i.e., all the 
lepers and the least violent lunatics, regular pubUc 
Sunday worship was held ; various week-night 

286 A History of Moravian Missions. 

meetings were also held ; the singing, led by a 
seraphine, seemed to give pleasure ; and yet, so far 
as concerned repentance, most of the patients 
seemed hopeless. Both drink and immorality claimed 
their victims ; many died with curses on their lips ; 
and one missionary, Kiister, observed, to his dismay, 
that the more wicked a man was the greater was the 
attendance at his funeral. For five years John 
1861*^ Taylor, from Yorkshire, acted both as preacher 
and as schoolmaster ; but, though he gained the 
people's affection, he could make little improvement 
in their character. At length the Government 
intervened once more ; the work was handed over 
to the Church of England ; and the Moravians, 
who had learned to take a deep interest in lepers, 
transferred their attention to similar work in 

5. Cape Town and Port Elizabeth, 1894 — 1914. 

Once more the cause of the problem was political. 
As soon as emancipation came into full force, many 
Hottentots — not only from the Moravian stations, 
but also from the neighbouring Boer farms — ^rushed 
to Cape Town and Port Elizabeth in search of good 
employment and high wages ; by the year 1890 
there were at least 2,000 Hottentots in Cape Town ; 
and when the missionary followed his wandering 
sheep, he found, not altogether to his surprise, that 
in most cases they had succumbed to the temptations 
of town life. As Edmund Burke found it easy to be 
good in the village, but hard in the city of Dublin, 
so the Hottentots found it easy at Genadendal, but 
hard at Cape Town. In the stations they had been 
under supervision ; in the towns they were free ; and 
misusing their liberty, they took to evil ways. In the 
stations, brandy could not be bought ; in the towns it 
was cheap ; and the consequence needs no description. 


South x\frica West : or the Hottentots. 287 

In the stations or on the farms they had earned 
modest wages ; in the towns they earned high wages, 
either in the docks or in the gas-works ; and the 
pubUcan reaped the benefit of the improvement. 
In the stations they lived with fellow-Christians ; 
in the towns some of their fellow-workmen were 
Mahometans ; and these Mahometans hated the 
Christian rehgion, and were often addicted to sorcery, 
gambling, and other evil ways. Never, therefore, 
did the Brethren in South Africa face a more difficult 
problem. In Cape Town they founded Mora%-ian Hill 
(1894) ; in Port Elizabeth, Moravian Hope (1898) ; and 
some missionaries held the opinion that this work in 
the two cities was the most important Moravian work 
in the colony. For some years the chief difficulty 
lay in the fact that the converts in these cities 
were so scattered. In Cape Town " Coloureds " were 
found in no fewer than thirty-eight different streets ; 
in Port Elizabeth Kaffirs dwelt in "Locations," 
compared by one Brother to the criminal dens 
described in " Ohver T^^^st " ; and thus, close 
pastoral superxision was almost an impossibility. 
At length, however, an excellent remedy was found. 
Each town was divided into districts ; over each 
district a Native Helper was appointed ; and thus, 
in the very hotbeds of vice. Christian Hottentots, 
clothed with a new sense of responsibility, learned to 
save their fellow-countrymen from physical and 
moral ruin. 

Chapter VII. 



For the sake of clearness I begin this chapter by 
explaining that, in order to understand the story, 
we must distinguish clearly between three districts 
or fields of labour, described here as Cape 
Colony, Tembuland, and Hlubiland ; and, in each 
district, certain names, either of persons or of places, 
stand out with prominence. In Cape Colony the 
story centres round the strange and dramatic history 
of the first station, Shiloh, on the Klipplaat River ; 
in Tembuland the chief name to remember is that of 
Elias, a splendid Kaffir evangelist ; and in Hlubiland 
we shall hear of the exploits, partly of Henry Meyer, 
the missionary, and partly of his assistant, the 
chieftain, Zibi. Let us also note the geographical 
direction. Among the Kaffirs Moravian work was 
a steady advance north-east. First, in 1828, the 
Brethren began in Cape Colony; then, in 1863, they 
entered Tembuland ; and then, in 1870, they pushed 
still further north-east into Hlubiland. In Cape 
Colony the chief stations were Shiloh (1828), Goshen 
(1850), and Engotini (1859) ; in Tembuland, Baziya 
(1863), Tabase (1873), and Entazana (1873) ; and in 
Hlubiland, Entumasi (1870), Elukolweni (1875), 
Tinana (1876), Bethesda (1877), Ezincuka (1887), 
Mvenyane (1893), and Nxotschane (1905). With 
these main facts before us, we may note certain 
details. Each section will throw some light on 
certain features in the Kaffir character. 

1. Cape Colony, 1828—1914. 
For the origin of Moravian work among the Kaffirs, 


South Africa East : or the Kaffirs. 289 

the chief credit must be given to a Kaffir young 
woman. The story opens at Genadendal. Among 1816 
the few Kaffirs residing at Genadendal, the most 
intelHgent was Wilhelmina Stomp jes, a nurse in a 
missionary's family ; this young woman frequently 
prayed for her heathen fellow-countrymen ; and 
hearing one day that a famous English Moravian, 
Christian Ignatius La Trobe — Editor of " Periodical 
Accounts " — had come to Genadendal on an official 
visit, she called to see him, and, seated on a low stool, 
pleaded her cause ^vith true eloquence. 

" Oh sir ! " she said, " I have often feared that the 
Brethren would leave off praying for my people. 
But see ! I have found a text which revived my 
hopes : ' I will bring the blind by a way that they 
know not.' — Psalm xlii., 16." For twelve years 
Wilhelmina waited in vain ; then Bowana, a Kaffir 
chief, being fiercely attacked by his neighbours, 
asked Lord Charles Somerset, the Governor, to protect 
him ; and Lord Charles, in his reply, suggested, not 
only to Bowana, but also to the missionaries at 
Genadendal, that the best way to protect Bowana 
was to send him the Gospel. Forthwith the Brethren 
took the hint ; two missionaries called on Bowana 
(1827) ; and the chief, clad in a leopard's skin, 
appeared delighted to see them. In return for medals 
and coffee, he presented the Brethren with an ox ; 
the missionaries held a short service in the open air ; 
and next year, with Bowana's approval, the Mission 1828 
to the KaffiLrs began. 

The first station, Shiloh, had a strange and event- 
ful history. In accordance partly with the Governor's 
instructions, and partly with their own experiences 
at Genadendal, the Brethren made Shiloh a " Grant 
Station." For this purpose the Government granted 
land, which, in turn, was let out in allotments 
to the natives ; and the first missionaries, settling 

290 A History of Moravian Missions. 

down in the district, enclosed a pen for the cattle, 
built not only a house for themselves, but huts for 
the natives, constructed an aqueduct, opened a 
smithy and a carpenter's shop, and began to teach 
the wild Kaffirs how to be good artisans, good farmers, 
and good market-gardeners. In order to form a 
Christian nucleus a few Hottentots were transferred 
from Enon ; Wilhelmina was made head-mistress 
of the day school ; and village rules, like those at 
Genadendal, were read out and explained. For a 
few months life at Shiloh ran smoothly ; one of the 
missionaries, Bonatz the younger, charmed the 
natives by making a water-wheel ; and the Brethren 
hoped that, in a few years, Shiloh would become a 
Christian village. And yet the very opposite occurred. 
During the next twenty years Shiloh was often the 
scene of crime and terror. 

(a) The first trouble was caused by wicked 
Bowana. In spite of all the Brethren's entreaties, 
Bowana refused to become a Christian. " No ! 
No ! " he said, " it is a serious matter. What 
shall I do with my seven wives ? " On one occasion 
he consulted with Wilhelmina. 

" Look here," he said, " if you will give me a cow, 
I'll give up one of my wives." 

" But you have no right to seven wives," she 
answered, " it is against the law of God." 

" Nonsense ! " retorted Bowana, " if God forbids 
that, he might as well forbid us to eat." 

At the height of his wicked career Bowana was 
secretly murdered. For some reason his son, Mapasa, 
suspected the Brethren of the crime, and, followed 
by fifty blood-thirsty warriors, he advanced on the 
Mission-house. There, however, at the front door, 
Wilhelmina defied him : " Begone, you murderous 
coward," she said ; and Mapasa and his warriors 

South Afkica East: or the Kaffirs. 291 

(b) The War of the Axe. The origin of this war 1846 
was as follows. For the crime of stealing an axe 
a Kaffir was seized by British soldiers and chained 
to a Hottentot ; some of his friends tried to rescue 
him by chopping off the Hottentot's arms ; and, as 
the Hottentot died of his wounds, these friends 
were held guilty of murder. Among the Kaffirs 
there was now great indignation ; Mapasa, in revenge, 
raised a local rebellion against the Government ; 
and Major Hogg, the British Commander, bivouacked 
at Shiloh. To the missionaries this was a great 
affliction. Some of the officers held a ball in the 
Church ; some of the soldiers corrupted the natives' 
morals ; and, as dysentery broke out, all the Moravian 
sisters were busy as nurses. In one sense, however, 
this episode aided the Mission. As soon as peace 
was fully restored, Sir Harry Smith, the Governor, 
came to Shiloh ; there, speaking in the Church, 
he begged the Kaffirs to be loyal to the missionaries ; 
and further, he even promised the missionaries that, 
if they would build ten more stations, he would 
provide the land required. " I would rather have 
Mission stations," he said, " than military outposts. 
The missionaries prevent war, and thus save the 
Government millions of pounds." 

(c) Umlangeni's War. On this occasion there was 1850 
a natural, but very unfortunate, misunderstanding. 
First Umlangeni, who thought himself inspired, raised 
a grand Kaffir rebellion against the Government ; 
then the Tambookies in Shiloh, disregarding the 
Brethren's instructions, joined Umlangeni's colours, 
leaving only Hottentots in the A-illage ; and Major 
Tylden, the British Officer, imagining that these 
Hottentots were rebels, brought up his heavy guns 
and laid siege to Shiloh. The scene was now remark- 
able. On a hill outside the village stood the loyal 
missionaries ; in the Church were the terrified 

292 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Hottentots, firing bullets from the windows ; and 
soon the whole of Shiloh was in flames. But, once 
more, sweet came out of the bitter. As soon as this 
little village siege was over, Major Tylden discovered 
his mistake ; ample apologies followed ; and Shiloh 
was rebuilt at Government expense. The re-building 
cost £3,000. 

1856 (d) Umlakasa's Prophecy. In order to raise 

another Kaffir rebellion, Umlakasa, a Kaffir fanatic, 
announced that if the Kaffirs would kill their old 
people and cattle, and live entirely on rice and 
sugar, various glorious miracles would occur. First, 
he said, the Russians would come and drive out the 
British ; then many Kaffir ancestors would rise from 
the dead ; and then a new breed of cattle would 
arise, and corn would spring up like mushrooms. 
Thus, under Kaffir rule. South Africa would become 
an earthly paradise. The result was inevitable. 
Inspired by these ideals, the foolish Kaffirs slew 
their bullocks in thousands. For some months 
the district round Shiloh now swarmed with half- 
starved beggars, many of whom came to Shiloh 
for work ; and one youth, going out of his mind, 
committed so many excesses that the missionaries 
had to lock him up in the smithy. 

1890 {e) The Property Quarrel. We come here to one 

of the troubles arising out of the " Grant System." 
In spite of the Brethren's efforts to make things clear, 
some of the Hottentots at Shiloh imagined that they 
were being cheated. By right, they said, all the 
land for which they paid rent really belonged to them ; 
some, led by a certain Stoffels, broke out into rebellion, 
and encouraged by a solicitor, they refused to pay 
either rent or Church dues. To the missionaries only 
one course was now open. For the sake of law and 
order they were compelled to go to law ; the verdict, 

South Africa East : or the Kaffirs. 293 

of course, was in their favour ; and Stoffels and his 
associates were expelled. With such mere legal 
%dctories, however, the Brethren were far from 
satisfied. To live on such terms with their people 
was impossible. At any moment such cases might 
be repeated ; Goshen, in fact, witnessed a similar 
dispute ; and the missionaries now began to feel 
that the " Grant System " was a mistake. Nor 
was this " Grant System " the only cause of trouble 
at Shiloh. By encouraging the natives to settle 
at Shiloh, the Brethren certainly did shield 
them from temptation ; on the other hand, this 
system did not produce strong characters ; and from 
the ranks of such people native evangelists could not 
be expected. At last, however, in 1903, there was a 
slight improvement ; a few Kaffirs were thought 
fit to preach ; and some of these now did good service 
in Queenstown, Cathcart, King Williamstown, East 
London, and Johannesburg. 

2. Tembuland, 1863 — 1914. 

(a) The Origin. Once more the chief credit must 
be given to Wilhelmina Stompjes. Sir George Grey, 
the Governor, paid a visit to Shiloh ; there he had a 
long interview with Wilhelmina ; and there and then 
she begged him to use his influence and have 
stations built in Tembuland. At his special request, 
therefore, the Brethren entered what was then an 
independent country. 

{h) The Enemies. For nearly twenty years the 
missionaries in Tembuland made rather slow 
progress ; three stations, however — Baziya (1863), 
Tabase (1873), and Entazana (1873) — were founded; 
and this slow progress was due to three deep-seated 
prejudices in the Kaffir character : — (1) At the time 
when the Mission began, Tembuland was practi- 

294 A History of Moravian Missions. 

cally independent ; not till after the Basuto War 
(1880) did it really come under British rule ; and 
the missionaries, who always supported the Govern- 
ment, were regarded by the Kaffir chiefs as enemies 
of Kaffir national aspirations. (2) The second 
cause was the Kaffirs' fondness for beer. In order 
to come into close touch with the people, Samuel 
Baudert — after the Basuto War — roamed nearly 
the whole country on horseback ; most of the Kaffirs 
seemed delighted to see him, listened to his sermons 
in the open air, and then, lighting their pipes, dis- 
cussed the sermon ; and yet, though they shewed some 
interest in theology, they refused to abandon their 
drinking-bouts. " No time for a sermon," they 
would say sometimes, " it's beer night." Baudert 
called intoxication a sin ; the Kaffirs called it a 
respectable national amusement. (3) But the 
deadliest enemy in Tembuland was the rite of cir- 
cumcision. Among the Kaffirs this rite was insepar- 
ably associated with certain licentious customs ; 
and yet, at the same time, it was so bound up with 
the national life that no Kaffir could neglect it without 
losing his status as a citizen. According to an old 
Kaffir tradition, no uncircumcised Kaffir could either 
marry, inherit property, or vote in the tribal councils. 
For this reason, therefore, the Tembuland Kaffir 
found himself on the horns of a dilemma. If he 
became a Christian, he lost his rights as a citizen ; 
and, if he permitted his son to be circumcised, he 
could not be baptized. 

(c) The Remedy. For some years the most im- 
portant and influential person in Tembuland was 
not Baudert, the missionary, but his native Kaffir 
assistant, Elias ; this man proved himself a genuine 
hero, and preached with great effect to his own 
tribe, the Ornatti, on the Xentu River ; and one 
chief cause of his commanding influence was that, 

South Africa East : or the Kaffirs. 295 

at the risk of losing his popularity, he took a very 
firm stand against national vices and superstitions. 
Let one memorable example suffice. At one 
time EUas's father was taken ill; and the local June, 1895 
sorceress who attended the case, laid down the 
law that, if Ehas wished his father to recover, he 
must now, in accordance with an old custom, slay 
an ox, sprinkle the roof, hearth and lintels with blood, 
eat a little ox-flesh himself, and hang up juicy morsels 
about the kraal. For Elias this was a terrible test. 
He had now to choose between Christ and the 
sorceress. If he obeyed the sorceress, he would be 
untrue to his Di\'ine Master; but if he disobeyed, 
and his father died, his brothers would accuse him 
of murder. Elias decided for Christ. For ten days 
he was in a state of agony, crying repeatedl}^ " Oh I 
Christ, tliis is Thy concern ; I can see no way out 
of the difficulty" ; and then, when his father recovered, 
all the relatives felt that, by his faith and courage, 
Elias had won a glorious victory. The story of Elias is 
most illuminating. It shows that a Kaffir could not 
become a Christian without making great sacrifices. 
On the day when he was baptized, the Kaffir took a 
firm stand, not only against drink and the abomina- 
tions connected with circumcision, but also against 
the powerful witch-doctors ; EUas's fine example 
inspired many others ; and thus, at last, in Tembu- 
land, the cause of the Gospel began to flourish. 
During the next few years the Kaffirs came to 
Baziya in crowds ; and when they were asked the 
reason, they said : " Our hearts give us no peace. 
The word of Elias compels us." 

3. Hlubiland, 1869 — 1914. 

For the rapid spread of the Gospel in Hlubiland 
three special reasons may be given. The first was 
the amazing energy of the pioneer missionary, Henry 

696 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Meyer (1869-76), the second was the influence of the 
Kaffir chief, Zibi, and the third was the courageous 
attitude adopted both by the native evangeUsts and 
by many Kaffir women. 

(a) Henry Meyer, 1869-76. The Mission had 
an interesting origin. For some years there had lived 
in Hlubiland, at a place called Ezincuka, i.e., 
*' among the wolves," a powerful and ambitious 
Kaffir chief named Zibi, who, having been baptized 
by a Wesleyan missionary, regarded himself as 
a Christian ; and being, like Bowana in British 
Kaffraria, attacked by numerous enemies, he con- 
ceived the sound idea that if the Moravians intro- 
duced Christianity, he himself, somehow or other, 
would be enabled to live in safety. With regard to 
his original motives, there can be little doubt. In 
spite of his professed Christianitj'', he was still the 
possessor of four wives. His real purpose was 
political rather than religious. At this time he 
occupied land guaranteed him by the British 
Government ; Moravian missionaries, reasoned Zibi, 
always supported the Government ; and further, 
he entertained the hope that those missionaries 
would distribute plenty of tobacco and pay hand- 
somely for such household goods as they required. 
With these utilitarian motives, therefore, Zibi asked 
the Moravian Church to establish a Mission in 
Hlubiland. The result was entirely different from 
what he expected. For six years the Mission in 
Hlubiland was under the management of Henry 
Meyer, who was both a great worker and a plain 
speaker ; and during those six years he produced 
a permanent change in Zibi's character. The physical 
energy of Henry Meyer was remarkable. First, in 
1869, he set off from Shiloh, explored the Drakens 
Berge, arrived on Zibi's territory, and, not finding 
Zibi at home, surveyed the land from a lonely cave 

South Africa East : or the Kaffirs. 297 

in the hills ; next year, 1870, he set off again, cut 
a road through the hills, called " Meyer's Pass," 
built, mostly by his own labour, the first station, 
Entumasi, and seeing that Zibi attended the services, 
rebuked him for ha\ing four wives ; and finally, 
in 1875, after establishing a strong congregation at 
Entumasi, he advanced into territory owned by 
Zibi's enemy, Ludidi, and founded the station 
Elukolweni (1875). The result was remarkable. 
At the close of this period both Zibi and his enemy 
Ludidi had become earnest Christians ; Meyer had 
taught two old enemies to live at peace with each 
other ; and now, being broken down in health, 
he had to retire from the scene. Ten days 
before his death he still imagined himself in Zibi's 

" Give me my stick," he said. " I must cross the 
hill and preach in Ludidi's kraal." 

But the stick felt heavy in his hand. 

" No ! No ! " he cried. " The hill is too high. 
To-morrow, or the day after. Oh, Zibi ! Be faithful 
to your high calling, "f 

(b) The Influence of Zibi. For thirty-four years ISTS-ISIO 
after Meyer's retirement, Zibi, now a genuine 
Christian, might be called the leading figure in Hlubi- 
land ; one of his relations, John Nakin, was ordained a 
Moravian minister, and placed in charge of a station ; 
and he himself, at his old home, Ezincuka, held the 
office of Church Elder.* In personal appearance 
he was majestic ; he was tall, broad, and considered 

tFor a short sketch of Henry Meyer see " Periodical Accounts," 
June, 1888. BLis importance lies largely in his influence over 
Kaffir chiefs. By his influence over Zibi, Meyer, indirectly, 
transformed the character of Zibi's people, and many other 
chiefs followed Zibi's example. 

♦But what, the reader may ask, did Zibi do with his four wives ? 
He kept one, and not only gave the others handsome pensions 
for life, but ako provided them with homes. 

298 A History of Moravian Missions. 

handsome ; and on Sundays he always wore a black 
coat and trousers, rode up to Church on horseback, 
marched solemnly up the aisle with his knobby 
stick in his hand, and sat on a bench, below the 
pulpit, facing the congregation. He was now both 
a British patriot and a good Christian. The change 
in his moral character was fundamental. During 
the Kaffir War in 1881, Zibi warmly supported the 
Government ; and, in the Boer War (1901), two of 
his sons fought on the British side. Formerly his chief 
desire was to obtain good things from the missionary ; 
now his chief desire was to aid the Church ; and, 
therefore, while he himself became a generous sub- 
scriber, he often urged others to follow his example. 
On special occasions, such as Harvest Festivals, Zibi 
was brilliant. In Kaffraria the Church member 
has his own special mode of subscribing. Instead 
of merely laying his gift on a plate, he comes forward 
to the table, and states, not only how much he is 
giving, but why he cannot give more. With some 
of the excuses offered Zibi had little patience. At 
Ezincuka, for example, he laid £5 on the table ; 
others had the audacity to bring silver ; and Zibi, 
rising in his wrath, announced that nothing less than 
half-a-sovereign would be accepted. At Tinana he 
made a similar speech. 

" What do you mean," he roared to the givers of 
silver, " by clattering your miserable buttons on the 
plate ? Is that Kaffir custom ? At such times the 
Kaffir gives of his best. Our best is our bullocks, 
and I give two of my fattest." 

Above all, Zibi took a firm stand on moral 
matters. He was now a great supporter of 
education, and of Christian ideals, and frequently 
he expressed a desire that the Government would 
prohibit the sale of strong drink in his district. 
At the close of a baptismal service he would 

South Africa East : or the Kaffirs. 299 

follow the parents into the vestry, and kissing 
the child, urge them to train it in the fear of the 
Lord ; in his oym district he urged all parents to 
send their children to the Brethren's Day School ; 
and, kno^ving the moral dangers connected ■v^'ith 
circumcision, he drew up an anti-circumcision pledge, 
and persuaded thirty young men to sign it. 

(c) The Kaffir Evangelists and Women. For patient 
heroism, however, the palm must be given both to 
the Evangelists and to those Christian Kaffir women 
who, in defiance of heathen husbands, asked to be bap- 
tized. At Mvenyane (1901) a college for training native 
preachers was opened ; in a few years no fewer than 
seventy native evangelists were at work, and these 
evangelists created such a healthy public opinion 
on moral matters, that many women were encouraged 
to do Hkewise. In spite of the influence of Zibi 
and other chiefs, many of the heathen Kaffirs still 
regarded their wives as mere chattels ; over these 
wives they claimed undisputed authority ; and any 
woman who disobeyed either her husband or her 
father, ran the risk of brutal treatment. It was 
here that the Kaffir women showed their courage. In 
defiance of heathen husbands and fathers, they sent 
their children to the day schools, attended the Church, 
and prayed for fine weather, not to the sorcerer, but 
to the Christian's God. One typical case may be 
recorded. For financial reasons a heathen Kaffir 
wished his daughter to play the harlot ; and, when 
she refused, he began to flog her. 

*' Will vou give in now ? " he asked. 

" Never ! " 

The father continued the flogging, the girl re- 
mained undaunted, and in despair, the father 
exclaimed : " Your God is stronger than I." 

Chapter VIII. 

LABRADOR, 1804—1914. 

1. The Stations. 

In studying the history of the Moravian Mission 
to the Eskimos of Labrador, the outstanding fact 
to remember is that, as the native population has 
always been small — never reaching more than 1,500 — 
progress in the arithmetical sense has been practi- 
cally impossible. For many years the Brethren 
confined their efforts to the three stations founded 
in the eighteenth century, i.e., Nain, Hopedale, and 
Okak ; then, by founding five more stations — 
Hebron (1828), Zoar (1864), Ramah (1871), Makkovik 
(1896), and Killinek (1905) — they obtained command 
of the whole coast from Makkovik to Cape Chidley ; 
and this chapter, therefore, will take the form, not of 
a chronological narrative, but rather of a brief 
description of various methods of work. With 
regard to the stations, only two more facts need be 
mentioned. In 1889 Zoar was closed because it 
was too isolated ; in 1908 Ramah was closed for the 
same reason ; and thus, reading from north to south, 
the stations in 1914 were Killinek, Hebron, Okak, 
Nain, Hopedale, and Makkovik. 

2. The Ships. 

For over one hundred and forty years the Moravian 
Church, by means of its own ship, has maintained a 
regular connexion with Labrador ; Admiral Gambierf 
once declared that the record of these Moravian 

■fNoted for liis gallantry on June Ist, 1794. His ship, the Defence, 
was one of the first to pierce the French line. He was after- 
wards President of the C.M.S. He was also a great friend 
of C. I. La Trobe, and took a deep interest in Moravian 


Labrador. 801 

ships was unique ; and the interesting feature of the 
story is that while the total number of voyages is 
over three hundred, while reefs, cross-currents, ice- 
bergs, hurricanes, fogs, and tickles have been a 
constant source of danger, and while some of the 
ships had strange adventures, no serious accident 
has occurred. Each year the voyage to and fro 
has been made ; each year valuable goods are landed 
on the Labrador coast ; and in business circles 
these achievements are considered so remarkable 
that the Mora%'ian ship is insured at Lloyds' on 
specially favourable terms. The complete hst of 
Moravian ships, with their chief adventures, is as 
follows : — 

{a) The Jersey Packet (1770). On her sailed 
Haven, Drachart, and Jensen to choose the 
first site. 

(b) The Amity (1771-6). On her second voyage 

out she called at Ne^vfoundland, and did 
not reach Labrador till October. 

(c) The Good Intent (1777-9). In 1778 she was 

captured by a French privateer ; then she 
was re-captured by a British cruiser ; and 
then Louis XVL, . King of France, and 
Benjamin Franklin, American Ambassador 
in France, both issued passports declaring 
that the Moravian ship should be un- 
molested. In the King's passport there 
was a strange condition ; he seems to have 
had his suspicions about Moravians ; and 
his passport was valid for one year only. 

(d) The Amity (1780-6). The former Amity 

restored to favour ; she had no special 

(e) The Harmony (1787-1802). One moonlight 

night she was nearly captured by a French 

802 A History of Mobavian Missions. 

privateer. With this exception her peace 
was unbroken. 

{j") The Resolution (1808-8). This vessel was twice 
attacked by a French privateer, and each 
time she escaped in a storm. 

(^) The Hector (1809). No special adventures. 

(h) The Jemima (1810-1817). In 1811 her sails 
were frozen and could not be unfurled ; 
in 1816 she was surrounded by icebergs, 
and remained a prisoner for fifty-nine 
days; and in 1817, within one hour, she 
was struck by icebergs several times. 

(i) Harmony II. (1818-31). No special adventures. 

(j) Harmony III. (1882-1860). No special 

(Ar) Harmony IV. (1860-1896). No special 
adventures. This was the first Harmony 
with the figure-head of an angel blowing 
a trumpet. 

(l) Harmony V. (1901 to present day). For four 
years — 1896-1900 — the Moravians, having 
no ship of their own, simply chartered a 
vessel ; the next ship. Harmony V. was the 
first to possess steam auxiliary pow^er ; 
and the chief advantage of the steam is that, 
not being quite so much at the mercy of the 
weather, Harmony V. can visit the Labrador 
coast twice a year. Each year she leaves 
London early in the summer, visits the 
stations from July to September, and 
returns to St. John's ; and then, sailing 
for the second time she lands codfish at 
St. John's, Newfoundland, and returns to 
London about Christmas. 

It is interesting to note the change of route. For 
many years the Moravian ship skirted the east coast 

Labrador. 303 

of Scotland ; the people on the Orkneys would wave 
their handkerchiefs as she left Stromness ; and 
often, on the return voyage, some missionaries would 
call at Edinburgh, hold a serv'ice on the deck 
of the ship, and thereby stir up the zeal of Scotch 
friends of Mora\-ian Missions. Amongst these the 
most noted was Dr. Chalmers. He took a special 
interest in Labrador, and hoped that the Brethren 
would settle in Ungava Bay. During the last few 
years, however, the ship has first passed through the 
English Channel ; Scotch friends see the little vessel 
no more ; and the interest of the Scotch in the 
Moravian Missions has weakened. The last point to 
mention is the annual Thanksgiving Meeting. In 
London this is generally held in January ; in 
Labrador it is held in June ; and there, at every 
station, the great event is the annual coming of the 
ship. On the safe arrival of the ship the v/hole 
prosperity of the Mission depends. Both to the 
missionaries and to the Eskimos the Harmony is the 
" Ship of Life."t The village watchman takes his 
stand on a hill. As soon as he sees the ship in the 
distance, he lights his beacon ; some paddler, knowing 
the signal, fires his gun ; and a hundred voices in the 
village shout: "The big steamer!" The harbour 
fills with boats, rifles fire a salute, flags adoni the 
house roofs, and the Red Ensign is run up the pole 
and flies above the Mission-house. There, around 
the headland, the steamer comes, her rigging showing 
clear against the sky. As the long-awaited ship 
draws nearer and nearer, and Captain Jackson, once 
again, is seen standing on the bridge, all the villagers 
who have not taken to the boats assemble, deeply 
moved, on the shelving beach ; and then, when at 
last the anchor drops, the clear air rings with the 

jMajor He»keth Prichard's ©xpreasion. See Daily Mail, February 
17th, 1922. 

304 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Hymn of Praise : — " Now thank we all our God." 

8. The Trade. 

For three reasons, during all these years, the 
S.F.G. maintained a regular trade with the Eskimos. 

1. For the Sake of the Missionaries. No 
missionary could live on blubber, oil, and fish. At 
each station there was a so-called " store " ; on that 
store he relied for his daily food ; and that food was 
brought each year from England by the ship. 
Instead of receiving an annual salary in cash, each 
missionary, until quite recently, received £90 credit 
at the store ; and all the actual cash he saw was 
£10 pocket money. For the sake, therefore, of the 
missionaries and their families, the Moravian ship 
took out each year : — 

(a) Coal. 

{h) Tinned meat, tinned fruit, tea, coffee, sugar, 
bacon, potatoes, and vegetables. 

(c) A few household medicines. 

{d) Books and magazines. 

{e) Letters from home. 
For over a century the annual visit of the ship was 
the missionaries' only connexion with the homeland ; 
but recently, in the summer months, a mail has run 
from St. John's. 

(2) For Financial Reasons. By trading with the 
Eskimos, the S.F.G., for many years, covered nearly 
all the expenses of the Mission ; the chief articles 
bought from the Eskimos, and then sold in London, 
were seal-oil, cod-liver oil, seal-skin, fox-skin, and 
carved ivory ; and these articles realized such an 
excellent price that the Labrador Mission, for over a 
century, needed no support from general Mission 
Funds. Meanwhile, however, the S.F.G. pursued a 
rather singular policy. Instead of acting like Joseph in 

Labrador. 805 

Egypt during the seven fat years — instead, i.e., of 
creating a Reserve Fund — they generously made 
annual grants to other Mora\'ian causes ; no proper 
provision for the future was made ; and, therefore, 
when prices fell, owing to altered conditions, the 
S.F.G. found themselves in financial straits. The fall in 
prices was remarkable. In 1854 seal oil was £54 a ton; 
in 1904 it was only £14; and in 1908 the S.F.G. 
confessed that their trade with Labrador no longer 
paid. Nor was this the end of the S.F.G.'s troubles. 
At the very time when their receipts were diminish- 
ing, their expenses were increasing. In 1905 a new 
station was built at Killinek ; in 1903-4 a hospital 
was built at Okak ; and in 1906 a new law was passed 
that henceforth each missionary should receive his 
full salary in cash. Each of these steps increased the 
expense of the Mission. In 1900 the cost was £3,774 ; 
in 1904 it was £5,465 ; and, therefore, a new arrange- 
ment had to be made that, while the S.F.G. supplied 
the ships and still traded with the natives, all the 
other expenses of the Mission fell on the INIission 
Board. Thus did an unforeseen alteration in 
trade conditions affect the finances, not only of the 
Labrador Mission, but of Moravian Missions as a 

3. For the Sake of the Eskimos. By means of the 
trade the Eskimos received immense advantages ; 
and, therefore, whether it paid or not, it had still 
to be maintained. 

(a) In return for his skins, oils, and ivory articles, 

the Eskimo received English-made forks, 
knives, guns, powder, and other shooting 
and fishing requisites. 

(b) By trading with the S.F.G. the Eskimo was 

saved the necessity of dealing with other 
traders. Some of these would probably 

806 A History of Moravian Missions. 

have cheated him, and others would have 
paid him in rum. 

(c) In Labrador there are sometimes bad fishing 

seasons. In 1836-7, e.g., the Eskimos had 
to eat their tent-skins ; in 1855-6 many 
perished of hunger ; and at such times, 
the Moravian " Store " is the people's 
last resort. On one occasion the missionaries 
at Okak distributed 70,000 dried fish. 

(d) By dealing at the " Store " the Eskimo 

learned to be thrifty ; his debts were 
entered, not only in the store ledger, but also 
in his own pocket-book ; and the business 
understanding was that, sooner or later, 
he must pay in full. But this demand 
was not always strictly enforced ; a bad 
season was always a good excuse ; and one 
year the S.F.G. wrote off £2,500. 

(e) Further, by means of the " Store " the 

Eskimo provided for Christmas. As soon 
as the autumn hunting season was over, 
all the Eskimos returned to the stations ; 
during the next few weeks the Store was 
crowded ; and every day the store-keeper 
dealt with keen and eager hagglers. There 
they stood with their seal-skins, their fox- 
skins, their seal-oil, their cod-liver oil, 
and their ivory dolls and canoes ; in 
return they demanded petroleum, meal, 
peas, soap, aprons, nails, rice, tea, treacle, 
biscuits, salt-meat, guns, powder, shot, 
accordions, sewing machines, tobacco, 
spoons, forks, ribbons, carpets, lanterns, 
wax candles ; and the store-keeper had now 
to enter on a profound mathematical cal- 
culation. For every article in his shop, 

Labrador. 807 

and also for every article sold by the 
Eskimos, there was a definite money value, 
fixed by the S.F.G. ; no actual cash, how- 
ever, changed hands ; and the store-keeper, 
after consulting his hst, had to offer so 
much petroleimi for a fox-skin, and so 
much rice or treacle for a gallon of oil. 
His worst customers were the women. 
No woman ever knew at first what she 
wanted. First, she handled nearly every- 
thing in the shop; then she criticised 
the bargains made by the men ; then she 
returned home to consult a friend ; and then, 
back in the shop once more, she repeated 
the performance. 

(/) Above all, by means of the ship, the Eskimo 
children were made happy ; the Harmony 
ahvays contained hundreds of presents ; 
and these presents were packed in four 
different boxes. In box one there was 
baby clothing, to be given to the mother 
on the day her child was baptized ; in box 
two, school prizes, i.e., books, toys and 
mittens ; in box three, Christmas presents, 
i.e., scrap-books, dolls, beads, etc. ; and in 
box fom% some gifts for the native helpers. 
For all the widows and orphans, too, some 
special provision was made. Thus did the 
Harmony supply the needs — physical, in- 
tellectual and moral — of all classes in 

For two simple reasons, however, this trade with 
the Eskimos caused the S.F.G. much anxiety. The 

\ first was connected ■v^ith the system of management. 

^In 1752, when Erhardt sailed, Zinzendorf had laid 
down the general principle that no man, at the same 

808 A History of Moravian Missions. 

time, should be both a trader and a missionary. 
If he traded, he must not preach the Gospel ; if he 
preached the Gospel, he must not trade ; and the 
Brethren afterwards made the painful discovery 
that whether they followed or rejected his advice 
they had special difficulties to face. If a layman 
took charge, the trade was mismanaged ; and if a 
missionary took charge, the Eskimos ceased to love 
him. Each system had its defects ; and, therefore, 
the Brethren changed from one to the other. First 
(1771-1861) the missionaries had full control ; then 
(1861-1876) the trade was placed under a General 
Manager, with a layman at the head of each store ; 
then (1876-1898) the missionaries resumed control ; 
then (1898-1906) a layman was appointed as General 
Manager, while a missionary managed each store ; 
and finally, 1906, the law was laid down that trade 
and mission should be kept strictly apart. For the 
former the S.F.G. was responsible ; for the latter 
the Mission Board ; and that is the system still in 

The other cause of trouble was the Brethren's 
kindness. For some years there existed in the 
minds of the natives a remarkable delusion, spread 
first by certain schooner-men, that while the S.F.G. 
claimed to be a trading concern, it was, in reality, 
a charity ; each article on the Harmony, therefore, 
belonged by right to the natives ; no missionary 
had any right to charge any price whatsoever ; and 
all those who sold goods at the stores were mere 
robbers and swindlers. At last the danger became 
so serious that the Mission Secretary (1888) 
was sent on a visitation ; and yet, though 
he explained the facts of the case, there was still 
so much suspicion left that, next year, at Hebron, 
the people even blockaded the school-house and 
held the missionaries prisoners. By slow degrees 


Labrador. 809 

the truth prevailed ; the missionaries regained the 
people's confidence ; and the people excused their 
evil conduct by saying that if they had been more 
efficiently taught they would not have sinned so 
deeply. " If you had prayed for us properly," 
said Nathan, the ringleader, " all these troubles 
would have been spared you ! " 

4. The Hospital, 1904—1914. 

For some reason best known to the medical pro- 
fession, the Eskimos are so constituted that, while 
they still live on wholesome food, spend most of their 
time in the open air, and generally develop a power- 
ful muscular system, yet they have no power to 
resist disease ; in their case all the infectious diseases, 
such as influenza and measles, are nearly always 
fatal ; and the only way to preserve the race from 
destruction is to shield it from infection. 

But that was precisely what was found impossible. 
During the whole of the nineteenth century Labrador 
was repeatedly visited by British, French, and 
American traders ; these men introduced influenza, 
erysipelas, measles, pneumonia and syphilis ; and, 
finally, in 1894, after certain Eskimos had visited the 
Chicago Exhibition, there broke out, at Nain, a terrible 
epidemic of typhus. Nor was infection the only 
cause of trouble. Some of the traders paid in 
whisky and rum ; others sold European food and 
clothing ; and those who succumbed to these 
temptations became still less able to resist disease. 

Formerly, the mothers had nursed their children ; 
now, fed on condensed milk, the children perished 
untimely. Formerly, Labrador resembled Dartmoor ; 
now Labrador had become a death-trap ; and 
little had been done to remedy the evil. Dr. Grenfell, 
of the Deep Sea Mission, paid occasional visits ; 
Louis Kaestner administered simple remedies ; and 

310 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Hettasch, who had studied at Livingstone College, 
performed minor operations. In spite of all this 
excellent work, the situation in Labrador was 
desperate. Epidemics were now more common than 
ever ; sanitation was unknown ; and the population 
had dwindled to 1,200. 

During the winter of 1903-4, therefore, the Brethren 
built a small hospital at Okak ; Dr. and Mrs. S. K. 
Hutton were placed in charge; and during their 
eight years in Labrador, Dr. Hutton not only 
gained the confidence of the people, to whom he 
was known as " Our Samuel," but also succeeded 
in introducing several necessary reforms. His work 
was partly medical and partly hygienic. During 
the first seven months he paid over a thousand 
visits and dealt with 137 patients at the 
hospital. The amount of disease was enormous. 
At Okak there was a bad form of influenza ; at 
Hebron typhus ; at Nain and Hopedale pneumonia. 
In due time Dr. Hutton saw every man and woman 
on the coast. In the winter he generally used a 
dog-sledge ; in the summer, after 1908, he used a 
motor-boat, the Northern Star ; and visiting the 
people in their huts, he obtained such a knowledge 
of Eskimo life that his book, " Among the Eskimos 
of Labrador," written after he was compelled to retire, 
may be described as a classic.^ 

But Dr. Hutton was no mere medical practitioner ; 
his main purpose was to enlighten the people ; 
and, therefore, while he urged the men to build 
larger houses of wood and turf, he also carefully 
instructed the women to keep them clean, not to 

•j-On the value of Dr. Hutton'a work, Dr. W. G. Grenfell wrote as 
follows : "Dr. Hutton has done wonders, and a well-known 
Boston surgeon, who is with me for the summer, was very 
much surprised to know what serious operations the doctor 
liad und-'itakon sinjile-handed and yet successfully." — 
"Periodical Accounts," March, 1908, p. 12. 

Labrador. 311 

hide refuse under the bed, and always to remember 
to scald their feeding-bottles. His main policy 
was based on scientific principles. Let the 
Eskimo, he said, remain an Eskimo ; let him 
eat his Eskimo food, wear his Eskimo dress, 
and hunt and fish like his forefathers ; and, 
above all, let no Eskimo be tempted to attend 
Exhibitions, such as those held at Chicago, Berlin and 
Paris. As a result of this latter practice, he said, 
many an Eskimo had already suffered incalculable 
damage. Some had become immoral ; immorality 
caused syphilis ; and syphilis, if unchecked, might 
soon exterminate the nation. In all these schemes of 
reform Dr. Hutton was warmly supported by Sir 
William MacGregor, the Governor of Newfoundland ; 
some of the Eskimos acted on the doctor's advice, 
and before he left he was able to report a slight 
decUne in the death-rate. 

5. The Settlers, 1851—1914. 

For the special benefit of English settlers living on 
the strip of coast south of Hopedale, and at the 
request of one Smith, a Hudson's Bay Company 
official, the Brethren, in 1851, began holding services 
at Rigolette ; then, for a brief period, James O'Hara 
acted as authorised missionary to the settlers ; and 
finally, in 1895, at the special request of James 
Wilson, a Hudson's Bay Company factor, they 
founded a proper station named Makkovik. In spite 
of the fact that the settlers were English, this work 
was genuine missionary work. Most of the settlers 
could neither read nor write ; many, of course, had 
married Eskimo women ; and both the pure English 
and the half-breeds were morally inferior to the 
Eskimos. At Hopedale, the Brethren opened a 
boarding-school, where a few settlers' children were 
educated ; and English services were held in the Church 

312 A History of Moravian Missions. 

for visiting schooner-men. But this work was not 
an unmixed blessing. In return for the Brethren's 
favours, some of the schooner-men became good 
Christians ; others, however, taught the Eskimos to 
gamble ; and the local Church Elders, in 1903, had to 
pass special laws to check the evil. 

6. The Fruit. 
Among the English visitors to Labrador, the most 
distinguished was the late Major Hesketh Prichard, 
F.R.G.S., author of " Through Trackless Labrador " 
and of "The Adventures of Don Q"; and, giving 
vent to his enthusiasm in the columns of Chambers^ 
Journal,'\ Major Prichard asserted that the coast 
of Labrador was, on the whole, the most God-fearing 
coast he had ever visited. This result, he said, had 
been produced, partly by the Moravian Church 
and partly by the Deep Sea Mission ; and 
the purpose of this short section is simply to 
show in what sense and to what extent, as 
far as the Eskimos are concerned, Mr. Prichard's 
statement is justified. Let us not regard the Eskimo 
as a dull person. By nature he is still argumentative, 
proud, choleric, affectionate, sensual, humorous ; 
charming varieties of character exist as much as 
in Shakespeare's plays ; and those Eskimos who 
have travelled abroad — even those who have seen 
Chicago and Paris — maintain that lonely Labrador 
is the finest country , in the world. Christianity 
has not made them Europeans. Christianity has 
made them Christian Eskimos. 

(1) First, then, the Eskimos honour God and 
keep Sunday holy. With the exception of a 
few heathen at Killinek, the Eskimos of Labrador 
are now genuine Christians ; most of them would 

fSeventh Series, Vol. I., August fith and 12th, 1911. "Heroes 
of the Labrador," 

Labrador. 313 

probably pass an examination in the four Gospels ; 
and many, by hearing the Bible read at week-night 
meetings, have acquired a knowledge of its contents 
which would put some di\anity students to shame. 
In the summer the Eskimos are away hunting ; in the 
winter they reside at the stations ; and the Church, 
on a winter Sunday morning, is always crowded. 
At nine a.m. there is the Church Litany ; at ten a 
public service, with sermon ; in the afternoon a 
missionary address ; and in the evening a singing 
meeting. Most of the Eskimos are attentive listeners ; 
only occasionally someone sleeps during the sermon ; 
and some even take notes and discuss the subject. 
In musical matters they maintain a high standard. 
Formerly, in their heathen days, they could merely 
howl. Now they revel in Moravian Chorales. Both 
old and young sing correctly in parts ; Nain and 
Okak possess fine brass bands ; and some have 
mastered the violin and 'cello. At most of the 
ser\'ices an Eskimo plays the harmonium ; bhnd 
Jeremiah, of Okak, rendered classical selections ; 
and Nathaniel, a schoolmaster at Nain, composed an 
anthem. Nor is music confined to religious worship. 
On his journeys Dr. Hutton often heard singing in 
the huts. Patients sang in the hospital ; drivers 
sang on their sledges ; fishermen sang in their 
boats ; and villagers sped the parting guest with 
" God be with you till we meet again." 

(2) Again, the Eskimos have learned the art of 
self-government. For practical purposes, Labrador 
may be described as a Christian Theocracy. As the 
Jews revered the law of Moses, so the Eskimos 
revere the Bible ; and taking the Bible as their 
Statute Book, they assume that whatever is there 
forbidden is wicked. Each congregation elects a 
Committee of Elders ; these Elders keep law and order 
in the village ; and magistrates and policemen are 

314 A History of Moravian Missions. 

not required. No murders or thefts are now com- 
mitted ; quarrels are settled, not in a law court, but 
by the missionary or Elders ; and the missionaries 
can retire to rest without locking their doors. 

(3) Again, the Eskimos are now all total abstainers. 
For this fact we must give the credit, partly to the 
Government for forbidding the sale of liquor, partly 
to the missionaries who inspired the Government, 
and partly to the Eskimo Elders at Okak. In 1907 
certain Eskimos made some home-brewed beer ; 
the Eskimo Elders heard about the enormity ; and 
so irresistible was their influence that all the kegs 
were broken open and all the liquor poured out on 
the snow. 

(4) Again, the Eskimos have learned to take some 
interest in literature, science, and general know- 
ledge. At the day schools the children learn not 
only reading, writing and arithmetic, but also a 
little geography and book-keeping. Bible lessons 
are systematically given ; other popular classics 
are " The Pilgrim's Progress," " Christy's Old 
Organ," and " Jessica's First Prayer " ; and Bishop 
Martin, the Superintendent of the Mission, produces 
an Annual Register entitled " Aglait Illunainortut," 
i.e., " Intelligence for Everyone," and containing a 
brief account of the main political events of 
the day. 

(5) Again, the Eskimos, though civilised and 
Christian, are still genuine Eskimos. In spite of the 
pernicious influence of certain traders, the Eskimos 
eat the same kind of food and wear the same kind 
of dress, as their forefathers. Still, as of old, they 
ply the kayak, drive the sledge-dogs, lance the seal, 
and trap the fox ; still, as of old, the patient women, 
so that their husbands may have good boots, chew 
shoe-leather all day ; and still, as of old, the 

Labrador. 815 

fearless boys slide down the snow-clad hills, and punt 
on the broken ice. 

(6) Above all, the Eskimos of Labrador have learned 
to understand the deep meaning of Christmas. Dr. 
S. K. Hutton once said that a Labrador Christmas 
is a good remedy for pessimism. Some years ago he 
described such a Christmas in the Pall Mall Magazine; 
and the best way to understand the Eskimos is to 
use our imaginations a little and spend a Christmas 
in their company. The scene opens about a week 
before Christmas. The huntsmen are home from 
the hills; the bandsmen are practising carols; the 
boys are dragging logs across the snow ; and the 
women, inside their houses, are scrubbing the 
floor, dusting the harmonium, and polishing the 
pictures on the wall. 

On December 23rd the final preparations are made. 
In the store the husband drives his bargain. For 
himself he obtains some tobacco, notepaper and 
envelopes ; for his wife and girls some aprons and 
ribbons ; for his boys mouth-organs, hammers 
and saws ; for his table, tea, molasses, rice, peas and 
biscuits ; for his Christmas tree some toys and 
lanterns. Meanwhile, his wife has been busy in the 
hut. On the shelf stand her cups, glasses and orna- 
ments ; the floor is strewn with red sand ; and in one 
corner stands the " Bethlehem." 

On Christmas Eve, at four o'clock, the whole village 
meets in the Church for the Christmas Lovefcast. 
Along the walls shine rows of lighted candles. The 
prevailing colour is white. The walls are white as 
snow ; the people wear white siila-paks ; and the 
missionaries wear white seal-skin coats. In the 
front are the children ; at the back the parents ; 
and in the middle, the infirm and aged, seated on 
reindeer skins. The opening h\Tnn is sung ; the 
story of the birth of Christ is read ; and the choir 

316 A History of Moravian Missions. 

and orchestra render a Christmas anthem. At the 
close of the service a church official enters bearing 
candles placed in turnips ; these candles the children 
place on their biscuits ; and all now wend their way 
home rejoicing. In the evening the adults visit 
each other ; Christmas trees are criticised and 
admired ; and the chief topic of discussion is who 
has constructed the most beautiful " Bethlehem." 

On Christmas Day every hour is fully occupied. 
In the morning there is public worship ; in the 
afternoon the missionaries visit the people ; and in 
the evening the people return the compliment. 
At last the day closes, and quiet reigns in the village. 
For the first time the missionary and his wife can 
think a little about their own affairs, and wistfully 
their minds turn to children far away at school in 
the Homeland. But to the Eskimos Christmas 
brings joy unalloyed. The Eskimos have their own 
name for Christmas Day. They call it simply 
" His Birthday " ; and everybody knows whose 
birthday is meant. " On this day many years ago," 
they say, " Jesus the Mighty became as poor as an 

fAn exploded legend. In hia recent volume, "A Labrador Doctor" 
(Hodder & Stoughton), p. 90, Dr. W. T. Grenfell repeats as a fact 
the old legend that " as the Eskimos had never seen a lamb or 
a sheep, either alive or in a picture, the Moravians, in order 
to offer them an intelligible and appealing simile, had most 
wisely substituted the kolik, or white seal, for the phrase 
' the Lamb of God.' " Dr. Grenfell is quite mistaken. There 
is not one word of truth in the story. The Moravian 
missionaries solved tlie problem by showing a picture of 
a lamb ; and the Eskimo expression used — " Gudeb 
Saugarsunga " — means " God, His Lamb." See " Periodical 
Accounts," December, 1893, p. 221. The Eskimo word for 
sheep is saugak ; for lamb, saugarsik ; and for seal, puije. 
See Friedrich Erdmann's Eskimo Dictionary. 




1. Nicaragua, 1849-1914 321 

2. Victoria, 1849-1905 346 

3. Western Tibet, 1853-1914 357 

4. The Leper Home at Jerusalem, 

1867-1914 374 

5. Demerara, 1878-1914 388 

6. Alaska, 1885-1914 394 

7. CALiroRNiA, 1889-1914 408 

8. North Qlteexsland, 1891-1914 . . . 416 

9. East Central Africa : Nyassa, 

1891-1914 437 

10. East Central Africa : Unyamwezi, 

1898-1914 452 

IsTBODUOTOBY NoTr. — For the special canaes leading to the 
Modem Advance, see Book TV., Chapter II., p. 476. 


Chapter I. 

NICARAGUA, 1849—1914. 

1. The Bluefields Experiment, 1849 — 1855. 

Let us first understand the political situation. For 
nearly two hundred years before the first 
Mora\'ian missionaries arrived, the little independent 
kingdom of Moskito — ruled by a King or Chief 
residing at Bluefields, inhabited chiefly by Moskito 
Indians, and bounded on the north by the Wanks 
River, on the west by the Gold Field Hills, on the south 
by the San Juan, and on the east by the Caribbean 
Sea — had managed to maintain its independence, 
not because it possessed a powerful army, but 
because it was under the special protection of Great 
Britain. By treaty, in 1655, Moskito became a 
British Protectorate ; by another treaty, in 1720, 
some kind of alliance was formed between the King 
of Moskito and the Governor of Jamaica ; and then, 
to prove that she was as good as her word. Great 
Britain, in 1730, established three small military 
settlements at Cape Gracias-a-Dios, Bluefields, 
and the mouth of the Black River. At length 
Great Britain considered it necessary to take still 
stronger measures. In the year 1836 Nicaragua 
captured Greytown, a Moskito town a few miles south 
of Bluefields ; five years later Colonel MacDonaldi 
Governor of British Honduras, re-captured Gre\i;own 
and restored it to Moskito ; and when Nicaragua 
protested, Great Britain pohtely, but firmly, informed 
her that she would maintain the integrity of Moskito, 
not only against Nicaragua, but against any other 
power that had the audacity to attack her. The 
result was natural. The more Great Britain did for 
Moskito, the more popular were Britons in the country, 


322 A History of Moravian Missions. 

and Queen Victoria was called by the people the 
" Mother of the Indians." At Bluefields, the capital, 
resided the British Consul ; Moskito Kings were often 
crowned in the presence of British officials at Belize, 
in British Honduras ; and now one King, Robert 
Charles Frederick (1824-1842), showed his gratitude 
in a very strange manner. For some reason which 
has never been fully explained, this King seems to 
have been under the impression that Great Britain 
was a teetotal country ; he himself, though fond of 
the bottle, desired to see his subjects total abstainers ; 
and, thinking that if a few Britons would settle in 
Moskito, they would teach his people the dangers of 
mischla, he granted a small parcel of ground to two 
British officers, Henry Willock and Arthur Alexander. 

1841 His conduct was much discussed. Some said that 
he was mad ; others that he was drunk ; and others 
that he shewed the wisdom of Solomon. The two 
officers were in a quandary. In order not to offend 
the King, they accepted his gift ; but, having no capital 
to work it, they determined to sell it. The result was 
unexpected. First they tried, but in vain, to find 
purchasers in England ; then they offered it to two 
German noblemen, Charles of Prussia and the Prince 
of Schonberg-Waldenburg ; and the latter, who had 
long been a friend of Moravian Missions, suggested 
to the Moravian Mission Board that the time had come 
for a Mission to the Moskito Indians. In response 
to this suggestion, the Mission Board asked two 
Jamaica missionaries, Andrew Reinke and Henry 
Pfeiffer, to make preliminary inquiries. Once more 
British officials played an important part in the 
transactions. Lord Palmerston, the Prime Minister, 
gave the two missionaries a letter of introduction. 

1847 At Bluefields (April 18th, 1847) they had a most 
encouraging reception. Patrick Walker, the British 
Consul, promised to support the Mission ; Fawcett, an 

Nicaragua. 828 

Anglican clergjTnan, found them a lodging ; and the 
King of Moskito, George Frederick (1842-1865), 
offered land for a Church, and begged that a Mission 
might be estabhshed forthwith. Next year (1848) 
there met at Hermhut a General Moravian SjTiod ; 
by that Synod a Mission to Moskito was authorised ; 
and early in 1849 (March 14th) Pfeiffer, accompanied 
by two colleagues, arrived once more at Bluefields. 

The campaign began with a mistake in policy. 
For three or four years Henry Pfeiffer showed, 1849 
that while he had been a good pastor in Jamaica, 
he was not an ideal missionary pioneer ; and acting 
as though he were still in a Christian country, where 
people were in the habit of attending Church, he 
devoted his main attention to the Royal Family, 
confined his efforts to Bluefields, used the Court- 
house for Sunday services, and arranged, for the 
benefit of the citizens, an elaborate series of meetings. 
On Sundays there were at least three ser\'ices — 
public worship, an inquirers' meeting, and a homily ; 
on Monday evening a prayer meeting ; on Tuesday 
an address ; on Friday a Bible exposition ; and 
on Saturday a singing meeting. For this policy 
Pfeiffer could give a good reason. He was acting 
like some of the earliest preachers in England ; his 
main hopes seem to have rested on the Royal Family ; 
and to judge from his reports, he appears to have 
thought that if he could convert the Royal Family 
the rest of the people would soon follow their example. 
Among Pfeiffer's best supporters was Christie, the 
British Consul, and, acting on Christie's ad\'ice, 
Pfeiffer gave the King two hours' daily instruction, and 
took in his three sisters as boarders. At first his policy 
seemed justified. For some months the King him- 
self not only attended the services, but even joined 
a Sunday School class ; one of his sisters acted as 
monitor ; and Pfeiffer, therefore, fondly hoped that 

824 A History of Moravian Missions. 

in a few months the Royal Family would adopt 
the Christian religion. 

For the following reasons, however, Pfeiffer 
had little success : — 

(a) The King was a weak and disappointing 
character. For a few weeks he would be 
both pious and sober ; then he would turn 
to the bottle again ; and his people, 
observing his conduct, drew their own con- 
clusions. " I notice," said an Indian to 
Pfeiffer, " that those who attend your 
Church are no better than those who stay 
at home." 

{b) By conducting the services in English, which, 
at first, of course, he was compelled to do, 
Pfeiffer gave the people the impression that 
he was preaching about a foreign God. " The 
English," said the Indians, " have a book 
which speaks of God, and, therefore, they 
know more of God than we do. God loves 
the English only ; He takes no notice of 
the Indians." 

(c) At Bluefields most of the inhabitants were 
either Negroes or Creoles ; these Negroes 
and Creoles despised the Indians ; and the 
Indians refused to attend a Church where, 
in all probability, they would be insulted. 
For this simple reason, therefore, Pfeiffer 
had little influence over the Indians. His 
first convert, Mary Waters, was a negress ; 
and the only Indian whom he baptized 
was the Princess Matilda (June 6th, 1855). 

{d) By his Christian ideals of conduct Pfeiffer 
disgusted the Indians. At Christmas, each 
year, they amused themselves by dancing 
and drinking ; Pfeiffer even saw them lying 

Nicaragua. 825 

drunk in the street ; and the more he 
rebuked them, the more they hated him. 

(e) By distributing medicines to the sick, Pfeiffer 
aroused the hostility of the soukias, or 
medicine men. Let one example suffice. At 
one time, when measles broke out, a 
mother brought her child to Pfeiffer for 
treatment. As the mother took his advice, 
the child began to recover ; then a soukia 
arrived on the scene and washed the 
patient in some native concoction ; and 
then, when the child died, the soukia 
denounced Pfeiffer as a murderer. 

(/) By his overbearing conduct Pfeiffer offended 
his two colleagues ; the Mission Board, 
hearing about the trouble, sent one of their 
members to investigate ; and, finally, the 
Board decided that Pfeiffer had better 

Let us not, however, criticise Pfeiffer too severely. 
In due time he discovered his own mistake. Four 
times he himself visited English Bank and the Pearl 
Lagoon ; there he not only preached to the Indians, 
but, taking the King with him, chose a site for a 
church ; and finally, he himself suggested that, if 
the missionaries expected any success, they must 
no longer remain at Bluefields, but advance steadily 
northwards along the coast. 

Meanwhile, a most important political event had 1850 
occurred. At the time when Pfeiffer arrived at Blue- 
fields, Moskito was still a British Protectorate ; 
U'^w, by the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty (1850) Great 
Britain abandoned her role of protector ; and 
henceforward, though still independent, Moskito had 
to fight her own battles. In the past the King of 
Moskito, supported by British prestige, had a certain 

326 A History of Moravian Missions. 

amount of authority ; now he was Httle more than 
a figure-head. In the past he had ruled over a more 
or less united kingdom ; now he was the titular 
monarch of several independent tribes ; and the 
Brethren very soon discovered that no such thing 
as a real government existed. Each tribe managed 
its own affairs ; each tribe, if it obeyed any one, 
obeyed its own chief ; and each tribe was still 
untouched by the Gospel. Along the coast lived 
the Moskito Indians, who, having Negro blood 
in their veins, excelled their neighbours both in 
physical and in intellectual vigour ; among the 
western hills, the Sumus ; on the island of Ramah 
Key, the Ramahs ; and, dotted about in small 
groups, the Conkras, Woolwas, Towkas, Tongulas, 
Payas, and Caribs. 

Let us now take a brief glance at these people. 
At the time when the first Brethren arrived, all the 
Indians in Moskito were as heathen, as benighted, 
as wretched, and as superstitious as the Bush Negroes 
of Surinam. 

In matters industrial, the people were still very 
primitive. As the land was remarkably fertile, most 
of the men were lazy ; day after day they lounged in 
hammocks, smoking, gossiping, telling stories, and 
exclaiming " All lies, but lovely all the same " ; and 
while they were splendid swimmers, paddlers, riders, 
fish-hunters, and marksmen, they had no idea of the 
meaning of agriculture. Polygamy was still the usual 
practice. Among the Moskitos each wife had a 
separate home, among the Sumus they all lived 
under one roof ; and the curious feature in every 
household was that, while the husband lived with 
his mother-in-law, he addressed her, not directly, 
face to face, but by making remarks to the children 
or chickens. For this custom, said the Sumu Indians, 
there was a religious reason. In the beginning two 

Nicaragua. 827 

Gods — Ulnibapot, the sun, and Udo, the moon — 
created the heaven and the earth. Each of these 
gods married a woman ; each had a mother-in-law ; 
and each, finding that mother-in-law a nuisance, 
punished her, at stated seasons, by going into echpse. 
Mothers-in-law were a trouble even in heaven ; 
mothers-in-law caused echpses ; and no self-respecting 
man could address such contemptible creatures. 

In the Indian religion the chief feature was the 
worship of evil spirits. Above all other gods, some 
said, there was one Supreme Spirit, Won Aisa, i.e.y 
" Our Father " ; this Supreme Spirit, however, 
did not interfere in human affairs ; and the real 
actors in everyday life were Waiwin Tara, the 
land spirit ; Liwa Tara, the water spirit ; Prakahu, 
the air spirit ; and a vast host of evil spirits, or Ulassa. 
Each of these was man's malignant enemy. 
Waiwin caused the drought ; Liwa upset the canoes 
and drove away fish ; Prakahu raised the hurricanes ; 
and the Ulassa caused diseases. Against these dread- 
ful Ulassa only the soukias, or sorcerers, had any 
power. Among the Moskitos, the soukia used two 
methods. The first was the whisthng cure. With 
his hammock slung up near the patient's bed, he 
first whistled a luring air ; then he groaned, sighed 
and stormed; and then, rushing forward with his 
hand over a calabash, he shouted triumphantly, 
" I've got him," and explained that he had just 
caught the evil spirit. For this feat he charged 
a fee varying from 10s. to £4 ; and, money not being 
much used, the fee was paid in kind. The other 
cure was the water-cure. By blowing at a trough 
of water through a bamboo pipe, the soukia endowed 
it with medicinal powers ; and, if the patient bathed 
therein, he was almost certain to receive some 
benefit. Among the Sumus, the soukia used three 
cotton dolls. The first was Asampalka, the evil 

S^8 A History of Moravian Missions. 

spirit, the second, Asampalka's councillor, and the 
third, Asampalka's jailer. Each of these two last 
dolls was sprinkled with blood ; each, being now 
appeased, came to the patient's rescue ; and the 
jailer, acting on the councillor's advice, seized 
on Asampalka and carried him off. In cases of 
failure, the soukia had always the same answer. 
Some human enemy had caused the death, and that 
enemy must forthwith be slain. Thus did the 
soukias, as in Surinam, create a reign of terror. 

Amid these terrors the Indians derived 
some consolation from their belief in immortality ; 
and for that belief they gave a beautiful 
reason. Each man, after death, they said, had a 
long and dangerous journey before him. For this 
reason his clothes and weapons were generally buried 
with him ; above his grave was a little wooden 
house, well-stocked with food ; and the women 
chanted the death- wail, " Alas ! I'll never see your 
face again, "f But that sentence referred to this 
world only. According to a widespread Indian 
legend, there lived, many years ago, a certain man 
who, being haunted by the ghost of his wife, deter- 
mined to seek her in the next world ; and so, leaving 
his body to hang on a tree, he crossed a broad lagoon 
on the back of a frog, escaped the cruel teeth of some 
raging dogs, and, passing safely between two trees 
which crushed all murderers to death, reached the 
bright green fields of the heavenly land. There he 
saw splendid horses roaming among the trees ; 
there he also saw the goddess Japtimisire, Queen 
of the Spiritual World. Among those seated on her 
lap was his wife. Japtimisire, however, told him 




I'll ne'er see thy face a - gain 

Nicaragua. 329 

that he had come too soon, and being rowed back 
by spirits in a barrel, he re-crossed the lagoon, re- 
entered his body, and recounted his adventures. 

2. The First Advance, 1855—1880. 

For the next twenty-five years the Brethren, 
while keeping Bluefields as their headquarters, made 
a systematic attempt to push northwards along the 
coast ; thereby they came into close touch with the 
Indians, and one of their most delightful discoveries 
was that while the Indians were by nature crafty, 
vindictive, superstitious and fond of mischla, yet, 
on the other hand, they had a sense of gratitude, 
responded quickly to kindness, and could even be 
touched to finer spiritual issues. 

The first station was at Pearl Lagoon, and received 1855 
the name Magdala. The first missionary here was 
Jean Paul Jiirgensen, a Dane. With his wife, 
twelve shilUngs in his pocket, and a piece of salt-beef, 
he, on June 12th, 1855, arrived on the scene ; three 
days later there broke out an epidemic of cholera ; 
and Jiirgensen rendered such splendid medical ser\'ice, 
boldly \'isiting all the patients and serving out 
useful drugs, that in less than a month the people 
adored him, attended his services in crowds, and 
even began conducting family prayers. The station 
soon became a hive of acti^'ity. There, assisted by 
Peter Blair, an eflBcient Negro assistant, Grunewald 
prepared the first Moskito Dictionary ; there, one 
memorable Christmas morning, the people roused 
the missionary at 4 a.m. and compelled him to rise 
from his bed and conduct a service ; and there, 
under Augustus Martin, the converts learned to 
teach in the Sunday School, visit the sick, settle 
disputes, and guide the missionary on his journeys 
to the little outlying stations at Klukiunlaya, 
Reitapura, Brown Bank, and Canon Bank. With the 

830 A History of Moravian Missions. 

conduct of the Magdala Christians, Martin was 
positively charmed. In 1875 there was a terrible 
hurricane, whereby the station was destroyed. 
Forthwith, by free-will labour, the converts re-built 
the Church ; those who had food shared at once with 
the destitute ; and one night, Mrs. Garth, a convert, 
knocking at the missionary's door, offered him a 
share of her cassava. 

" But why," asked Martin, " have you brought it 
by night ? " 

" Because if I had brought it in the day-time 
the others would have thought I was rich. But the 
truth is my harvest is destroyed ; only a little is 
left ; and some of that little is for you.'* 
I860 The second station was named Ephrata. At this 

place Augustus Martin not only preached the Gospel, 
but also acted as magistrate, kept a provision 
" store," and collected money for the Government ; 
and thereby he discovered how the Indians tested 
the truth of a religion. The Indian test was entirely 
practical. Good religions, they said, produced good 
characters ; bad religions produced bad characters ; 
and as the Christians at Ephrata were honest, the 
Christian rehgion must be true. For this reason, 
among others, Ephrata soon became a busy centre ; 
three more stations, Bethany (1864), Kukulaya (1871) 
and Karata (1875), were founded; and out-preaching 
places were also established at Layasiksa, Tapunlaya, 
Bawa Baer, Wounta, and Walpasiksa. Nor was 
this the whole of the Brethren's activities. For 
five years (1869-74) the missionaries made great use 
of a small schooner, the Messenger of Peace, pre- 
sented by certain young people in the American 
Province ; Blair and Kandler visited fifty places 
along the coast; and these journeys were only 
abandoned because, in 1874, the schooner was 

Nicaragua. 331 

3. The Happy Island, 1858—1878. 

Meanwhile a wonderful series of events had 
occurred. For the long period of twenty years 
Jean Paul Jurgensen devoted all his energies to the 
Indians on the island of Ramah Key ; and during 
those years he turned a hell of iniquity into a paradise 
of joy. At first the people seemed hopeless. The 
men drank rum and lounged in hammocks, while the 
women did all the hard work ; the boys ran naked ; 
and the baby girls were often murdered. For the first 
few days after his arrival Jurgensen made his abode 
in an Indian hut. Pigs grunted under the floor ; 
vermin attacked him in his bed ; and the people, 
regarding him as an enemy, not only refused to sell 
him fish and fruit, but sneered when he began to 
build his house. 

" What I " said one huge idler, '* you working ? " 

"Yes," replied Jurgensen, "for this purpose 
God has given us hands ; and these hands of mine 
shall teach you a wholesome lesson." 

Let us now see how Jiirgensen kept his promise. 
He adopted three methods of work. 

(a) Trade Regulations. For some years the Ramah 
Key Indians had been in the habit of selling their 
pork at Bluefields, where, having spent their money 
in drink, they ran up bills at the grocers' shops ; 
and now, with the consent of the Indians them- 
selves, Jurgensen interviewed the Bluefields trades- 
men and persuaded them to pay for their pork in 
goods. In eight years he freed the island from debt. 
Meanwhile, he himself opened a shop in the island ; 
there, in return for fish and pork, he supphed the 
people's needs ; and further, ha\ing discovered oil 
on the island, he taught the natives how to extract 
it, sold it at Greytown, and paid them the value in 
goods. His success was marrellous. In 1857 the 

882 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Ramah Key Indians were steadily being ruined 
by drink and debt ; by 1877 they were sober and 
prosperous ; and all the natives now saw that 
Jiirgensen was their best friend. 

(6) Law and Order. In spite of the fact that, 
technically speaking, Ramah Key belonged to the 
kingdom of Moskito, Jiirgensen, with the King's 
permission, made the island independent ; and, 
having won the goodwill of the people, he made such 
laws as he thought fit. No Indians from the coast 
might live on the island; no soukias were allowed 
to practise ; no intoxicating liquor was made ; 
no boat might put to sea on Sundays ; no one might 
leave the island without his permission ; and 
no one might visit the island without a satisfactory 
reason. With the last regulation the people were 
charmed. " Ah ! papa Johnson," they said, " we 
are happy now. We are no longer beaten by the 
Moskito men." 

(c) Education. As Mr. and Mrs. Jiirgensen had 
no children, they were able to devote much time to the 
children of the island. The language in Ramah 
Key was English. Jiirgensen taught the children in 
his own house. Mrs. Jiirgenson visited the huts, and 
taught the mothers how to keep them tidy and how 
to take care of their babies ; and thus this dutiful 
couple acted as father and mother to the whole 
island. Among the rising generation, Jiirgensen 
discovered many beautiful characters ; and some 
of these, in their love for Christ, resembled St, 
Bernard. With tears in his eyes, the old man, after 
his retirement to Denmark, would tell how James 
died, exclaiming, " Look, Jesus is there ; " how 
Benjamin heard a strange voice saying, " Turn to 
God and you will live another year ; " and how 
Antoinette, awaking from a trance, spoke like a 

Nicaragua. 883 

messenger from heaven. Above all, Jiirgensen loved 
to tell the story of Tabitha. "No one," he said, 
"excelled her in beauty of character. Her speech 
was like a heavenly song, and her face as the face 
of an angel." 

At length, one memorable Easter Sunday, hearing 
that Tabitha was ill, he called to see her. 

" Well, Tabitha," he asked, " what have you to 
say to me ? " 

" Papa," she answered, " I am going home. I am 
glad that soon I shall see my Sa%aour and live with 
Him for ever." 

But Jiirgensen did not encourage morbid thoughts. 

" My child," he said, " are you not afraid to die ? " 

" No," she replied, " look at the beautiful white 
robe my Sa\'iour has given me." 

" I cannot see it. What is it like ? " 

"It is washed in the blood He shed on Calvary." 

In spite of Jiirgensen's medical efforts, Tabitha 
grew steadily worse. Around her couch the people 
stood weeping ; Tabitha begged them not to weep, 
assuring them that she was happy ; and then, after 
begging their forgiveness and bidding them all 
good-bye, she asked Mr. and Mrs. Jiirgensen to 
come a little closer. 

" I thank you both," she said, " for all your kind- 

Let one more picture linger in the memory. For 
some years after Jiirgensen's retirement, his successor 
made a practice of giving the Ramah Key Indians 
an annual day excursion to the coast ; and the 
scene, as they rowed home in the evening, recalls 
a line in Shakespeare. t As the sun descended beyond 
the Teluca mountains, making a path of trembling 
gold on the sea, the boat was nearing the converts' 

•f'The setting Bun, with music at the cloee.** 

884 A History of Moravian Missions. 

island home ; and the Indians, led by their teacher, 
sang : — 

" Abide with me, fast falls the eventide." 

4. The Great Revival, 1881 — 1896. 

1881-96 For fifteen years the Moskito Coast was the scene of 
the most wonderful revival in the history of Moravian 
Missions ; and all the missionaries thankfully 
recognised that the movement, for which they had 
made no special preparations, was due to the influence 
of the Holy Ghost. The first spark took fire at 
Magdala. As Mary Downs, a Creole girl, was dressing 
a corpse for burial she was suddenly so deeply 
convicted of sin that her whole body seemed 
paralyzed ; and then, after lying three days 
both stiff and unconscious, she awoke, repented, 
refused food, and finally, by the aid of Peter Blair, 
resumed her meals and became a happy Christian. 
And then, in the Church, about six months later, 
one Sunday afternoon, a strange incident occurred. 
As the closing hjinn was being sung, a strange thrill 
seized the people, and some men began to pray aloud. 
" I shall never forget that scene," said Missionary 
Piper. For some moments the excitement was 
intense. Some fell on their knees or raised their 
hands; some cried out "Have mercy!" and others 
" Praise God ! " ; and then all fell on their knees 
and prayed aloud. For the sake of order, Piper gave 
out a hymn. At length an old Indian urged all to 
follow Christ ; and the people, after singing and 
prayer, went quietly home. 

In a few hours the whole of Magdala was stirred. 
For some days there was singing and praying in 
every house; and once a crowd knocked up Peter 
Blair at midnight. 

" Come to the Church," they said, " and hold a 

Nicaragua. 885 

prayer meeting. The people are there, and are 
waiting for the Second Coming." 

But Peter Blair did not encourage midnight 
ravings. " Tell the people," he said, " that I'm 
always ready for the Second Coming. The Lord 
will accept me even if He finds me in bed. And 
I can't get up just now." 

A still greater marvel followed. At the very time 
when Mary Downs was converted at Magdala, a 
similar movement began at Bluefields ; then Martin 
reported what he had seen at Magdala ; and, one 
Sunday, in the Bluefields Church, another strange 
scene was witnessed. Instead of sitting quietly 
in their seats, the young women, just before the 
service, took off their black belts, and when Martin 
arrived they were undoing their boots. 

" What is the meaning of this ? " said Martin. 
" We removed our belts," they said, " because 
we wished to be all in white, as a symbol of holiness ; 
and now we are taking off our boots because we are 
on holy ground." 

At Martin's command the belts were re-buckled, 
and the service proceeded as usual. As he strolled 
by his house a few hours later, an excited messenger 
ran up, and Martin, going out to the town, found a 
house filled with inquirers. On Monday every 
house in Bluefields was stirred ; all classes, white, 
brown, black, were equally affected ; the movement 
ran like fire along the coast ; and Martin, though 
he did not like the simile, compared it to an epidemic. 
For some weeks the converts, like those in Jamaica, 
were subject to horrible convulsions ; some sweated, 
trembled, groaned, refused all food, and drummed 
their heels on the floor ; and not till they had found 
forgiveness did they recover their senses. Sometimes 
the victim lay unconscious for hours or days ; and 
ont woman was even attacked at her wedding. 

886 A History of Moravian Missions. 

and falling backwards, wriggled out of the Church. 
In some houses the seekers had visions and dreams ; 
in others divine revelations ; and in one a man was 
said to have spoken with tongues. 

Amid scenes like these the Brethren preserved their 
calm. In spite of the excesses, they believed that the 
revival was real ; and, doing their best to discourage 
folly, they referred their seekers to the plain teaching 
of Scripture. For this reason, among others, the 
revival did untold good ; and all along the coast the 
Brethren noted fruits of the Spirit. For the first 
time in the history of Central America thousands of 
Indians confessed that they were sinners, and from 
that confession many virtues sprang. At Magdala 
all the publicans but one closed their saloons. At 
Dakura an old woman smashed all the rum barrels, 
and not a man in the village dared to stop her. At 
Karata even the soukias repented, confessed that 
they had been impostors, and either burned or 
buried their implements, and at Sandy Bay the people 
complained that the sermons were too short. At 
some places the people turned sick at the smell of 
drink ; at others, while the elders clamoured for the 
Bible, the children roamed the streets singing hymns ; 
and far away in the woodland villages, where the 
sound of the Gospel had never been heard, the poor 
penitents climbed the trees, lay all night on the 
branches, and started early in the morning for the 
nearest mission station. 

The effect of the movement was immense. For 
fifteen years the Brethren — sometimes by boat and 
sometimes on horseback — were seeking sinners from 
Bluefields to Cape Gracias-a-Dios ; and, taking the 
Gospel tide at the flood, they founded stations at 
Quamwatla and Yulu (1884), Sharon and Twappi 
(1886), Dakura (1893), Wasla and Sandy Bay 
(1896). At some places their experiences were of 

Nicaragua. 837 

marvellous interest. At Quamwatla {i.e.. Turkey- 
cock House) they were among the Sumu Indians ; 
and here they heard the strange story of Samuel Hall. 
For two months (October to December, 1871) this 
young man, an independent worker from Bristol, took 
the usual steps towards the founding of a station, and 
when he died his widow gave £1,000 to the Mission on 
condition that Quamwatla was made a Moravian 
station. As several natives died soon afterwards, 
the surv'ivors, thinking the village possessed, deserted 
it, and when Sieborger arrived on the scene (1878) 
he found nothing but graves. Above each grave 
was a wooden kennel, containing guns and arms 
for the departed ; and, covered with bushwood, there 
was a marble tombstone in memory of Samuel Hall. 
At last the revival touched the Quamwatla people, 
living beside a lake in the forest ; and the conduct 
of the trembling sinners was quite original. In 
solemn council, they passed two strange resolutions ; 
first, that they would have one grand final carouse, 
and then that they would become total abstainers 
and visit Ephrata. The carouse was held, the visit 
to Ephrata was paid, the natives returned to their 
village, and there the Brethren erected the " Church 
beside a Grave." 

He had gone as a Son of Truth, 

And with diligent hand and free 
He scattered the grain in the far-off land 

Beside the Mexican Sea. 
But hard was the soil ; no fruit appeared 

To gladden his prayerful search, 
He died and his body was laid to rest 

In a grave without a Church. 

And there they have built a Church, 
'Tis a Church beside a grave ; 

S38 A History of Moravian Missions. 

And they live by the faith of the Son of God, 

Who died from sin to save. 
What then ! Quamwatla's simple lay 

Is true the wide world o'er — 
By the empty grave of the Risen Lord 

The Church stands evermore.f 

At YultL the people continued for years to be subject 
to physical convulsions. The people seized called 
themselves " Spirit people," and believing themselves 
to be inspired, rejected the missionary's authority. 
As their morals, however, were rather low, the 
missionary felt it his duty to oppose them ; and 
he even laid down the rule that all people seized 
with trembling at Church must leave the building. 
The "Spirit people" were enraged. At one service 
a woman refused to go, and Reichel had to turn her 

*' Who gave you the right," she asked, "to act 
against the Holy Ghost ? I don't care if you expel 
me. We that are seized know that we have the 
Spirit." And a fortnight later she repented. 

At Dakura the converts' conduct was simply 
amazing. As this village lay in Nicaragua, the 
Brethren for over a dozen years were unable to found 
a station, and the converts, determined to hear the 
Gospel, would pay periodic visits to the nearest 
station, stay there three or four weeks, hear as many 
sermons as possible, and then, returning to Dakura, 
hold services both for themselves and for their 
friends. For this loyalty they received their due 
1893 reward, and the station at Dakura was soon fully 

During this revival period the missionaries were the 
most popular men on the coast. As soon as a 

fBy Bishop Ellis. For the wliole poem, see " Periodical Accounts," 
December, 1888. 

Nicaragua. 839 

missionary was seen approaching, the villagers 
crowded round him. 

"Parson, Parson!" they cried. "Make prayers! 
We have got the revival, but now you must give us 
God's Word to teach us aright." 

Sometimes the preacher was merely passing 
through the village. 

" Ah, no ! " he would say. " I cannot stay, I am 
on my way to so-and-so." 

" Make prayers ! " the people cried. " See, the 
Church is ready, just one sermon." 

Sometimes, on the other hand, the preacher could 
stay a few days. At this news the people went \vild 
with joy, and, led by their chief, prepared to give God's 
messenger a royal welcome. The fattest bullock 
was killed ; the boys ran off to the woods to milk 
the cows ; the women, busy as Martha, prepared 
cassava, and the supper coffee was made so strong 
that all that night, in the chief's best bedroom, 
the preacher, wide awake as a watchman, waited for 
the dawn to break. 

The coping-stone was placed by Benjamin Romig, 
a member of the Mission Board. For two months 
he was busy visiting all the stations. At his sug- 1890 
gestion the Brethren opened a Higher School at Blue- 
fields, and all along the coast they paid more attention 
to education. But Romig's scheme had soon a curious 

5. The Rule of Nicaragua, 1894 till 
Present Day. 

And now occurred the greatest political change 1894 
in the history of Moskito. Formerly, the kingdom 
of Moskito had been more or less independent ; now, 
on February 9th, 1894, President Zelaya sent 
Nicaraguan soldiers to capture Biuefields ; and 
henceforth the so-called Moskito Reserve — known 


840 A History of Moravian Missions. 

now as the Province of Zelaya — was part of the Roman 
CathoUc RepubHc of Nicaragua. At the very outset 
the soldiers made matters clear. The Moskito flag 
was torn down and fired from a cannon ; the flag 
of Nicaragua flew in its place ; and Robert Clarence, 
the King of Moskito, fled in terror to Jamaica. To 
the Brethren this great change was of the utmost 
importance. In the past they had enjoyed religious 
liberty ; now they were under a Roman Catholic 
Government ; and some of them very naturally 
feared that the Government would interfere with their 
work. At this crisis they shewed both wisdom and 
courage. On the one hand they resolved that they 
would be loyal citizens of the Republic ; on the other 
hand, if permitted, they would still preach the Gospel ; 
and so persistently did they maintain this attitude 
that while, for some years, they had to endure per- 
secution, they succeeded, at last, in obtaining full 
religious liberty. Let us now note the chief features 
of the struggle. 

1894 («) The first attack was made by unauthorised 

officials. In theory, the Nicaraguan Republic stood 
for religious liberty ; the first Governor, General 
Galizas, was quite friendly to the Mission ; and 
at the outset he informed the Brethren that, if they 
would abstain from politics, he would not interfere 
with their labours. His officials, however, worked 
against the Brethren in secret. At Bluefields they 
informed the children that going to school was 
useless, and along the coast they informed the 
Indians that now, under the new rule, they would 
have a glorious time. " You may go back to all 
your old customs," they said ; " you may work on 
Sundays, and have as many wives as you like." 
But the Indian converts were not so easily deceived. 
" We have just come out of the darkness," they 
said, " and now these officials want to push us back." 

Nicaragua. 841 

(b) The next blow was financial. Formerly, taxes 1895 
in Moskito had been light ; now they were so heavy 

that trade was almost ruined ; and many of 
the Moravian converts suffered severely. The 
Nicaraguan mode of taxation was peculiar. All 
imports were taxed by weight ; the weight was 
always made to include the packing ; and the 
consequence of this arrangement was that when 
the missionaries received parcels from abroad they 
had to pay enormous taxes out of all reasonable 
proportion to the value of an article. Let me here 
give one astounding example. Inside one box was 
an apron, weighing half a pound ; in estimating 
the value of the parcel, the Government 
included the box, which weighed several lbs. ; 
and the tax on the packet was actually 
£5 12s. For some years, therefore, many goods 
in Moskito were at famine prices. On one 
box of Christmas goods, valued in England at £l, 
the missionary had to pay £20 ; a sponge cost 
£4 10s.; and butter rose to 10s. a lb.; and thus 
many of the Indian converts — even though they 
earned good wages — were now on the verge of 

(c) The next move, though well meant, endangered 18£6 
the Brethren's system of education. But the President 

of the Nicaraguan Republic must not be regarded 
as a bigot. For anything I know to the contrary, he 
was quite conscientious in his motives ; in any case, 
he sent two priests to inspect the Brethren's schools ; 
and these priests not only opened rival schools, but 
actually accused the Brethren of neglecting the 
Indian children. " Just send your children to us," 
they said to the parents. " We will teach them to 
read and write in less than a year." And some of the 
other inspectors were equally cunning. At one station 
they informed the children that all money paid as 

342 A History of Moravian Missions. 

school-fees was sent by the missionaries to England ; 
at another the inspector urged the parents to demand 
a Spanish teacher ; and at a third he accused the 
missionary of smuggling tobacco. In spite, however, 
of these slanders, the Moravian day-schools were 
well attended. In the so-called Government schools 
many of the teachers were immoral ; in the Brethren's 
schools they were good Christians ; and most of the 
parents had now learned to distinguish between 
good and evil. 

1900 (d) The next Government measure nearly ruined 

the Mission. Formerly, the Brethren had taught both 
in English and in Moskito, and some of their pupils 
had learned to read English literature ; now the 
Government passed a new law that only Spanish 
might be used ;t and Dr. Luna, the Chief Inspector, 
read out a proclamation at Bluefields (June 9th, 
1900) that any teacher breaking the law would be 
fined not less than £5. With this new official demand 
the Moravian missionaries simply could not comply. 
For the time being, therefore, nearly all the Moravian 
day-schools had to be closed ; Government day- 
schools took their place ; and so severe was the blow 
inflicted on the Mission that in 1909 a General Synod 
decreed that, unless conditions improved, the Mission 
in Nicaragua must be gradually abandoned. 

(e) Meanwhile, other disasters fell on the Mission. 
In 1908 the Brethren's coasting schooner, the Meta, 
was wrecked, and most of Bluefields was destroyed 
by fire ; and in 1906 and 1908 such furious 
hurricanes blew that nearly every station lay in 
ruins. And yet the Brethren continued to make 
some progress. During these eventful years two 

fTliis measure must not be construed as a deliberate attack on 
the Mission. For natural patriotic reasons the Government 
desired that all children in Nicaragua should speak the same 

Nicaragua. 343 

missionaries especially rendered magnificent service. 
The first was G. Grunewald. He was distinguished 
as a translator. He issued an improved edition of 
the Moskito Hymn Book, wrote a Moskito Catechism, 
saw through the press " One Hundred Old Testament 
Stories and Fifty Psalms," and, finally, issued the 
New Testament in Moskito. With these books in 
their hands the Brethren, though excluded from the 
day-schools, could now teach in the Sunday Schools ; 
and thus, to some extent at least, they foiled Inspector 
Luna. The other distinguished missionary was 
Grossmann. In 1905 he explored the Wanks River ; 
two years later a new station. Sang Sangta, was 
founded, and thus many more heathen Indians were 

" Why did you choose Sang Sangta ? " said a friend 
to Grossmann. 

" Because it was the wickedest place on the river." 

(/) At last the sun of freedom burst through the 
clouds. In 1910, General Estrada, the leader of the 1910 
Liberal Party in Nicaragua, openly revolted against 
the Government. His attempt was a brilliant 
success. The old President, Zelaya, was deposed ; 
General Estrada took his place ; and the new 
Government issued a declaration that, while the 
Church of Rome was still the State Church, all 
Protestants should enjoy liberty of conscience. The 
law about the use of Spanish in schools was repealed ; 
once more the Moravian day-schools flourished ; 
and some of the missionaries, by rendering medical 
sersdce, made a favourable impression even on the 
Spaniards of Nicaragua. 

During the last few years a great change has taken 
place in one of the people's ideas. Formerly the 
Indians believed that no one could become a Christian 
unless he was both married and over thirty years 
of age ; but now this delusion has vanished, and 

844 A History of Moravian Missions. 

boys and girls of suitable age frequently come forward 
for Confirmation. 

Political History or Moskito. 

In the history of Moskito there are five note- 
worthy landmarks. 

1. Moskito a British Protectorate (1655-1850). 
In 1630 some English Puritans founded a small 
colony on the coast, and in 1655 Great Britain 
undertook the protectorate of Moskito. f During 
the whole of this period Great Britain maintained 
the independence of Moskito, and the following 
events are also worthy of notice : — 

(a) 1720. Treaty of Alliance between the King 

of Moskito and the Governor of Jamaica. 

(b) 1730. Three small British military outposts 

established at Cape Gracias-a-Dios, Blue- 
fields, and the mouth of the Black River. 

(c) 1763. Peace of Paris. Great Britain orders 

her men to leave Moskito, but still con- 
tinues her protectorate. 

(d) 1821. Nicaragua declares herself an In- 

dependent Republic. 

(e) 1836. Nicaragua captures Greytown ; five 

years later (1841) Colonel MacDonald, 
Governor of British Honduras, re-captures 
Greytown and restores the town to 
Moskito ; and, when Nicaragua protests. 
Great Britain informs her that she will 
defend the independence of Moskito 
against all assailants. The situation is, 
therefore, I hope, perfectly clear. In 
1849, when the first Moravian missionaries 
arrived, Moskito was an independent 

fFor a full account of the Puritan Colony, see BUicktvood's 
Magazine, No. 1G5. 

Nicaragua. 845 

kingdom under the special protection 
of Great Britain. 

2. Clayion-Buliver Treaty between Great Britain 
and the U.S.A. (April 19th, 1850). Great Britain 
abandons her position as protector of Moskito. 
Moskito is still independent, but henceforward will 
have to fight her ovm. battles. 

3. Dallas-Clarendon Treaty between Great Britain 
and U.S.A. (1856). Moskito becomes a protectorate 
of Nicaragua. 

4. Treaty of Managua, 1860, between Great Britain 
and Nicaragua. Moskito placed definitely under the 
sovereignty of Nicaragua, the Moskito boundaries 
being defined as follows : — South, the Ramah River ; 
west, meridian 84'15 : north, the Huesco River ; 
east, the Caribbean Sea. Nevertheless, Moskito 
still retained a certain measure of independence. 
She still had her own king, still made her own laws, 
still preserved her old customs. Practically, Moskito 
was now a colony belonging to Nicaragua. 

5. Conquest of Moskito, 1894. Nicaragua con- 
quers Moskito by force. Thereby Moskito loses her 
independence entirely, and becomes a province, 
known as Zelaya, of the Roman Catholic Republic 
of Nicaragua. 

Chapter II. 

VICTORIA, 1849—1905. 
1. The Lake Boga Disaster, 1849-56. 

As Anthony Trollope was travelling in Southern 
Australia, he seized his opportunity to pay a visit 
to a little Moravian Mission Station named Ebenezer 
and situated near Lake Wimmera, in Victoria ; 
and, seeing that the Papus were doomed to extinction, 
he came to the conclusion — stated clearly in his 
book, " Australia and New Zealand " — that, while 
the Moravians were doing excellent work, " the 
game," to use his own expression, " was not worth 
the candle." With this pessimistic opinion, how- 
ever, other competent authorities disagreed. At 
least three important British officials — Major Irwin, 
Commandant of Western Australia, Sir George Grey, 
Lt. -Governor of South Australia, and his successor, 
Major Hutt — had urged the Moravians to undertake 
a Mission. The problem was fully discussed at a 
General Synod (1848), and next year the first two 
missionaries, Spieseke and Tager, arrived at 

1849 Melbourne. The Supt. of Port Philip, Joseph La 
Trobe, gave them a cordial welcome ; the Bishop of 
Melbourne, Perry, pleaded their cause; the Church 
of England Messenger called on Churchmen both to 
pray and to subscribe ; and, settling down on the 

1851 banks of Lake Boga, after several exploratory 
journeys, the two Brethren made their first 
acquaintance with the Papus. Let us take a 
brief glance at the chief characteristics of these 

According to some ethnologists, the Papus of 
Australia were descended from a mixture of Malays 


ViCTOEIA. 347 

and Negroes. In build, though short, they were 
generally thin and lanky; most of them had flat, 
consumptive chests ; and, as they were much 
addicted to immorality, many of them also inherited 
syphilis. For cleanliness they had no taste whatever ; 
instead of washing they rubbed themselves with 
fat ; and the fat and the dirt were a hunting ground 
for vermin. To these causes of death, however, 
we must add another. In no country was child 
murder more common. If twins were bom, only 
one was allowed to hve ; many of the baby girls were 
strangled at birth ; and in some cases the boys also 
were murdered. For this custom the Papu mothers 
gave an intelligible reason. " If the boy hves," 
they said, "he is sure to catch some painful disease, 
and therefore, to save him a life of pain, I had better 
kill him at once." With this merciful design, there- 
fore, she choked him with sand, and buried him about 
an inch deep. 

In practical matters the Papus showed consider- 
able skill. At the time when the Brethren arrived 
on the scene, the Papus earned their li\'ing, not by 
tilling the soil, but by hunting ; for this purpose they 
used spears made of fish-bone ; and, being fairly 
agile in body, they could swarm up trees, manage 
horses, and hurl the boomerang with such unerring 
accuracy that, as we all know, some of them were 
brought to London to give exhibitions of their skill 
at the Crystal Palace. In domestic matters their 
chief weakness was their failure to make any provision 
for the future. If food abounded they gorged ; 
plenty alternated with famine ; and their chief 
delight was to bask in the sun and smoke strong 

With regard to their spiritual nature, opinions 
differed. Ernest Renan declared that they had no 
souls ; some of the colonists, it is said, regarded them as 

848 A History of Moravian Missions. 

mere monkeys ; and yet the Brethren soon discovered 
that, in their own rough way, they beheved both in 
God and in immortaHty. The Creator, the Father 
of all, was called Pei-e-Wei ; man's foe, the devil, was 
called Majalia ; and Pei-e-Wei, though slow to act, 
sided with his children against Majalia. But both 
about God and about the devil they held the crudest 
ideas. God they regarded as a gigantic old man, 
who slept with his head upon his arm and would one 
day wake up and eat the world ; and the devil was 
a hideous monster, with a red body. With Pei-e-Wei, 
however, the chief difficulty was that, though he was 
by nature kind-hearted, he was also rather addicted 
to fits of temper. At such times he refused to give 
any assistance, and the Papus appeased his wrath 
by performing their famous dance, the Corroborree. 
The dance took place by moonlight. The performers 
daubed their bodies with white clay, streaked their 
faces red, stuck feathers in their hair, strung the 
tails of rats and mice on their ears and carried 
spears, boomerangs, and clappers. The men capered 
about and rattled their clappers ; the women droned 
a lament ; and the dance concluded with an orgy. 
With Majalia the Papus lived in constant conflict. 
He dwelt, they said, in a dismal cave, appeared 
in the form of a serpent, and sowed the seeds 
of disease. For the cure of disease the Papus 
relied chiefly on the aid of sorcerers. With their 
thick lips the sorcerers sucked out the poison ; 
then, of course, they denounced some man as the 
cause ; and thus, like the sorcerers of Surinam, 
they incited to revenge and murder. And yet, 
with all their aches and pains, the Papus were not 
entirely miserable. At the close of this life of woe, 
they said, each man, saint or sinner, would be happy 
for ever ; Nuranduri, the king of spirits, would lead 
him to a home of joy ; and there, restored to the 

Victoria. 349 

vigour of youth, he would have as many wives as 
he had had here on earth.f 

For five years the two Brethren plodded quietly 
on at Lake Boga, and though they did not make any 
actual converts, they soon gained the goodwill of the 
people. Prince Albert, a local chieftain, came and 
asked the Brethren for brandy, and blushed when he 
was offered water instead. The men paraded in duck 
trousers, and admired themselves in the glass ; the 
women strutted in red skirts sent from Melbourne ; 
and all, men and women alike, were willing, in return 
for payment, to help in the building of the station. 
But in spiritual matters the Papus showed no interest. 
In vain the Brethren rebuked them for their vices. 
"Wait a little," repHed the Papus, "we will hear you 
at a more convenient season." In vain the Brethren 
told the story of the Cross. " Let us have some 
tobacco," replied the Papus, " otherwise you had 
better depart." 

But now a tragic incident occurred. For 
certain vile purposes of their own, a number 
of gold-diggers in the immediate neighbour- 1856 
hood — fearing that if the Papus became Christians 
the women would no longer sell their souls for an 
ounce of tobacco — now made a deliberate attempt to 
destroy the Mission. First they pilfered the 
Brethren's garden and stole their horses ; then they 
informed the Papus that the Brethren fully intended 
to poison them, boil them in a pot as big as a beer- 
house, and serve them up for dinner; and then, 
to add insult to injury, a farmer broke down the 
Bretliren's fence and cut a road through their garden. , 
In vain Tager went to Melbourne, and appealed for 
justice. Instead of granting his request forthwith, 
the authorities very properly informed him that he 

fFor further information, see R. Brough Smith. " The Aborigines 
of Victoria." 

350 A History of Moravian Missions. 

must bring his case before the Law Courts ; 
to Tager, however, this seemed a needless 
formahty ; and, feehng that he had been 
unjustly treated, he not only abandoned the 
Mission, but persuaded his colleagues to follow 
his example. Let us not, however, pass a harsh 
judgment on Tager. For some months he had 
suffered severely from jaundice ; to such men 
even the snow looks yellow ; and Tager may be 
excused on the ground that, being ill, he took a 
more gloomy view of the case than the evidence 

2. Ebenezer, 1858—1903. 

The next station was a splendid example of 
inter-denominational co-operation. For the first 
time in the history of Victoria, Anglicans, 
Presbyterians and Moravians, supported warmly 
by the Government, made a systematic attempt 
to Christianize the Papus. Sir Henry Barkley, 
the Governor, gave the land, and promised 
compensation for the losses sustained at Lake 
Boga ; the Bishop of Melbourne, Perry, espoused 
the cause ; the church, built largely by Papu 
1860 labour, was opened and dedicated by Canon 
Chase; and the news that a Papu, Nathaniel 
Pepper, had actually been converted and 
baptized, created such a sensation at Melbourne 
that the missionary, F. A. Hagenauer, had 
to tell the story at a mass meeting. The 
proceedings were fully reported in the Melbourne 
papers. Sir Henry Barkley presided ; the 
Bishop and the Dean of Melbourne sat by 
his side ; the Bishop once more extolled the 
Brethren's work ; and Canon Chase gave 
detailed information about the character of 
young Pepper. The result was a great increase in 

Victoria. 351 

public interest. For some years the work at 
Ebenezer was a common topic of conversation in 
evangelical circles at Melbourne ; and members of 
various shades of rehgious opinion supported the 
growing cause in various ways. The children of St. 
James's, Canon Chase's Church, sent a beautiful 
Bible ; the students of the Presb\i:erian College sent 
windows ; the citizens of Horsham formed a 
" Missionary Union " ; a sheep farmer, Scott, gave 
12,000 shingles ; and finally, at the special request 
of three sympathetic magistrates, the Victoria 
Pariiament formed a " Central Board " to guard the 
rights of the natives. 

Meanwhile, at Ebenezer itself, the moral and 
spiritual results were marvellous. For twenty-six 
years the chief missionary here was Spieseke ; this 
man was not addicted to exaggeration ; and his 
sober testimony was that most of the converts at 
Ebenezer attained a very high level of Christian 
character. Instead of merely hunting and fishing, 
they were now mostly employed as sheep farmers. 
Nathaniel Pepper became a fine local preacher ; 
two Papus, Old Charley and his wife, managed a 
local Orphanage ; the children in the day-school 
passed through the same curriculum as the English 
children at Melbourne ; and family prayers were 
conducted at every house. With regard, further, to 
the people's honesty, let one veracious anecdote 
suffice. Among the visitors to Ebenezer was a certain 
Gottheb Meissel, and Mrs. Spieseke instructed him 
to leave his boots outside the house, to be 

'' But will they not be stolen ? " asked 

" Xo," replied the missionary's wife, " who is 
there to steal them ? We have been here seven years, 
and nothing has been stolen except a piece of soap. 

852 A History or Moravian Missions. 

And even that was brought back when we com- 
plained. "f 

With all their skill and zeal, however, the Brethren 
fought against one foe in vain. In spite of good food 
and an open-air life the people still suffered terribly 
from consumption. For every birth in the village 
there were five deaths ; all day long the sound of 
coughing was heard ; and in 1903 the station was 
closed, not because the people were morally hopeless, 
but because they had nearly all died. 

3. Ramahyuck, 1863—1905. 
The third station, Ramahyuck,* i.e., "Our Home," 
was a still more brilliant success. Once more the 
Government took a prominent part ; once more 
there was interdenominational co-operation. At the 
special instigation of Queen Victoria herself — who, 
in a letter, begged the Governor to shield the Papus 
from violence, educate them, and give them the 
Gospel — the Victoria Government now created six 
Reserve Stations, where only Papus and their 
guardians might live. Two of these stations were 
Ebenezer and Ramahyuck, situated near Lake 
Wellington, and, acting in response to many letters 
from zealous friends in Melbourne, the Moravian 
Mission Board placed the new venture under the 
charge of F. A. Hagenauer. For the long period of 
1863-1907 forty-four years this man was one of the best-known 
characters in Victoria ; at Melbourne he was famed 
for his humorous lectures ; and the charming feature 
about his character was that, while he had three 
different masters to serve, he seems to have served 

•fFor lack of space I cannot tell here the touching and romantic story 
of the orphan boy, Willie Wimmera. He was taken charge of 
by Canon Chase, came to England and died at Reading. 
Hjs grave may be seen in Reading Churchyard, and a few 
copies of " The Life of Willie Wimmera" are still obtainable. 

*ilamali is a Hebrew word meaning " hill," or sometimes "home" ; 
and Yuck is a Papu word meaning " our." 


them all equally well. First, he was a Government 
official, and held the position of Secretary to the 
Aboriginal Board and Protector of the Aborigines ; 
secondly, his salary was paid by the Presbyterians ; 
and thirdly, he was a Moravian Minister, and had to 
account for his conduct to the Mission Board. His 
policy may be very briefly described. He was partly 
a social reformer arid partly a preacher. In his first 
capacity he attended to such matters as trade, 
education, health and the care of the poor ; in his 
second he preached the Gospel as the power of 

His first task was to find the Papus a home, and 
provide them with healthy employment. For this 
purpose he built a village, consisting of sixteen neat 
little houses. Each man had now his own home ; 
each man also owned two or three cows ; and each 
man, who had the physical strength, either bred 
sheep or cultivated a small allotment. For a few- 
years the Government supplied the station with 
tea, sugar, flour, and clothing, and then the Papus 
became so prosperous that this dole was no longer 
required. In one year they made a net profit of 
£112 on hops alone. Ramahyuck potatoes were the 
biggest in AustraUa; and Ramahyuck arrowroot 
took prizes at Vienna and IMelbourne. At the same 
time we must not imagine that the Papus became 
ideal workmen. According to one inspector, Heilitz, 
they were never in danger of over-exerting themselves, 
and maintained what he called the " Government 
stroke." Nevertheless, they had now some ambition, 
and learned the value of thrift. Some provided 
for old age by lodging money in the bank ; some 
bought harmoniums ; and some provided their \N4ves 
with sewing machines. 

Still better, the Papus at Ramahjoick made 
marvellous intellectual progress. One woman, Mrs. 


S54 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Daniel Cameron, acquired a good literary style, 
wrote articles on the Mission for some of the 
Australian papers, and even dared to criticise 
Macaulay's Essays. We come here to a point of 
stupendous interest. For three years in succession 
the children at the Ramahyuck day-school — which 
was organized on Government lines and examined 
annually by Government Inspectors — gained the 
highest marks in the colony ; in no year did the pupils 
fail to pass the Government standard ; and so 
impressed was Mr. Benjamin Kidd by these facts 
that, in his " Social Evolution," he used them to 
prove his thesis that intellectually, though not 
morally, the savage nations are equal to the civilised. "f 
With due respect to Mr. Kidd, however, I am not 
convinced of the soundness of his argument. The 
English teachers, in the day-schools, taught in return 
for a salary ; the Ramahyuck teachers were inspired 
by love, and put more heart into their work ; and 
the wonderful progress made by the Papu children 
may have been due, not to their great intellectual 
ability, but rather to the exceptional zeal of their 
teachers.* To some extent, however, Mr. Kidd was 
right. At Ramahyuck the missionaries proved that, 
given a fair opportunity, the Papus were not quite as 
stupid as the colonists had previously imagined. 

Still better, the Papus at Ramahyuck learned^to 
help each other. In spite of Hagenauer's sanitary 
reforms, there was still a great deal of chronic illness ; 
only twelve men out of eighty could do a good day's 
hard work ; and these twelve helped to support the 

t" Social Evolution," p. 295. The Papu children obtained 100 
per cent, marks. 

*3ee, however, A. Conaii Doyle's " Wanderings of a Spirituslist," 
p. 1(30. He says that Dr. Creed, of the New South Wales Parlia- 
ment, spoke very highly of the brains of the black fellows. 
In the schools they still do as well as the whites, and " train into 
excellent telegraph operators and other employnienta needing 
quick intelligence," 

Victoria. 855 

other sixty-eight. Some maintained a local 
"Children's Home"; others sent gifts to the Moskito 
Coast, and to the Leper Home in Jerusalem ; and 
all, to the best of their abiUty, contributed to the 
New Mission in North Queensland. 

Above all, the Papus became Christians in the 
highest sense of the term. Instead of fighting, 
they lived at peace with each other ; instead of 
dancing, they sang hjTnns ; and instead of gambling 
at cards, they played at marbles. For several years 
there was not a single case of adultery ; the average 
standard of morality was higher than at Melbourne ; 
and the people themselves laid down the law that no 
one guilty of such misconduct should be allowed to 
live in the village. The whole village became, in 
time, a Christian family. At seven a.m. all the 
inhabitants assembled in the Church for morning 
prayers, and each householder, at sunset, conducted 
prayers in his own home. And yet Ramahyuck, 
like Ebenezer, had finally to be abandoned. In 
1905 only six families were left ; these few were 
handed over to the Anglicans at Lake Tyers ; and 
two years later, at " Our Home," Hagenauer passed 1907 
to his reward. 

For the sake of completeness I must here add that, 
at the request of the Presbyterians in Melbourne, 
three Moravian missionaries, Walder,f Meissel, and 
Kramer, attempted to establish a Mission at Lake 1866^ 
Kopperamanna in South Australia ; and the interesting 
feature of the story is that while, for lack of funds, 
the work was abandoned, and while the missionaries 
gained no converts, they did make a few discoveries 
about the customs and beliefs of the people. In this 
region the devil was called Kitchi. He appeared 
in the form of a bird, bit his victims, and thereby 
caused diseases. In most cases of death, however, 

t Afterwards a prominent missionary in Jamaica, see p. 228, 

856 A History of Moravian Missions. 

the first business of the relatives was to discover 
the murderer. The elders sat in a circle ; a beetle 
was placed in the middle ; and the direction in which 
the beetle walked was the direction in which the 
murderer lived. Meissel once saw a woman bury 
her new-born child, and asked her why she did that. 
" It is too much trouble," she said, " to carry a baby 
about." He also heard that the people ate their 
dead friends, and when he asked them why they 
did that, they answered : "If you don't eat your 
friends, you'll soon forget them." The people, 
however, believed in immortality, and made a dis- 
tinction between the good and the wicked. The 
good went down to heaven ; the wicked went up 
to hell. Heaven, therefore, was under the earth 
and hell up in the sky. 

Chapter III. 

WESTERN TIBET, 1853—1914. 
1. The First Inquiries. 

As Dr. Gutzlaff, the famous missionary, was on his 18S0 
way home from China, he called at Herrnhut, inter- 
viewed the Moravian Mission Board, and suggested 
that ]\Iora\'ian missionaries be sent to that part of 
Mongolia which was imder Chinese rule ; and acting 
on Dr. Gutzlaff' s suggestions, the Board selected two 
young men — Augustus William Heyde and Edward 
Pagell — to make preliminary inquiries. As the 
Russian Government refused a pass through Siberia, 1853 
the two young men set sail for Calcutta, were rowed 
up the Ganges, and made their way to Kotghur; 
and there they were warmly welcomed by Prochnow, 
of the Church Missionary Society, and gazed with 
delight on the River Sutlej, gleaming like a silver 
ribbon far down in the valley. For some months 
they stayed with Prochnow, studying Mongolian ; 
and then, having mastered the language, they 
endeavoured to push northwards through Chinese 

But now they made a painftd discovery. At 1855 
Rampoor they interviewed a Rajah, and saw two 
Fakirs, sprinkled with ashes, smoking long cheroots 
under a fig tree ; at Sultanpur, they gave out medicine 
to the poor, and made a good impression on 
the people, and then, arriving at the town of Leh, 
the capital of Ladak, they received the 
information that the road to Tibet was infested 
vdih robbers. But the robbers were not the 
most effective barrier. The real obstacle was the 
Chinese Government. Each time the Brethren 
approached the border, Chinese officials blocked the 


858 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Vi'ay ; all the Brethren's arguments fell on deaf ears ; 
and the net result of this expedition was that the 
Brethren resolved to establish a Mission, not in 
Chinese Tibet, but in what is known to us as Western 

The history of this little Mission is pathetic. 
For reasons soon to be explained, the Brethren 
found themselves compelled to confine their main 
efforts to three small stations. In Lahoul they 
founded Kyelang (1857), situated on the high road 
from Tri-lok-nath, a Buddhist shrine, to Lhasa. 
In Bashahr they founded Poo (1865), close to the 
Chinese border. In Ladak, they established their 
cause at Leh (1885), a busy city ; and though two 
other stations were afterwards founded — Kalatse 
(1899) near Leh, and Chini (1900) near Poo — these 
two stations were little more than experimental out- 
preaching places. Each of the three main stations 
was skilfully chosen ; each was in a fairly populous 
district ; each was served by efficient and zealous 
missionaries ; and yet, in each case, the progress 
was so slow that, driven almost to despair, some 
English Moravians found it needful to establish 
(1895) a special Tibetan Prayer Union. The whole 
story raises a fascinating problem. Let us first notice 
the Brethren's methods of work. 

2. The Seven Lamps. 

As Ruskin speaks of seven lamps of architecture, 
so the scientific historian may speak of seven methods 
of missionary work, and each of these seven methods 
was employed by the Moravians in Western Tibet. 
In theory the people of Western Tibet were mostly 
Buddhists ; the authorised teachers of Buddhism 
were the Lamas ; and now, to overcome the Lamas' 
influence, the Brethren brought the Seven Lamps 

Western Tibet. 859 

of Gospel Truth and trusted that in due time the 
light would dispel the darkness. 

1. Agricultural Science. At the special request 
of the Government, which not only offered land 
but granted money for irrigation purposes, the 
Brethren opened a Model Farm at their first 
station, Kyelang. Here they introduced rye and 
potatoes, bred sheep, and taught the natives how to 
grow greens and fruits, and thereby they achieved two 
useful objects. On the one hand they provided for 
their own converts. For more than thirty years 
all their converts came from the poorest classes. 
The situation in Western Tibet was terrible. In 
theory there was religious liberty; in fact, no one 
could become a Christian without finding himself 
in financial difficulties. His landlord turned him 
out without due notice ; his father cut him off with 
less than a shilling ; and his wife deserted him for 
another mate. The case of Stobgyes at Kalatse 
was typical. 

" I will teach you the Christian religion,*' said he 
to his wife. 

" Never," she retorted. " You must sign a paper 
handing over your house and land to me." 

By becoming a Christian, therefore, Stobgyes 
lost the bulk of his property. For such heroes 
some provision must be made. At Kyelang some 
of the converts were employed on the farm as 
labourers and cowherds. At Poo, the second station, 
they were taught spinning and weaving ; others had 
positions as postmen, printers, and day-school 
teachers; and, even as late as 1895, all the converts 
except two were dependent for their livelihood on 
the Mission. By means of their industrial system 
the Brethren made it possible for a man to be a 
Christian without actually dying of starvation. 

The other object was that of proving the Lamas 

360 A History of Moravian MissioKrs. 

impostors. In the past the Lamas had taught that 
no tree would ever bear fruit unless they read certain 
charms to keep off evil spirits ; for this perform- 
ance they generally charged a high fee ; and the 
Brethren's prosperous farm at Kyelang proved 
that the Lamas' claims were false. 

1857-67 2. Literature. In 1857 there arrived at Kyelang 
the most distinguished linguist in the whole history 
of the Moravian Church ; this was Henry Augustus 
Jaschke ; and Jaschke's chief task was to translate 
the whole Bible into Tibetan. His linguistic powers 
were enormous. At the time when he arrived in 
Western Tibet, he had already mastered Latin, 
Greek, Polish, Danish, Swedish and Hungarian ; 
he had, also, it is said, a working knowledge of 
Czech, Arabic, Sanskrit, and Persian ; and now, after 
spending a year in the quiet little village of Stok, 
in Ladak — where, he tells us, he existed on barley, 
chang, and one egg a day, laid systematically by an 
obliging hen — he settled down at Kyelang and 
made the little village a home of learning. There, 
day after day, he sat, translating useful books into 
popular Tibetan. The Brethren had their own 
lithographic press, and one Nathaniel, a converted 
Lama from Lhasa, rendered efficient assistance. 

1859 First appeared Barths' Bible Stories, a Harmony 

of the Gospels, a Liturgy, a Hymn Book, a Catechism, 
a Geography, a Book of Fables, a Church History, 
and various school readers, tracts, and pamphlets ; 
then (1865) " A Short Practical Grammar of the 
Tibetan Language " ; then (1866) " A Romanized 
Phonetic Tibetan and English Dictionary " ; and 
then (1867) a " Conversation Book in Tibetan, Urdu, 
and Hindu," and " An Introduction to the Hindu 
and Urdu Languages." 

1867 At this point, broken down in health, Jaschke had 

to retire from the scene of action. During the nex- 


Western Tibet. 861 

thirteen years, however, tortured though he was by- 
headaches, he plodded quietly on in his own home. 
First (1871), he published a huge English-Tibetan 
Dictionary ; then came his elaborate treatise on the 
various Tibetan dialects ; and finally, during the 
last few years of his life, he translated into Tibetan 
all the New Testament except Hebrews. On the 
value of his labours two great scholars passed judg- 
ment. Dr. Miiller, of Vienna, called him a shining 
light ; Dr. Max Miiller, of Oxford, declared that in 
due time his work would have important results ; 
and the real truth of the matter is that Jaschke's 
work in Tibetan may, without exaggeration, be 
compared to that of Liddell and Scott in Greek, or 
Lewis and Short in Latin. 

His successors did their best to continue his work. 
F. A. Redslob translated Hebrews and Revelation ; 
Heyde, who was fifty years at Kyelang, wrote a 
Tibetan Arithmetic, and a " View of the World," 
translated Beck's " Manual of Doctrine," and, at the 
request of the Government, re\'ised Jaschke's 
Dictionary ; others published the Pentateuch, the 
Psalms, and various Hymn Books. Finally, A. H. 
Francke founded and edited a Tibetan Monthly 
Magazine, entitled "The Ladak News." By means 1904 
of this last step Francke was introducing a new idea. 
For the first time in the history of Western Tibet 
non-Christian Tibetans realised that printed matter 
might be read, not for the purpose of acquiring merit, 
but because it contained interesting information. 

The Magazine was di^•ided into three parts. In 
Part I. there was political information, mostly about 
Tibet ; in Part II., an old Tibetan Story ; and in 
Part III. a short sermon ; and Francke himself 
expressed the hope that if the people read his 
Magazine in order to gain instruction, they might 
some day read the Bible for the same purpose. 

862 A History of Moravian Missions. 

3. Colporteur Work. In order to bring their 
publications to the homes of the people, several 
Brethren — Heyde, Pagell, Redslob, and Schnabel — 
spent each summer travelling ; all the six provinces 
in Western Tibet — Ladak, Kunawar, Spitti, 
Bashahr, Nubra, and Zanskar — became familiar 
ground; and though the Brethren could never feel 
sure that any of the books they distributed would be 
read, they had at least a fine opportunity of study- 
ing the inner life of the people. Let two examples 
illustrate the point. 

The time is evening, and the missionary has pitched 
his tent in some remote highland hamlet; the 
moon rises above the snow- crowned peaks ; the 
villagers light their camp fires, and the missionary, 
standing before his tent, sings his evening hymn of 
praise. The villagers cluster round him, the 
missionary preaches a sermon, and the eyes of his 
listeners shine with hope. 

" We have listened well to-night," they say, 
" now he will hand round the baksheesh." 

Again, on another occasion, Heyde gave some books 
to an invalid, and the man shed tears of gratitude. 

" I shall put these with my other books," he said, 
*' and offer burnt sacrifices to them." 

But this colporteur work was not altogether 
in vain. By rendering some homely service 
the missionaries always endeavoured to win the 
affections of the people. In one village they 
would distribute medicines ; in another they repaired 
watches ; and some of the pilgrims valued the books, 
and carried them as far as Lhasa; and in some 
cases, they even read and remembered Bible stories. 

1861 4. Education. As soon as Jaschke had the 

needful schoolbooks ready, the Brethren, aided by 
the Government, which granted £50 per annum, 
opened a small day-school at Kyelang. A Hindoo 

Western Tibet. 363 

teacher was appointed to teach Urdu ; the 
missionaries taught the usual subjects in Tibetan; the 
missionaries' wives taught knitting ; and young 
Tibetans, m return for a small salary, taught in the 
surrounding villages. But the whole scheme, at an 
early period, met with an unexpected obstacle. 

At that time the most powerful noble in the 
neighbourhood was a certain Tari Chand, and Tari 
Chand was a two-faced scoundrel. In his con- 
versations ^^•ith the Brethren he professed himself a 
friend ; in reality, he was their bitter enemy ; 
and fearing that the more educated the people became 
the more likely they would be to resist his t}Tanny, 
he persuaded the local Lamas to poison the minds 
of the parents. The Lamas rose to the occasion ; 
the parents intimidated the children ; and, therefore, 
the attendance was always small. Nor were the few 
who attended very satisfactory. In the winter the 
bo} s were unruly ; in the summer they were 
frequently herding sheep ; and the girls often stole 
their knitting material, and made up the weight 
by inserting stones in the balls of wool. 

The first real success was achieved at Leh. For 1898 
some reason the people here began at last to be 
ashamed of their ignorance ; the local Governor 
issued an order that one child in every family must 
attend the Moravian School ; and though the order 
cannot have been fully obeyed, the average attend- 
ance rose to sixty. 

5. Medical Work. The story of the medical work 
is both tragic and romantic. The first leader of much 
importance was Edward Pagell. For eighteen years 
this man, who, though not fully qualified, had much 
more medical knowledge than the Lamas, rendered 
excellent service at Poo, vaccinating, extracting 
teeth, curing sore eyes, and compounding a popular 
ointment made of minium and camphor ; and so 

864 A History of Moravian Missions. 

much was he beloved that the common people called 
him the Poo Father. His end caused terrible sorrow. 
On January 3rd, 1883, Pagell fell dead in his surgery ; 
six days later (January 9th) Mrs. Pagell died ; and, 
with her last breath, she urged the three Christians 
in the village to hold true to the faith. 

The next leader was a fully-qualified man. In 
1886 Dr. Carl Marx was appointed Medical Missionary 
at Leh ; here a small hospital was opened, the 
building itself being provided by the Government ; 
and Dr. Marx made it his business to attend, not only 
to the physical, but also to the spiritual, needs of the 
patients. The building was far from being an ideal 
hospital. For some reason the doors would not shut, 
nearly all the windows were broken, and the patients, 
who brought their own bedding, slept on the floor. 
Dr. Marx's career, however, was soon cut short ; 
on May 29th, 1891, he died of typhus ; and during 
the next seven years the hospital was in non- 
Moravian hands. 

The next leader, Dr. Ernest Shawe, was the son of 
a Moravian minister in the north of Ireland. He 
also (1907) died in the prime of life, and six years 
passed before a successor. Dr. Heber, could be 

6. Zenana Work. This also, like the hospital 
work, began at Leh (1890). In order to come into 
closer contact with the women, Mrs. Weber, Miss 
Kant, Mrs. Ribbach, and others, began a series 
of systematic house-to-house visitations ; thereby 
they discovered how miserable the women were ; 
and all these women were only too glad to have an 
opportunity of complaining about the cruelty of their 
husbands. The scene in most houses was both 
pathetic and humorous. As soon as the first 
formalities were duly completed, the visiting lady 
took her seat on a carpet ; tea appeared ; and the 

Western Tibet. 865 

hostess generally asked her visitor how much her hat 
cost, how often she washed her face, what sort of 
soap she used for her hands, and whether she dressed 
her hair ^\^.th a sponge or a flannel. The chief 
purpose of the visits was, of course, religious. Bible 
pictures were brought to please the children ; simple 
stories out of the Gospels were read ; and sometimes 
the more intelhgent women would show each other 
the pictures. According to Mrs. Ribbach, the women 
most easy to reach were the Mahometans. These 
women fasted on certain occasions, and the reason 
they gave for doing so was that otherwise God would 
hit them with a stick. Mrs. Ribbach described 
the whole situation in a sentence. "It is clear," 
she said, " that these women have never been taught 
to use their brains." 

7. Gospel Preaching. For many years the regular 
Sunday services held at the three stations were 
both dull and poorly attended ; the Tibetans, 
though fond of some kinds of music,! could not sing 
the Mora\'ian Chorales, and during the service 
they would giggle, and spit on the floor. In due 
time, however, there was a slight improvement ; 
at Poo and Leh Lantern Ser%-ices proved attractive, 
and finally, by attending week-night Prayer Meetings, 
the people began to realise what prayer really means. 

In spite, however, of these seven methods, no 
striking numerical success was achieved. In 1885 
the number of converts was only six ; in 1895 only 
thirty ; in 1903, only sixty-three; and some of the 
earlier converts were most disappointing. The first, 

■fFor specimens of Tibetan music, written down and har- 
monised by the Rev. A. H. Francke, see " A Summer Ride 
Through Western Tibet" (pp. 150-7), by Miss Jane Ellen 
Dimcan. {Collins' Clear Type Press.) The Tibetans are far 
more musical than the first missionaries supposed ; and so 
Tigorous was the singing in the Moravian Church at Leh, that 
summer risitor* sometimes came to listen, 

366 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Nicodemus, is said to have committed suicide ; 
another, Nathaniel, deserted ; and a third, Martha, 
broke the Seventh Commandment. 

In the last ten years, however, i.e., soon after 
the estabhshment of the Tibetan Prayer Union, 
some of the converts, such as Stobgyes, made great 
sacrifices for their religion, and two, Chompel and 
Paulu, could even be employed as evangelists. But 
why, it may be asked, was progress so slow ? 

3. The Explanation. 

At the time when Heyde and Pagell arrived on the 
scene, no one had the least suspicion how strong and 
how well organized the opposition to the work would 
be. During the next fifty years, however, many 
interesting facts were discovered about the moral 
and spiritual life of the people ; and these facts are 
almost sufficient to explain the Brethren's failure. 

The key to the problem will be found in the word 
"Lamas." In theory, the popular religion was 
Buddhism; in reality, it was Lamaism;f and these 
Lamas, by using three powerful methods, had so 
destroyed the people's higher instincts, that one 
missionary, Redslob, described their work as Satanic. 

1. Ceremonialism. First, instead of appealing 
to the conscience, the Lamas laid the main stress on 
certain outward forms, and by means of these out- 
ward forms they impressed the minds of the simple- 
minded. They wore long red or yellow robes ; they 
shaved their crowns ; they used rosaries ; they 
lived in cloisters ; they read books aloud in public ; 
and thus, chiefly in their own interests, they created 
the impression that they alone, being in possession 
of supernatural powers, were competent to deal with 
the devils with which the country was supposed to 

fOn Lamaism see Percival Landon's " Lhasa," pp. 253-273. 
{T. Fisher Unwin, 1906). 

Western Tibet. 367 

swarm. Among the Lamas the most powerful 
were the Kushogs. A Kushog, they said, was a 
noble soul who, while ready for Nin-ana, had returned 
to earth to help his brethren, and these Kushogs 
possessed extraordinary miraculous powers. They 
controlled the avalanches and glaciers ; they sold 
amulets to prevent diseases, they could even cause the 
barren to bear. But all the Lamas claimed super- 
natural powers. According to the Lamas all diseases, 
all disasters, all floods, famines and droughts were 
caused by invisible de\'ils ; one famous book, they 
said, was entitled " The Victory over One Hundred 
and Four Devils " ; and only the Lamas understood 
how to outwit the devils. 

In cases of illness they employed various methods. 
Sometimes they made huge images of animals, 
charmed the devils into the images, and threw the 
images into the fire ; sometimes they gave the patient 
pills ; sometimes they WTote out prescriptions and 
told the people to swallow the paper ; and some- 
times, in return for a fee, they said many long prayers. 
In cases, however, of drought or bad harvest, they 
employed a still more sensational method. At the 
special request of the head of the house, a number of 
Lamas seated themselves, in solemn array, on his 
drawing-room carpet ; there, for several hours in 
succession, with brief intervals for refreshment, they 
read books aloud, beat drums and clanged cymbals ; 
and then the head Lama, supported by two 
trumpeters, stood before a blazing brazier placed 
in the family altar, hurled books and images into the 
fire, and announced that, as the devils were now 
departing, the boys of the house might catch them 
in sacks, while the adults attacked them with sabres 
and rifles. But even yet the work was not complete. 
In case any devils still survived on the premises, 
another fire was now lighted in the open-air ; into this 

368 A History or Moravian Missions. 

fire images of Buddha were thrown ; and finally, 
the head Lama announced that all the devils were 
now either routed or roasted. Thus had the Lamas, 
from time immemorial, held the peasants of Western 
Tibet in terror. For all their services, medical and 
spiritual, they charged handsome fees ; many of 
them, while posing as pious, were both besotted and 
immoral ; and, at the houses of the rich, they showed 
their appreciation of good victuals."}" 

2. The Doctrine of Merit. In addition, however, 
to driving out devils, the Lamas laid great stress on 
the doctrine of merit ; this doctrine lay at the root 
of the people's character ; and the interesting feature 
in the doctrine is that, while in appearance it had a 
certain ethical basis, and might almost be called the 
doctrine of salvation by works, yet in reality, when 
closely examined, it gave such a perverted view of 
life that no person, holding it sincerely, could by 
any possibility accept the Christian religion. 

Let us see precisely how this was the case. 
According to the Lamas there were four ways of 
gaining merit ; and each, while looking excellent, 
was morally corrupt. 

The first method was to keep the Ten Command- 
ments, and the Ten Commandments in Western 
Tibet were as follows : — 

(1) Thou shalt not kill any living thing.* 

■fThe reader must not be deceived by the description of the Lama 
in Rudyard Kipling's Kim. Rudyard Kipling's picture is true 
to life, but his hero was an exceptional character. 

*Why not ? Because any living thing might contain the soul of 
a human being. If a man, e.g., trod on a beetle he might 
be killing his great-grandfather. For breaches of the First 
Commandment the usual punishment was — so, at least, the 
Lamas taught — that the murderer, in his next existence, 
took the form of the animal he had killed. If a man, e.g., 
killed an ibex, he would be bom as an ibex. And this rule 
even applied to animals. If a wolf killed a sheep, the wolf, 
after death, would be re-bom as a sheep. 

Western Tibet. 869 

(2) Thou shalt not take what is not given to 


(3) Thou shalt not commit adultery. 

(4) Thou shalt not speak evil of another. 

(5) Thou shalt not talk nonsense. 

(6) Thou shalt not slander. 

(7) Thou shalt not covet. 

(8) Thou shalt not plan injury. 

(9) Thou shalt not he. 

(10) Thou shalt not hold heretical views. 

But here the doctrine of merit spoiled the picture. 
According to the Lamas these Commandments 
were good, not because they taught any high moral 
principle, but simply because, by keeping them, the 
devotee might lay up so much merit ; neither the 
Lamas nor the people valued character for its own 
sake ; and, therefore, there was a constant tendency 
to keep the Commandments in the letter and break 
them in spirit. Let one example suffice. In theory, 
no Tibetan would kill an animal ; in practice, 
he managed to evade the precept. On one occasion 
Pagell, at Poo, witnessed a ciu-ious performance. 
First, the \'illain, seizing a goat, plugged its mouth 
and nose ; then he sat on it till it was dead ; and then 
he informed the missionary that the animal had died 
a natural death. Such scenes were of common 
occurrence. As long as the Tibetan shed no blood, 
he considered that he had not taken life ; and if 
the animal died of suffocation, that was the animal's 

The second method of acquiring merit was reading 
books. But the word " reading " in Western Tibet 
had not quite the same meaning as in England. In 
England to read, as a rule, is to understand ; in 
Western Tibet it is merely pronouncing the words ; 
in England people read books either for instruction or 
for amusement ; in Western Tibet the Lamas read, 

370 A History of Moravian Missions. 

not to improve their own minds, but simply to 
acquire so much merit ; and, therefore, their great 
object was to read as many books as possible in the 
shortest possible time. For this purpose the books 
in the Lamasary libraries were specially adapted. 
Instead of being bound in volumes like ours, they 
consisted of loose pages, about ten-and-a-half feet 
long, and one foot wide, which, lying flat, were 
enclosed in two boards, like music in a portfolio ; 
and thus the Lamas could split the book into 
parts and, each taking so many pages, read in 
chorus. The more Lamas joined, the faster the 
reading ; and the faster the reading, the greater 
quantity of merit. Sometimes five hundred Lamas, 
by joining forces, would read a whole library in two 
days. They sat in rows, read at express speed, 
and rocked their bodies to and fro. 

With regard to the nature of these books, our 
information is imperfect. According to the Lamas, 
they were mostly translations from the Sanskrit, 
were written by holy men of old, and, like the Bible, 
contained not merely the story of the Creation and 
the Fall, but also the plan of salvation. 

But what the plan of salvation was the Lamas 
never explained. Some of the books were written 
in dead languages ; others contained merely legends 
and incantations ; and the less the book could be 
understood, the more highly it was valued. 

" If the book is clear," said the Lamas, "it is 
shallow ; if it is unintelligible, it is deep." 

" Your religion," said a Lama to Heyde, " cannot 
be of much use ; anybody can understand it." 

Among the laity similar views were held. The rich 
engaged the Lamas to read in their libraries ; the 
poor listened to Lamas reading in public ; and 
neither rich nor poor endeavoured to understand 
a word. Why, then, asked the Tibetans, did the 

Western' Tibet. 371 

missionary read the Bible at Church ? Simply to 
acquire merit for himself. 

The third method of acquiring merit was prayer. 
But this word, " Prayer," must not mislead us. 
In Christian countries prayer means communion 
with God ; in Western Tibet it is merely word- 
repetition. For centuries the most popular prayer 
there had been the famous " Om Mani Padme hung,"j 
i.e., "A jewel in the Lotus, oh." This prayer was 
commonly regarded as a charm against all forms of 
trouble, and though hardly anyone seems to have 
known its origin or its meaning, the general idea 
was that the more frequently it was repeated the 
more merit accrued to the population. In some of 
the Lamaseries the Brethren found huge cylinders, 
lined inside with gold paper. On the gold paper 
the aforesaid prayer was printed millions of times ; 
the machine was turned by a crank ; and one 
missionary, Becker Shawe, expressed the opinion that 
if steam were introduced into Tibet the Lamas would 
use it to drive their prayer-wheels. But the 
laity were almost as fervent as the Lamas. Each 
house possessed its private prayer- wheel ; the larger 
the wheel the more prayers it contained ; and the more 
rapidly it spun the more merit the family acquired. 
Nor was this enough for the Tibetans. On the 
banks of the river stood prayer-wheels turned by 
water ; on the roofs of the houses prayer-wheels were 
turned by the wind ; some of the kitchens had prayer- 
wheels turned by hot air ; and the same prayer was 
inscribed on rocks and trees, on little stones adorning 
the walls, and on flags and banners. The house- 
wife spun her wheel in the kitchen ; the labourer 
spun his wheel in the fields ; and the merchant, 

iThe last syllable is generally printed " hum." Dr. Hebsr, 
however, who has lived for some years at Leh, informs me that 
" hung " gives (he usual pronunciation. 

372 A History of Moeatian Missions. 

riding home from Lhasa, spun his wheel on the 
mountain bridle-path. 

" I hope," said Dr. Marx to a patient in the Leh 
Hospital, " that you understand what I said about 

" Yes," said the patient, " you mean that I must 
never forget my ' Om Mani Padme hung.' " 

The fourth method of acquiring merit was suffering. 
According to the Lamas, all suffering was closely 
connected with sin ; suffering, they said, was simply 
the method whereby atonement for sin was made ; 
by suffering, and suffering alone, could the soul be 
purified ; and this process must be continued until 
the purification was complete. As, however, one 
short life on this earth was not in most cases sufficient 
for this great purpose, the sinner must be born 
again, sometimes in the form of a beast or insect; 
and only thus could sinful men be made fit for Nirvana. 

Let us now see how this doctrine of merit affected 
the progress of the Mission. The point needs to 
be stated with great precision. As the Tibetans 
worked, read, prayed, and suffered simply to acquire 
merit, they very naturally argued that all other 
men, all the world over, acted from the same selfish 
motive ; no other motive was to them conceivable ; 
no such thing as pure unselfishness existed ; and on 
this principle they judged the conduct of the 
missionaries. Why did the missionaries come to 
Western Tibet ? To gain merit for themselves. 
Why did they teach the children and distribute 
medicines to the poor ? To gain merit for themselves. 
Why did the doctor rise from his couch, trudge ten 
miles through the snow, and attend a suffering 
peasant free of charge ? To gain merit for himself. 
And why did Christ, the Son of God, laj^ His glory by, 
take upon Him the form of a servant, and suffer on 
Calvary ? To gain merit for Himself. 

Western Tibet. 878 

3. Financial Tyranny. The most terrible part 
of the story still remains. " The Lamas," says Miss 
Jane Ellen Duncan, "are the money-lenders of the 
country," and all the missionaries give the same testi- 
mony. At critical times when money is scarce and 
hard to obtain, the Lamas charge very high rates of 
interest, and, if the debtor cannot pay at the stipulated 
time, he is told that in his next existence he will 
take the form of some loathsome beast. Thus the 
rule of the Lamas in Tibet is really a rule of terror. 
Many of the peasants are in debt to the Lamas. " This 
debt business," said Schreve, a Moravian missionary, 
" is the hardest part of our work among Christians," 
and, judging by that remark, I have sometimes feared 
that, so long as this cruel system exists, the Moravian 
missionaries in Western Tibet may continue to plough 
upon a rock. 

Chapter IV. 


1865 As the Baron and Baroness Keffenbrink-Ascheraden 

were on a visit to Jerusalem they saw, behind a garden 
wall, a group of Arabian begging lepers, and the 
Baroness, being touched by their distress, appealed 
forthwith to Dr. Gopat, Bishop of Jerusalem, and 
promised that, if he and his friends would build a 
Leper Home, she would be responsible for the 
expense. Dr. Gopat formed a local Committee ; 
Dr. Chaplin, an English practitioner, promised to be 
house-physician ; and a few months later, at the 
Baroness's expense, a small hospital was erected 
outside the Jaffa Gate. With this, however, the 
Baroness was not content. In order that the new 
hospital might be under efficient Christian manage- 
ment, she now appealed to the Moravian Mission 
Board, and suggested that the Moravian Church 
should provide a House-Father. The Moravian 
Mission Board agreed ; F. Tappe and his wife were 
summoned from Labrador ; and on Ascension Day, 
1867 (May 21st), the first Leper Home in the history 
of Palestine was opened. 

1867 The next task was to make provision for the future 

maintenance of the Home. The Baroness now 
turned her attention to England. For some years 
a well-known English Moravian Bishop, James 
La Trobe, had taken a special interest in lepers ; 
among other things he had written a pamphlet 
entitled " Work Among the Lepers," describing the 
Moravian work at Hemel-en-Aarde and Robben 
Island ; and the Baroness, having been presented 


The Leper Home at Jerusalem. 375 

with a copy by a school-girl, now wrote to Bishop 
La Trobe and asked him to use his influence on behalf 
of the new hospital. In response to her request, 
the Bishop had her letter printed in the 
" Messenger," the montlily magazine of the Mo^a^^an 
Church in England ; local collectors were soon 
appointed in most of the English congregations ; 
and Bishop La Trobe, at the Baroness's request, 
acted as English Secretar\\ Thus, at the outset, 
English ]Mora\ians learned to take an interest in the 
Leper Home. During the first few years the annual 
cost was only about £250, and two-thirds of this sum 
came from England, and later, when the annual 
cost was £1,000, half the sum came from England. 
In due course the American Province also became a 
regular contributor ; the Swiss Moravians, though 
few in number, gave according to their abihty ; 
and the general arrangement was that while 
Moravians all over the world were expected to aid 
the cause financially, the continental ]Moravians 
supplied the house-parents and the nurses. For 
thirteen years the Baroness herself, aided by the 
Jerusalem Committee, acted as General Manager ; 
then, at her special request, the Moravian Church 
took formal charge (1881), and henceforward the 1881 
Leper Home, like the Foreign Missions and the 
work in Bohemia, was the joint responsibility of all 
three Pro\-inces. At the General SjTiod in 1889 
some further regulations were made. In future the 
General SvTiod was to be the final authority. In the 1889 
intervals between Synods there was to be a Central 
Administrative Board of three, elected by the General 
Synod ; the old Jerusalem Local Committee still 
rendered assistance ; and the Enghsh, American 
and Swiss Secretaries were corresponding members 
of the Administrative Board. From the opening day 
till 1908 the Home was under three different house- 

876 A History of Moravian Missions. 

fathers. The first, F. Tappe, served sixteen years 
(1867-1883), i.e., till his health broke down ; the 
second, Fritz Miiller, served eight years (1883- 
1891) ; and the third, Karl Schubert, served seven- 
teen years (1891-1908), and died suddenly of heart 
disease in the Home. The case of Schubert was 
exceptionally pathetic. For six months before his 
end he suffered from a very painful disease. In 
order that he might do his duties, lie had to be carried 
about in a chair ; so swollen were his arms and hands 
that he could not play his zither ; and yet he refused 
to return home for treatment except on the under- 
standing that, after a year's furlough, he should be 
allowed to resume his work. Some weeks before 
his death he had a strange dream. He had died, 
and was in the Heavenly Jerusalem. There, to his 
joy, he was informed that he might be the door- 
keeper at the Jaffa Gate ; there, in his room 
beside the gate, he found his zither, changed to 
pure gold, and the instrument, at the touch 
of his fingers, rendered music sweeter than any 
on earth. 

For their self-denying labours, neither the 
house-parents nor their assistants received 
much earthly reward. The house-parents had 
their board and £50 a year ; the nurses their 
board and 5s. a week ; and the local 
physician, who came twice a week, an annual 
honorarium of £30. 

On Schubert's death an important change took 
1908 place. The office of house-father was abolished, 
the Home was placed under a matron, and an 
evangelist was appointed. At first the lepers did not 
approve of the change. In the past, they said, they 
had been under a man, now they were under a mere 
woman, and a little natural grumbling was the result. 
Nevertheless, the change was justified ; the matron, 

The Leper Home at Jerusalem. 877 

Miss Elizabeth Muller,t soon gained the affection 
of her patients ; and the sufferers often showed their 
gratitude, both to her and to the nurses, by bringing 

Meanwhile, the Home had slowly but surely been 
increasing in popularity. In the years 1868-70 the 
average number of patients was only thirteen ; in 
1870-87 eighteen; in 1888-98 between twenty and 
thirty ; and in 1898-1914 between forty and fifty. 
During all this period most of the patients were 
Mahometans ; no religious test, of course, was 
imposed ; and the Christians came from various 
denominations. In 1912, e.g., thirty-eight of the 
patients were Mahometans, only seven were 
Christians, and those Christians comprised three 
members of the Greek Church, one Protestant and 
three Roman Catholics. 

Meanwhile, also, a change had taken place in the 
building. For twenty years the Baroness's hospital 
rendered excellent service ; both the English and the 
Swiss Mora%*ians enlarged it by adding a room ; 
and thus the ideal was upheld that each patient should 
have at least 1,200 cubic feet of fresh air. 

At length, however, in 1887, a new and larger 1887 
Leper Home was built. The site chosen was the 
north side of the valley of Rephaim. As Rephaim 
was then a mere desert, some of the people in the 
neighbourhood thought that Fritz Miiller was insane. 
But Miiller was really building on good soil. There 
King Da^-id, in days of old, had heard the wind 
in the mulberry trees ; there, if trees had once grown, 
trees might grow again ; and acting on this sound 
principle, Miiller had many large stones removed 
and laid out a garden and fields. As the Leper Home 
is on the side of a hill, it can easUy be seen from a long 

•fA sister of Dr. J. T. Muller, the archivist at Hermhut, and author 
of aeveral valuable works on Moravian Church history. 

378 A History of Moravian Missions. 

distance. It stands about a mile south-west of the 
city. Above the front door is engraved the name 
" Jesus Hilfe," i.e., "Jesus' Help"; the front of the 
house faces south ; below the front door there is a 
fine flight of steps ; and from the garden gate to the 
steps there is a path about fifty yards long. The 
Home is two stories high, and is built in Eastern 
style. In the middle there is an open court, cool 
and shady ; around this court runs a gallery, or 
balcony, on pillars ; and from the court and the 
balcony respectively branch off the lower and upper 
stories. The Home accommodates about fifty 
patients. In course of time various improvements 
were added. In 1900 a large cistern was built; later, 
a disinfecting machine and an isolation room for 
extreme cases were provided ; and, aided largely 
by the patients, the house-parents made the garden 
beautiful. Fritz Miiller planted fig trees and mul- 
berry trees ; the front of the house was made 
bright with clematis and roses ; and the Lepers 
themselves planted a grove and called it " Paradise." 
Let us now see how, in this Leper Home, the Moravian 
Church has attempted three tasks. 

1. The Relief of Suffering. According to Dr. 
Einsler, of Jerusalem — Dr. Chaplin's successor as 
house-physician — modern leprosy in Palestine differs 
in two respects from that described in the Bible. 
Formerly, the skin turned white as snow ; now, 
though it grows numb, and rots, it retains its natural 
colour. Formerly, some cases were cured ; Dr. 
Einsler found all cases incurable. The modern 
disease takes two distinct forms. In most cases it 
attacks the bones, and causes the limbs to fall off ; 
in other cases it attacks the nervous system ; and 
the latter kind has been found the more difficult to 
treat. But in all cases it is repulsive to behold, and 
causes severe pain. By the Jews it is called the 

The Leper Home at Jerusalem. 379 

Scourge of God, and by the Greeks the Son of Death, 
and Fritz Miiller, in one of his reports, described it 
as the most frightful disease on earth. The patients 
themselves gave similar testimony. Soon after the 
new Home was opened, Salich, in the name of all 
the patients, wTote a beautiful letter of thanksgi\'ing ; 
and yet he felt justified in saying how terribly he 
and his fellow-patients suffered. " God the Highest," 
he wrote, " has visited us with this painful disease. 
The burden which He has thus laid upon us is great 
and heavy, and at times scarcely to be borne. Some- 
times we toss about upon our beds \vith inexpressible 
aches and pains, such as human understanding can 
scarcely comprehend." In that description there 
was no exaggeration. At nearly every stage the 
disease is painful, and the last stages are the worst. 
The first symptom is merely a slight itch or stinging 
sensation. But as soon as that symptom appears 
the victim knows that he is doomed. And now the 
disease makes irresistible progress. First, beneath 
the skin, hard lumps develop, then the bone itself 
is exposed and attacked ; and, sooner or later, the 
whole limb is destroyed. In some cases there is 
hemorrhage, and the patient dies of exhaustion ; 
in others the mouth and throat are attacked, and the 
patient struggles in vain for breath ; and some of the 
death-bed scenes the house-parents witnessed may 
truly be described as appalling. 

In vain Dr. Einsler sought for a remedy. At 
various times rumours reached Jerusalem that 
some curative medicine had been discovered ; 
Dr. Einsler always gave such remedies a trial ; 
and three deserve special mention. The first was 
an Indian remedy, Cholmogran Oil ; the second 
a popular anodyne, Gurguin Oil; and the third, 
Nastine, a scrum invented by Dr. Deycke, of 
Bombay. Dr. Einsler had some faith in the first, 

880 A History of Moravian Missions. 

and found that it acted as a tonic ; the second 
alleviated pain a little ; but the only observable 
effect of the third was a diminution in the patient's 
vitality. In cases where the pain caused insomnia, 
Dr. Einsler often used sleeping draughts. For the 
rest, fresh air and good nursing helped to make life 
endurable. Each morning the patient's wounds were 
dressed with carbolic acid, and those who were not 
quite bedridden had regular baths. The daily 
food was both nutritious and appetising. At break- 
fast, taken in bed, the usual fare was bread, tea, 
and sometimes olives soaked in salt water ; at 
dinner, meat, vegetables, rice, and sometimes soup; 
and at supper, which the patients were allowed to 
prepare themselves, bread, soup, eggs, fruit, and 
dainties sent in by friends. 

But the house-parents did not rely entirely on 
physical treatment. In order to prevent the lepers 
from moping, and acting on the principle that 
congenial labour physics pain, the house-parents 
laid down the rule that every leper medically fit 
should do at least four hours' work a day. But the 
lepers did not work for the mere sake of working ; 
the work itself had always some obvious value ; 
and thus the lepers were made to feel that they were 
rendering useful service. For the men there was 
generally work in abundance. They tended the 
cattle in the fields, cleared the garden of stones, tilled 
the soil, and helped, when the need arose, to build 
the new cistern. For the women equally useful 
work was found. Some scrubbed the stone floors ; 
some did coarse sewing ; some sat in the open air 
grinding corn ; and some, too weak for such 
tasks, spun wool in the easy Arabian style. Some- 
times the house-father offered rewards for some 
special work, and occasionally the lepers were in- 
formed that until a certain task was finished, some 

The Leper Home at Jerusalem. 381 

expected treat could not be given. For all, too, some 
homely amusement was found, and every patient 
was encouraged to have a hobby. Some kept fowls, 
sold eggs, and thereby earned a little pocket-money ; 
some grew flowers ; and some even learned to make 
musical instruments. Nor were intellectual interests 
lacking. In spite of their pain, most of the lepers 
seemed to enjoy the cool and quiet evening hour ; 
and while some merely smoked and mused, others 
read the Bible, the Koran, and other books in the 
Home, plied the nurses ^^•ith questions, and, like 
their Arab forefathers, told tales till darkness fell. 
At the time of the Russo-Japanese War, they were 
all keenly interested in politics, and, aided by a map 
provided by Schubert, they followed the move- 
ments of the armies. At other times there were other 
forms of amusement. In the 'w-inter there would be 
snowball fights ; in the summer races and open-air 
games ; and recently many of the lepers have found 
great pleasure in flying kites. Most of them also 
loved both poetry and dancing, and the dramatic 
instinct was strongly developed. The most popular 
form of amusement was the fantasia, i.e., a dance 
with a definite meaning. Each movement in such a 
dance was supposed, just like a word or picture, to 
express some idea, and one fantasia was even described 
as a " fantasia unto the Lord." Sometimes, to make 
the meaning quite clear, dance and song were com- 
bined. At the wedding, e.g., of Dr. Dalman, a member 
of the Local Committee, the lepers gave a grand 
marriage fantasia, and the following Arabic love- 
song was sung : — 

I sec thy cheeks, oh maiden, 

I see thy eyes. 
Why should the voice of weeping in 

Thy father's home arise ? 

882 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Or why should I complain that thou 
Thy friends hast left behind ? 

I see thy cheeks and arching brows ; 
And thus I speak my mind : 

Of thousands thou the chosen art ; 
No fairer can I find. 

Thus, by means of work and play, did the lepers 
endeavour to forget their troubles. 

But the chief and best remedy used was Christian 
sympathy. As soon as the sufferer entered the Home, 
he found himself in a new world. In Palestine 
lepers are generally known as " the poor," and the 
term " poor " is a term of contempt. On the high- 
ways the leper was a vagabond ; in the Home he 
was a brother. Outside he was regarded as a criminal, 
visited by a just God for his sins ; inside he was a 
child whom the Father loved. At Christmas the 
Home was made a Palace of Delight. For all the 
lepers there were presents from Christian friends 
in other lands. The Christmas Tree was adorned ; 
Christmas carols were sung ; the story of the Birth at 
Bethlehem was read ; and, though no attempt was 
made to interfere with the distinctive creeds of 
the inmates, all the lepers were given to understand 
that the real giver of the presents was the Friend of 
Sinners. Another much-prized treat was the annual 
excursion. In order to stimulate wholesome industry, 
the house-father would sometimes announce, a few 
weeks before the great day, that only the well-behaved 
would be allowed to go, and then it was interesting 
to notice how the laziest dug in the garden, how the 
sulky beamed and smiled, and how even the most 
bigoted Mahometans would attend morning prayers. 
The direction of the annual excursion varied. Some- 
times there was a drive in waggons to Hebron ; 
sometimes the Jordan Valley was explored, and the 

The Leper Home at Jerusalem. 383 

patients strolled by the Dead Sea ; and sometimes, 
in later years, they have even taken train to Joppa, 
and gazed on the blue waters of the 3Iediterranean. 

2. The Destruction of Leprosy. At the time when 
the Home was opened the total number of lepers in 
Palestine was estimated as only three hundred, 
and the Brethren, therefore, entertained the hope 
that if they could persuade all these lepers to enter 
the Home, they might be able, in a few years, to 
stamp out the disease. But now arose a question 
about the right method. Is the disease hereditary, 
or not ? On the answer to that question the 
Moravian Church had to base its policy ; and the 
difficulty was that opinions differed. At a Leper 
Congress held in Berlin (1907) the pronouncement 
was made that, while leprosy is contagious, it is 
certainly not hereditary, and therefore, while it was 
necessary that lepers should be isolated, and live all 
together in one home, there was no reason why, in 
that home, marriage should not be permitted. With 
this opinion, however. Dr. Einsler, the Jerusalem 
physician, disagreed ; the Moravian authorities felt 
bound to act on his advice ; and, therefore, in the 
Leper Home, marriage was not permitted. By two 
methods, therefore, the Moravians hoped to exter- 
minate leprosy in Palestine. First, they would gather 
all lepers into the Home, and secondly, they would 
prevent the disease being handed on to the next 
generation. Why, then, it may be asked, has this 
noble ambition not been realised ? For three 
reasons : First, because there has ne%'er been enough 
money to build a large enough Home ; secondly, 
because many lepers in Palestine still prefer their 
liberty ; and thirdly, because some of the lepers 
themselves unintentionally thwarted the Brethren's 
efforts. The conduct of the Turkish Government was 
deplorable. Instead of encoui"aging the Moravians in 

884 A History of Moravian Missions. 

their efforts, the Turkish officials at Jerusalem opened 
a rival lieper Shelter at Siloah. There the lepers slept 
in filthy cells swarming with vermin ; no doctor, 
no nurses, and no medicine were provided ; and the 
one superior attraction in the Shelter was that there 
the lepers were allowed to marry and propagate their 
species. In the Turkish Leper Home children were 
born ; in the Moravian Home the sexes were 
separated ; and the consequence was that of the two 
institutions, the Turkish Shelter was preferred 
by many. In vain the Moravian nurses visited 
Siloah, and urged the patients to enter the 
Moravian Home. Most of the patients returned the 
same answer : " We should all come to you," they 
said, " if you did not separate us." Thus did the 
Turkish Government baffie the efforts of the Moravian 
Church to exterminate leprosy in Palestine. 

3. The Gospel Message. We come here to a 
question frequently asked. Is the Leper Home 
merely a hospital, or is it also a religious institution ? 
Do the nurses merely alleviate suffering, or do they 
also try to win souls for Christ ? Do they try 
to change Mahometans into Christians ? The 
question cannot be answered in one sentence. The 
position was dif!icult and delicate. At the outset 
Bishop Gopat declared that, while the staff would 
always do their best to relieve suffering, their chief 
purpose was to lead the patients " to the Good 
Physician," and yet, while the house-parents and the 
nurses really did make that their ambition, they 
were unable to employ the usual missionary methods. 
To preach Christ to a Mahometan was to insult 
him, and to insult him was to drive him from tlic 
Home. For forty-five years, therefore (1867-1912) 
the Home was managed on the principle that, while 
regular services were held, none but professing 
Christians were bound to attend : no Mahometan 

The Leper Home at Jerusalem. 885 

was ever told that his religion was false or imperfect ; 
and all the members of the staff preached Christ, not 
by direct appeals, but by acting in a Christian spirit. 
In all matters connected with worship, the fullest 
liberty of conscience was permitted. The Mahometans 
read the Koran and kept their fasts ; the 
Greek Christians were allowed the services of a Greek 
Priest ; and the other Christians attended services 
conducted by an Arab evangelist. The Mahometan 
patients were often a source of great trouble. 
Some of them were extremely bigoted, denounced 
the Christian religion as false and wicked, called all 
Christians dogs, made other biting remarks about the 
Christian lepers, and showed, by their sulky demeanour, 
that while they were glad to be relieved of pain, they 
resented the idea of receiving favours from Christians. 
With a few exceptions, the Mahometan patients 
refused to attend morning prayers ; many of them 
grumbled about the house rules ; and one year they 
petitioned the Mayor of Jerusalem to issue a decree 
that Mahometan and Christian lepers should not 
be compelled to live under the same roof. 

But the chief difficulty with the Mahometans 
was their low moral standard. In spite of the fact 
that they received ever\i:hing for nothing, they 
seemed to imagine that nearly everything in the 
Home belonged by right to them, and no nurse, in 
their opinion, had any right to refuse a request. 
Gratitude was rarely expressed, and even when it 
was, the expression was not always sincere. If a 
request was granted, they said, " God be your 
friend " ; but if it was refused, they answered, " God 
curse you dead." At Christmas they compared 
presents, and accused the donors of favouritism ; 
sometimes petty thefts were discovered ; and once 
Schubert had to intervene to prevent certain poultry 
farmers from creating a monopoly in eggs. Still worse. 

8&Q A History of Mokavian Missions. 

the Mahometan patients had no faith in the 
Christian law of forgiveness. Among the Mahometans 
revenge is a sacred duty ; the man who forgives 
his enemy is a coward ; and this behef was 
shared by some of the Christians. In 1903 Schubert 
had an enhghtening experience. For some years an 
Arab Hving near the Home had proved a trouble- 
some neighbour ; now, having fallen on bad times, 
he came to Schubert for help ; and all the patients 
were anxious to know how he would treat the case. 

" Do not help that man," they begged; "now is 
your chance for revenge." 

"Love your enemies," answered Schubert; "do 
good to them that hate you." 

" But that is not to be taken literally," they said. 
" If you help that man there will be further trouble, 
and he will think you are afraid of him." 

The man was helped ; a good impression was made ; 
and one honest Mahometan said : " You Christians 
are better than we are." At the same time we must 
not imagine that all the Mahometans were hopeless. 
By their superior moral tone, the Christian lepers 
exercised a great influence over the other patients, 
and sometimes Christians and Mahometans could 
be seen, in the friendliest spirit, comparing the Bible 
and the Koran. At Christmas, 1906, all the 
Mahometans attended the services, caught a little 
of the Christmas spirit, and thanked Schubert and 
the nurses for their kindness. Nor was their gratitude 
confined to words. Some helped the nurses in their 
work and brought flowers to beautify their rooms ; 
some contributed to a common poor-box, and some 
even sent a subscription to a Jerusalem Orphanage. 

At last, however, in 1912, an important change was 
made. At the suggestion of the local Jerusalem 
Committee, Kasis Farhud Kurban, an Arab, was 
appointed evangelist to the Home ; and the curious 

The Leper Home at Jerusalem. 887 

arrangement was that, while he preached once a 
week in the Home, he did not always preach in the 
same way. His method varied on alternate Sundays. 
One Siinday he preached the Gospel ; on the other 
he preached truths common to both Mahometans 
and Christians ; and now the new rule was made that 
at the second kind of service attendance was binding 
on all. At the first kind of service, only Christians 
were compelled to attend ; at the second, all had to 
attend ; and thus the Mahometans had to be present 
at least once a fortnight. For a brief period this 
new rule aroused fierce opposition. In vain the 
Mahometans were informed that the preacher 
would not say a word against their prophet ; all the 
Mahometans except one revolted, saying that, 
rather than listen to the preacher, they would leave 
the Home, and during the next few weeks a few 
carried out their threat. As Farhud Kurban, how- 
ever, showed great tact, the opposition gradually 
died down ; and his latest encouraging report was 
that all the lepers were pleased to see him. 

Let me close with a word of praise for the nurses. 
In spite of their depressing duties, they have always 
been cheerful, and Sister Bertha, after a furlough, 
made a characteristic remark : " There is nothing 
more delightful," she said, " than to be back in the 
Leper Home." 

Chapter V. 

DEMERARA, 1878—1914. 

For the origin of the Mission in Demerara we 
must turn to the once famous philanthropist, Quintin 
Hogg. I At that time Quintin Hogg was well-known 
both in England and in Demerara. In London he 
was famous because he had recently founded the 
Polytechnic Institute ; in evangelical circles 
he was known because he was a great supporter 
of D. L. Moody ; and in Demerara, which he 
frequently visited, he was well-known, partly 
because he owned many sugar plantations, partly 
because, on those plantations, he had introduced 
many improvements in the manufacture of sugar, 
and partly because he always showed a deep interest 
in the moral and spiritual welfare of his employees. 
Quintin Hogg was a very broad-minded man ; his 
theology has been called the " theology of love " ; 
and, holding that an imperfect religion was better 
than no religion at all, he even helped to build 
mosques for Mahometans. His connexion with 
Moravian Missions sprang partly from his business 
activities. For some years he was the senior partner 
in the firm of Hogg, Curtis, Campbell & Co. ; this 
firm owned sugar estates at Graham's Hall and Reliance 
in Demerara ; and now Quintin Hogg informed the 
Moravian Mission Board that, if the Moravian Church 
would supply chaplains for those two estates, he 
would cover all expenses for five years. His reason 
for appealing to the Moravians was natural. Among 
the workmen on his estates, several were Moravian 
Negroes, who had recently come from Barbados ; 

fOn Quintin Hogg, see " Quintin Hogg : a Biography." By his 
daughter, Ethel M. Hogg. (Archibald Conalabled; Co., 1906.) 


Demerara. 889 

and Hogg, who had visited Barbados, was 
probably acquainted with the Moravian work 
in that island. The Moravian Mission Board 
accepted his offer ; two Negro chaplains, Henry 
Moore and Alexander Pilgrim, were appointed ; 
and on the two estates he had named — Graham's 
Hall (1878), near the coast, and Rehance (1882) — 
regular services were held. For a little over five 
years Quintin Hogg covered the expenses ; then, in 
1885, he withdrew his Reliance subscription, and the 
w^ork there had to be closed ; and finally, when the 
sea encroached on his land and the sugar industry 
became less prosperous, he informed the Brethren 
that all he could spare was a Church and a few acres 
of land. For this reason the Graham's Hall station 
was removed a few miles further inland ; the new 
Church and land were accepted as a parting gift ; and 
henceforward the expense of the Mission fell almost 
entirely on Moravian shoulders. Thus did a work 
begun as a chaplaincy become a true missionary 
effort, and finally, Demerara (1908) was officially 
recognised as a separate missionary province. 

In one sense the work in Demerara is unique. 
Of all the Moravian Mission Fields, Demerara alone, 
from first to last, has been worked entirely by native 
ministers, and the experiment has proved a striking 
success. For twenty-eight years the leader was 1878-96 
Henry Moore, a Barbados Negro, and no missionary 
ever rendered more faithful service. At first the 
prospect seemed hopeless. As Hogg's workmen had 
been brought over from Barbados, they were all 
supposed, in theory, to be Christians, and some of 
them had come from Moravian stations. In reality, 
however, they had all become slaves of vice. For 
religion and morals they now cared absolutely 
nothing. No marriage laws were recognised, and 
most of their hard-earned money was spent on cards, 

890 A History of Moravian Missions. 

horse-racing, and drink. For some years several 
overseers opposed the work. " I would rather give 
five dollars for a rum-shop," said one, " than one 
shilling to help to build a church." Nevertheless, 
Moore soon saw a striking change. In addition to the 
Church at Graham's Hall, he also, at the members' 
1882 request, took charge of a Congregational Church 
named Beterverwachting (Tabernacle) ; and in due 
time Beterverwachting became a Moravian Station. 
The great feature of Moore's work was his thorough 
moral teaching. For this reason the people called him 
Moses, and a stern and unbending Moses he was. 
The more he studied the lives of the people, the more 
clearly he perceived that, while they loved the House 
of God, they also loved certain pleasant sins, and 
Moore had continually to show them that those sins 
were really forbidden in the Bible. With the same 
purpose, he also persuaded them to read the Bible 
every day ; founded a lending library ; and dis- 
tributed "Good News," "The Gospel Trumpet," 
" The Band of Hope Review," and the " Moravian 
Missionary Reporter." In five years he saw a great 
transformation. The godless became true wor- 
shippers ; his members were all abstainers, and the 
men who used to bet on horses now dropped their 
spare money into the collection box. Once a year 
Moore sent off an official report, and splendid reading 
some of those reports were. In his judgment the 
essential point was, not the mere number of members, 
but the change in those members' lives, and on that 
change he generally laid the stress. " No one," he 
would say, "has committed a murder ; no one has been 
drunk and disorderly ; no drink has been used at 
the marriage feasts ; and no one has had to be brought 
before magistrates." His success, of course, was not 
perfect. With all his skill, he found it hard to con- 
vince his people that telling lies was wicked, and still 

Cemerara. ^9l 

PfOTse, they were slow to leaxn that wife-beating was 
not a Christian amusement. The great positive 
virtue of the people was their liberality. As soon as 
Hogg withdrew his subscription, the demands on 
their purses were heavy, and yet, though the sugar 
trade was bad, they bore three-fourths of the 
expenses. Thus did Moore lead the Demerara Negroes 
from the Egypt of sin to the Promised Land of godly 

His successor, John Dingwall (1897), was equally 1897-1914 

efficient. In consequence of his noble character, 

John Dingwall was soon an honoured figure 

in the Colony, and having received a good education 

in the Moravian Training School at Fairfield, 

Jamaica, he was able to comport himself both as 

a Christian and a gentleman. At first he, too, 

found the people in a sad condition. The more the 

sugar industry decUned, the more the workmen were 

tempted to seek higher wages in the towns, and in 

these towns they might relapse into vicious habits. 

For the sake of those who had flocked to Georgetown, 

he built both a Church and a Secondary School 

(1902-1904) at Queenstown,t and with the special 

goodwill of the Anglican Bishop, he commenced a 

Mission to the Coolies at Ogle's Industry, Cumming's 

Lodge, and Turkeyen. His assistants, Francis and 

Grant, were both Negroes ; his evangelist to the 

Hindoos, Buccus, was an East Indian ; and thus the 

whole work was in native hands. For that very 

reason, perhaps, the work was officially honoured. 

At the annual meeting of the Bible Society in 

Georgetown, the Moravian Choir was asked to lead 

the singing ; the Mayor of Georgetowai presided at 

the opening of the Brethren's " Comenius School '* ; 

and the Governor himself contributed to Moravian 

Church Funds. 

tQueenstown is a suburb of GcorgPtown. 

092 A iftiSTORY OF Moravian Missions. 

But the chief feature of the work in Demerara was 
the church activity of the members. Demerara may 
be called the field of many societies. For their 
desire to learn, for their willingness to work, and for 
their liberality, the native Christians of Demerara 
are unexcelled in the Moravian Church. Among the 
religious societies mentioned by Dingwall, we find a 
Women's Mite Missionary Society, a Men's 
" Macedonian Band," a Men's Brotherhood for Bible 
Study, a " Lyceum," two or three Christian 
Endeavour Societies, and a Women's Working 
Society ; Girl Guides, Penny Banks, Friendly and 
Burial Societies, were also formed ; and all these 
societies helped to raise the intellectual and moral 
tone of the people. At the " Brotherhood " some of 
the young men learned to write sermons; at the 
meetings of the Missionary Societies such magazines 
as " Moravian Missions," " China's Millions," and 
" Regions Beyond " were carefully studied ; and most 
of the societies also contributed generously to Church 
Funds. Why then, it may be asked, has the work 
in Demerara not been still more successful ? How 
is it that in 1914 there were still only three con- 
gregations, Graham's Hall, Queenstown, and 
Beterverwachting; only three day-schools and thirteen 
Sunday Schools ; only five hundred and seventy- 
nine communicants ; and only two thousand four 
hundred and forty-one Sunday scholars ? The 
answer will be largely found in the economic state of 
the colony. 

At the time when the Mission began, Demerara 
was studded with sugar plantations ; since then 
many of these have been closed ; and though the 
Government made repeated attempts, no alternative 
industry could be found. In the country districts 
there was little irrigation, and this defect made 
farming a poor business. At the time, however, 

Demerara. 8d8 

when the Great War broke out, optimists had begun 
to predict better things. Rice-growing had increased ; 
the Government had a scheme for a Bank Loan, 
so that farmers might become freeholders ; rumour 
said that in the south both gold and diamonds 
had been discovered ; and Sir Walter Egerton, the 
Governor, after a tour to the southern border, hinted 
that a railway in the hinterland might be con- 
structed. Such prospects gave the missionaries new 
hope. There, in the south of the colony, their con- 
verts might at last be able to earn good wages ; there 
new Churches might be built ; and the Gospel 
standard might even be carried across the border 
to Brazil. 

Chapter VI. 

ALASKA, 1885—1914. 

1. An Urgent Appeal. 

For the origin of the Mission in Alaska we turn 
to a pathetic letter addressed to the Moravian 
authorities at Bethlehem in Pennsylvania, and 
written by Dr. Sheldon Jackson, Secretary of the 
Board of Missions of the Presbyterian Church. f 
In 1867 the United States bought Alaska from 
Russia for £1,400,000 ; a few years later the 
Presbyterians began a Mission to the Alaskan Indians, 
near Suka, in Eastern Alaska ; and now Dr. Sheldon 
Jackson, after appealing to other Churches in vain, 
suggested that the Moravian Church should commence 
a Mission to the Eskimos. At that time, he said, 
the total population of Alaska was about 34,000 ; 
two-thirds of the inhabitants were Eskimos, living 
mostly on the coast ; and though the Greek Church 
had established a Mission on the islands, most of the 
Eskimos were still absolute heathen. " If you 
refuse," he said, " those heathen must go down to 
ruin in the dark." 

The American Moravians acted promptly. At the 
annual meeting of their S.P.G. (August 23rd, 1883), 
Dr. Sheldon Jackson's letter was read ; five theo- 
logical students volunteered for service ; and next 
year (1884), two men, William Weinland and 
Adolphus Hartmann, set sail from San Francisco, 
interviewed a Greek priest on the island of Oonalaska, 
1884 crossed the Behring Sea in a ship belonging to the 
Alaska Commercial Company, and pushing up the 

jHe was afterwards United States General Agent of Education 
in Alaska. He was also author of a book, " Alaska and 
Missions on the North Pacific Coast." 


Alaska. S95 

Kuskokwim River, discovered, some seventy miles 
from the mouth, an important trading station. On 
that day, June 20th, 1884, the Old Testament text 
in the Text Book was : " God said unto Jacob, 
arise, go up to Bethel and dwell there, and make 
there an altar unto God that appeared to thee " ; 
such an encoiuraging message could not be ignored ; 
and, therefore, the two explorers decided, not only 
that here they would build the first station, but also 
that its name should be " Bethel." 

There, in fact, a year later, the first station was 1885 
founded ; there the first tlu-ee missionaries, William 
Weinland, an American, John Kilbuck, a Delaware, 
and John Torgersen, a Norwegian carpenter, arrived 
in the Bethel Star^ and there they made their first 
acquaintance with the Eskimos. At the very out- 
set, however, a disaster occurred. On August 10th, 
1885, John Torgersen fell overboard and was 
drowned ; a few weeks later his dead body was 
found ; and Weinland and Kilbuck, who knew little 
of carpentry, settled do^\^l to the task of building a 

Let us here take a brief glance at the Eskimos. 
At the time when this Mission was projected there 
appears to have been a widespread unpression that 
those Eskimos in Alaska who had not yet been 
corrupted by contact with civiUsation were far 
superior, both physically and intellectually, to the 
Eskimos of Greenland and Labrador ; and such 
Eskimos, it was said, were so peaceable, sober, 
industrious, and virtuous, that one writer called 
them the Quakers of Alaska. But the missionaries 
did not find this description justified. In several 
respects the Eskimos of Alaska were far inferior to 
those of Labrador. The difference was largely due 
to climatic causes. In Labrador the Eskimos fed 
on seals and walruses, and thereby acquired great 

896 A History of Moravian Missions. 

physical vigour ; in Alaska the chief diet was fish, 
game, rabbits, and home-bred fowls ; and this 
lighter diet caused a change for the worse both in 
the body and in the disposition. The Labrador 
Eskimo was active and bold ; the Alaskan Eskimo 
was both more sluggish and more timid. In Labrador 
the Eskimos lived near the sea, and grew accustomed 
to facing the winter storms ; in Alaska they lived 
on the river banks, and did not need to hunt except 
in the summer. But the chief differences were 
found in social and family life. In Labrador each 
family occupied its own wood-hut or tent ; in Alaska 
several families lived together in a large underground 
house known as a burra-burra ; and there the people 
adopted a system of common housekeeping which 
made decency impossible. For both filth and 
immorality the burra-burra was hard to rival. In 
the middle was the common-room, with a smoke- 
hole at the top ; around this room were smaller 
rooms, each occupied by a family ; and the barrier 
between these rooms was so low that privacy was 
impossible. The atmosphere in the burra-burra 
was foul ; no windows existed, and, therefore, no 
sunlight could enter ; and the consequence of those 
insanitary conditions was that, though the Alaskan 
climate is bracing, many of the people were con- 
sumptive and two-thirds of the children died in 
infancy. But the moral atmosphere was even worse 
than the physical. At the age of ten nearly every 
girl was compelled by her father's orders to become 
a prostitute ; later, when they thought she might 
marry, her parents would sell her by auction to the 
highest bidder ; and most of the women — so, at 
least, Mrs. John Kilbuck reported — appear to have 
had ten or twelve husbands before settling down to 
domestic life. 

Nor were the Alaskan Eskimos himianitarians. In 


Alaska. 897 

spite of a certain geniality of disposition, most of them 
seem to have taken pleasure in cruelty. Little 
compassion for the sick was shewn, and surplus 
children and old people were often killed. The 
first missionaries heard some horrible stories. At 
Bethel an infuriated husband, suspecting his wife of 
witchcraft, clubbed her to death and burned her body 
in oil. At another place a woman took a boy to the 
water's edge, fastened him down with a stake, and 
left him to die ; at another, a man chopped a witch 
to pieces ; and one man, being plagued with a lunatic 
aunt, froze her to death. 

Above all, so far as the missionaries could discover, 
the Alaskan Eskimos seem to have lost most of their 
old religious beliefs. Both in Labrador and in 
Greenland the Eskimos seem to have believed in the 
existence of a Supreme Spirit ; no such spirit, however, 
was known in Alaska ; and most of the people held 
the opinion that, even if such a God could be proved 
to exist. He did not take any interest in poor people. 
" There cannot be a God," said one man, " who 
cares for us, for I never received anything from 
Him." According to one modem writer,| some of 
the Eskimos near Behring Straits related how a 
spirit named Selu made the first man out of clay, 
and others, like the Eskimos of Greenland, had 
preserved traditions of the Great Flood. But the 
Eskimos never prayed to God in trouble. In some 
of the houses the missionaries found carved wooden 
figures and masks, and those idols, said the people, 
not only cured diseases, but gave fish and seals. 
At heart, therefore, the Eskimos were really idolaters.* 
Still worse, they were held in bondage by the 

fE. W. Nelson, "The Eskimos About Behring Strait," quoted 
by Sir J. G. Frazer in his " Folk Lore in the Old Testament," 
Vol. I., p. 327. 

♦See J. Hinz's Report, "Periodical Accounts," December, 1909, 
p. 463. 

898 A History of Moravian Missions. 

" shamans," or witch-doctors. According to these 
" shamans," who claimed to be able to float in the 
air and to possess other supernatural powers, all 
diseases were caused by evil spirits ; with these 
spirits only the " shamans " could cope ; and, in 
order to add to their own power, they encouraged 
various superstitions. If there was an eclipse of the 
sun, there would be a famine ; if there was an eclipse 
of the moon, there would be an epidemic ; and 
if a man jumped over a sledge or even ventured 
to have his hair cut, he would die a sudden death. 
Nor were these e^41s compensated for by any firm 
belief in immortality. For four or five days after 
death, said the Eskimos, the soul hovered near its 
old home ; what became of it afterwards no one knew ; 
and thus the people may truly be said to have lived 
without God and without hope. 

2. The Story of Bethel, 1885—1914. 

1885 At this time much interest was aroused in Moravian 

circles by the fact that John Kilbuck, one of the 
missionaries, was descended from a Delaware King, 
Gelelemend, a prominent Christian in the days of 
Zeisberger. For some years Kilbuck was Superin- 
tendent of the Alaska Mission ; by him and William 
Weinland the work at Bethel was begun ; and 
both men exhibited heroic qualities. For two years 
they both suffered intensely. The first task was to 
protect themselves against the cold. In spite of their 
imperfect knowledge of house-building, they managed 
somehow to build a rough log-house. For that 
climate, however, a log-house was almost useless. 
The thermometer often fell eighty degrees below 
freezing point ; the days were short and cheerless ; 
and the winds cut like a razor. Inside the log-house 
there was neither beauty nor comfort. The carpet 
rotted with damp ; the mattresses were mouldy ; 

Alaska. 899 

and frost half-an-inch thick gathered on the window 
panes. For a long time Kilbuck suffered much from 
snow-blindness ; his wife, half frozen, was nearly a 
cripple ; and Weinland, breaking down altogether, 
had to leave for a warmer clime. We shall meet 
him again, however, in another field. 

For a whole winter after Weinland had gone, John 
Kilbuck and his wife were alone in Bethel ; and once, 
when Kilbuck was away on a journey, his wife, with an 
ailing child to look after, waited patiently at Bethel 
for no fewer than seventy-three days (December 
3rd, 1888— February 14th, 1889). In Moravian 
circles those seventy-three days became famous, 
and Mrs. Kilbuck was honoured as a heroine. 

(a) Gospel Preaching. For a few months Kilbuck, 
aided by a trader, could only talk by signs ; then, 
having good linguistic gifts, he mastered the 
language ; and by Christmas, 1887, he was able to 
speak in public. With Christmas festivities he made 
his first great appeal. For the first time there was 
quite a crowd at Bethel. The story of Bethlehem 
was told ; the children sang " Softly the Night " and 
other carols ; the curtains were drawn, and the 
Christmas tree revealed ; and presents were given 
out to young and old. From that moment Kilbuck 
began to note progress. The people seemed delighted 
to hear of Christ ; next year, the Passion Week 
services were well attended ; and on Good Friday, 
1888, the first heart was touched. The incident 
reminded Kilbuck of the story of Kayarnak. Once 
more, as in Greenland, the first deep impression 
was produced by the Passion History. " Thank 
you," said an old man, after hearing the story of 
Calvary, " we too want a share of the blood of Jesus 
to take away our sins." 

At Bethlehem, in Pennsylvania, the news of this 
speech was described as electric ; in September some 

400 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Eskimos became communicants ; and in two years 
the number had risen to over a hundred. 

Meanwhile, John Kilbuck had visited the sur- 
rounding villages. As Greek priests had worked 
in the neighbourhood already, the people, in some 
cases, knew a little about Christianity, and most of 
them seemed anxious to learn more. In every village 
he received a warm welcome. As his sledge swung 
in, the people came out to greet him. The men 
nodded their heads ; the boys stood smiling ; and 
the women kept in the background. The dogs were 
unharnessed ; the sledge unloaded ; the kettle was 
boiled in a burra-burra, and the service was held in a 
public hall, known as the kashige. As Kilbuck crossed 
the kashige threshold, the old village fathers rose 
to greet him. " Shamai ? How do ? " they cried in 
chorus. In those kashiges Kilbuck first preached the 
Gospel. At the close of the service the women retired 
to their homes, and the men stayed behind to discuss 
the sermon. 

But these villages were not all of the same kind. 
In the river-side villages north of Bethel the people 
soon mended their ways. In those to the south they 
clung to their sins, and in those on the tundra the 
men defiantly beat drums ; and Kilbuck, therefore, 
paid special attention to the villages north of Bethel. 
In each of these villages he was soon able to appoint 
native assistants. They came to Bethel for in- 
struction, repeated their lesson in the villages, and 
illustrated their remarks with pictures. In order 
to let the natives know when it was Sunday, they used 
a little wooden tablet with holes. Along the edge of 
the tablet were six holes, marking the week-days ; 
in the middle was a hole for Sunday ; the Helper 
marked the process of time with a peg ; and when his 
peg reached the middle hole, he knew that Sunday had 
come. At an early period one Helper, Hooker, had 

Alaska. 401 

a most terrible experience. For some reason — 
possibly previous sins — he suddenly became a lunatic ; 
and his relatives actually stripped him naked, and 
threw him to the hungry dogs. In spite, however, of 
this disaster the Gospel made progress. At one village 
the chief sorcerer. Little Whetstone, was converted ; 
at another the people offered to build their own 
Church ; and in 1894 Kilbuck reported that in the 
whole district between Bethel and Ogavik not one 
single heathen festival had been held. For some 
time, however, many of the heathen refused to give 
up their immoral habits. 

" It never marred our happiness before," they 
said, " so why should we give it up ? " 

'' But why do you do such dreadful things ? " 

"It is our custom." 

At length, however, better customs prevailed ; 
the Helpers set a splendid example ; and Bethel was 
surrounded by sixteen preaching places. 

{b) Education : the School at Bethel. For this 1887 
purpose the Government provided £60 per annum ; 
but on the other hand they laid down the condition 
that each year the school must be open at least tM'o 
hundred days. As the morals in the children's homes 
were so bad, a mere day-school would have been 
useless, and, therefore, nearly all the children were 
boarders. Xo stranger boarding-school existed in 
North America. The staff consisted of the missionary, 
his wife, and a lady teacher ; the building was a small 
log-house ; and the pupils were the dirtiest children 
on God's earth. Inside the house the general im- 
pression was a mixtiu-e of water and oil. The pupils 
came in with wet feet ; the lamps had an oilj' smell ; 
the trout, cooking at the kitchen fire, dribbled oil 
on the floor ; and all day long coats, caps, and boots 
hung before the fire to dry. In that school, however, 
lay the brightest hopes for the future. For thoee boys 

402 A History of Moravian Missions. 

no better education could have been provided. From 
the first, great attention was paid to practical details. 
The first lesson was cleanliness. For the first time 
in history Alaskan boys had their hair cut ; every 
newcomer had a bath and a new suit ; and the 
girls, to their mothers' great astonishment, explored 
the mysteries of the wash-tub. For the first time, 
also, the boys learned to take theu' share in house- 
hold management. At an early hour one rose and 
lighted the fires ; two others washed the dishes and 
scrubbed the rooms ; another trimmed the lamps ; 
and others split wood for the fire. The daily pro- 
gramme was varied. In the morning the usual 
elementary subjects were taught ; in the afternoon 
the boys learned carpentry, and the girls domestic 
economy. As the boys generally spent the summer 
in hunting, the school could be held only in the 
winter months, and with the girls the great difficulty 
was that early in their teens they were generally 
Bold in marriage. 

" It is too bad," said little Janie, " that I can't come 
to school any more. I should like to come, but I 
have been given to a man." 

As the Government rendered more and more help, 
the staff was steadily increased ; the most modern 
American school-books, such as Baker's " Action 
Primer," were used ; and the children not only read 
interesting books, such as " Around the World " 
and " Eskimo Stories," but revelled in the old jingle 
of " Mother Goose." For many years this boarding- 
school at Bethel was the only school in Alaska ; 
then, at the request of the Government, an Industrial 
School was opened ; and here, while the girls made 
skin boots and shoes, the boys learned fishing, 
gardening, net-making, and the use of machinery. 

(c) Medical Work. In this department the 
Brethren accomplished little. For six years (1897- 


Alaska. 408 

1903) Dr. J. H. Romig acted both as medical 
missionary and as Superintendent of the Mission ; 
then, however, he retired, and as no successor was 
found, the Brethren could only use simple remedies 
and teach the people to be clean. 

(d) The Introduction of Reindeer. At Dr. Sheldon 1901 
Jackson's suggestion, the Alaskan Board of Education 
introduced herds of reindeer. For several reasons, 
he said, reindeer would be beneficial to the Eskimos. 
Both the flesh and the milk were nutritious and 
digestible ; from the skm both clothes and leather 
could be made ; and the Eskimos, by acting as 
shepherds, would find congenial occupation. At the 
special request of the Government, the Brethren 
established a reindeer station at Bethel. The Govern- 
ment lent the reindeer for five years ; the missionary 
supplied the apprentices and enforced the Govern- 
ment's regulations ; and the Mission, in return for 
its services, received so many reindeer in payment. 
But the chief benefit came to the Eskimos. If the 
shepherd fulfilled all the conditions, he might become 
an owner of reindeer, use his profits to buy a house, 
and thereby become a respectable citizen. 

But this was not the best result of the Mission. At 
the close of 1913 Bethel was a prosperous Christian 
village. Among the members several were Native 
Helpers ; these men studied theology seven hours a 
day ; and by them the Gospel was preached at Akiak, 
Akiatshuak, Tuluksak, Ogavik, Quingillingok, and 
other villages in the neighbourhood. Thus did Bethel 
become true to its name. 

3. The Story of Carmel, 1887—1906. 

The story of Carmel is a tragedy. For the failure 
of the Mission at this station — situated further 
east, near the mouth of the Nushagak — the 
responsibility must be laid, partly on the opposition 

404 A History of Moravian Missions. 

of the Greek Church, and partly on the evil example 
of certain Chinese and Japanese workmen employed 
at the neighbouring salmon canneries. The conduct 
of the local priest was disgraceful. In order to 
undermine the Brethren's influence, he enticed the 
children from the boarding-school, informed the 
Eskimos that the Brethren were servants of the 
devil, and not only took to drink himself, but even 
encouraged the people to follow his example. The 
influence of the Chinese was even worse. Among 
other things, they taught the Eskimos to brew a fiery 
liquor, and giving way to this temptation, the 
people rapidly drank themselves to death. 

4. The Story of Quinhagak, 1903 — 1914. 
At this station, which lies further down the 
Kuskokwim, the chief feature to notice is that, while 
the missionaries did not neglect to preach the Gospel, 
they also made a systematic attempt to raise the 
natives in other ways. 

(a) The chief missionary here was Schochert. 
For some months he used his muscles far more than 
his tongue. His chief purpose was to abolish dirt. 
First, with the aid of the natives, he drained the land, 
erected a curing-house, and built a manse and a 
Church ; then he made a wooden path through the 
village ; and then he erected a row of houses, with 
a wooden path leading to each front door. Thus 
did the pjskimos learn to avoid bringing mud into 
their houses. 

(b) Secondly, Schochert taught the people to be 
diligent in business. In accordance with Govern- 
ment instructions, he arranged that, in the day-school, 
two hours daily should be devoted to industrial 
subjects. The boys leauned to make skates, kites, 
handkerchiefs, and children's toys ; the girls made 
dresses and Christmas " cookies " ; and the young 

Alaska. 405 

women were taught to prepare rice, fish, beans, and 
oatmeal. By degrees, therefore, Quinhagak became 
a hive of industry ; and nearly all the adults became 
skilled workers. Some, like their kinsmen at Bethel, 
tended the reindeer ; others dried fish, raised emperor 
geese and made furs ; others, especially the women, 
made grass-baskets ; and as the missionary put these 
goods on the market, the natives, with the profits 
thus gained, could buy goods at a general village 

(c) Health. In addition to treating simple cases, 
the missionaries also taught the people how to take 
care of their health. The men learned how to 
treat cuts and bruises ; the women brought their 
babies to the school for a bath and a change of under- 
wear ; and the children not only learned how to 
make cheese-cloth bandages, but also had regular 
lessons in the laws of health. For this latter purpose 
two books on hygiene, " The Primer of Sanitation " 
and " The Human Body and Health," were used ; 
each child had a separate drinking cup, and was 
told the reason ; and the head-mistress visited 
the homes and explained the importance of scalding 
pots and pans. The change in the people's ideas 
was remarkable. Formerly they had dreaded evil 
spirits ; now they waged war on bacteria ; and the 
missionaries gave them to understand that in this 
warfare there was a prospect of victory. " The 
children," said the head-mistress, " seem much 
interested in the study of their bodies and the cause 
and prevention of disease. They realise well what 
a terrible foe they have in tuberculosis." 

(d) Morals. In order to overcome certain 
dangerous amusements — such as the heathen 
" festivals " — the missionaries arranged that, as far 
as possible, every evening, at least in the winter. 

406 A History of Moravian Missions. 

should be well occupied. First, there was evening 
prayer in the schoolroom for all ; then there were 
classes for singing and knitting ; and the people 
were taught that such occupations were far better 
than plays and masquerades. No white traders 
were allowed in the village ; no drink was sold ; 
and no man who played cards could become a Native 

(e) Religious Instruction. Let us not imagine 
that the converts were ignorant. At the confirmation 
classes the candidates learned the Ten Command- 
ments, the Lord's Prayer, the Apostles' Creed, the 
words of institution for the Holy Communion, and 
several hymns and passages of scripture. But one 
of the chief objects of the missionaries was to make 
religious worship attractive. At the morning service 
they sang duets and trios, and at the evening service 
they used a gramophone. In all their work the 
missionaries received much aid from the Native 
Helpers. Some of those Helpers became efficient 
preachers, and knew how to speak plainly to the 
people about their sins. In two senses Quinhagak 
became a light to the district. For the benefit of 
mariners, the Brethren put a light in the belfry. 
But the brightest light was the piety of the Helpers. 

5. The Action of the Government. 

For some years before the Great War broke out, 
the U.S.A. Government, acting on Viscount Bryce's 
principle that one of the chief duties of rulers is to 
protect natives against unscrupulous traders, 
had taken steps to protect the Eskimos against the 
evil influence of gold-seekers ; and this action on the 
part of the Government affected some of the Brethren's 
methods of work. At Bethel the Government 
stationed both an inspector and a physician ; then 
it took over the Brethren's boarding-school ; next 

Alaska. 407 

it opened day-schools in the neighbourhood ; and 
finally, in 1913, it announced that it intended to take 
over education entirely. Thus did the Brethren in 
Alaska lose, to some extent, their control over the 
young people ; and the action of the Government 
caused many questions to be asked : Had the 
Gk)vernment really acted wisely ? Would the moral 
influence in the Government Schools be as high as in 
the Moravian Schools ? And would the Moravians 
themselves be able to supply teachers for the Govern- 
ment schools ? Such questions only the future 
could answer. 

Chapter VII. 


The first impulse was given by a lady novelist. 
For some years literary circles in the United States 
had been reading with pleasure the poetry of a lady 
who signed herself " H.H." ; in 1873 she increased her 
reputation by publishing " Bits of Travel " ; in 1881 
she wrote a good novel, " A Century of Dishonour " ; 
and now, in her still finer novel, "Ramona"! (1884) — 
written after a visit to California — this lady, known 
now as Mrs. Helen Hunt Jackson, gave such a vivid 
description of certain crimes committed by whites 
against Californian Red Indians that widespread 
public interest was aroused. Mrs. Jackson's novel 
was based on first-hand evidence. In order to make 
quite sure of her facts she stayed at a little hotel in 
St. Jacinto ; there she interviewed many Indians 
and made copious notes ; and the landlady after- 
wards shewed to visitors the stool on which the 
novelist had sat. The state of things described in 
Ramona was atrocious. In open defiance of Cali- 
fornian law, white traders, said Mrs. Jackson, had 
often encroached on Indian territory, stolen Indian 
property, and then, when the Indians attempted 
vengeance, had them condemned by corrupt judges ; 
and so keen was the indignation aroused that several 
societies on behalf of the Indians were immediately 
formed. Among these societies one was called 
" The Women's National Indians' Association " ; 

t" Ramona " has recently been re-published by Sampson Low, 
Marston & Co. In the " Cambridge History of American 
Literature " it is described as " passionately pleading the cause 
of the Indians of California." See Vol. III., p. 8G. On its 
literary merits, see p. 89. 


California, or the Ramona Mission. 409 

this society now appealed to the Moravian Church ; 
and the precise offer made was that, if the Moravians 
would supply a missionary, the Association would 
build a house and church and cover all expenses for 
at least a year. In response to this suggestion, 
William Weinland was appointed ; taking his wife 
and children with him, he settled down at Potrero, 
an Indian village twenty-five miles east of Los 
Angeles ; and there and then the first Moravian 
Mission Station in California was built. 1890 

As the Indians were then in a very degraded state — 
so degraded that an English visitor called them a 
" sorry lot " — Weinland very soon discovered that 
he had undertaken a hard task. At the very 
outset, however, he had a pleasant surprise. At 
that time the most important Indian in the village 
was a certain Captain John Morongo ; this man met 
Weinland at the Railway Station at Banning ; and 
forthwith Morongo informed Weinland that if the 
missionary desired to purchase land, he would secure 
the goodwill of his people. " We all want you at 
Potrero," he said. " If you will settle here, I will get 
the consent of the tribe. You will, I fear, find us 
old folk a hard nut to crack ; but perhaps you'll 
be able to make something of the young ones." 
With the consent of the Indians, therefore, Weinland 
bought five acres ; the Women's National Indians' 
Association provided the promised money for the 
school and church ; and a year later the whole 
station became Moravian property. Potrero is 2,000 
feet above sea-level, and is on the southern slope 
of ^It. Graybok. The site is between two mountain 
ranges. On the north side stretch the St. Bernardino 
Hills ; on the south the St. Jacinto Hills ; and the 
district to the east is called the Colorado desert. 
In due time two more stations were founded, Martinez 
(1896) a little to the north-west of Dry Salt Lake, 

410 A History of Moravian Missions. 

and Rincon (1902) some miles further south ; and 
La Jollaf and Pechanga, between these last two, 
were preaching places. In the numerical sense this 
Mission might be called disappointing. At the close 
of twenty-three years of labour the total number of 
communicant members was only 104 ; the number 
of Sunday scholars was only 180 ; and the average 
attendance at the four places of worship was only 41. 
But the real value of this Mission cannot be judged by 
statistics. In addition to their work as preachers of 
the Gospel, William Weinland and his colleagues 
have had several difficult problems to solve ; they 
have acted, not merely as preachers, but as resolute 
social reformers ; and the value of their work must be 
judged, not merely by the number of converts they 
have gained, but by their success in improving the 
conditions of Indian life. Let us now study the five 
great problems with which these missionaries have had 
to deal. 

1. The Land Problem. This problem was really 
due to the unsatisfactory American system of land 
tenure. According to that system the Indians 
lived on so many Indian Reservations. In each case 
the land was granted by the Government, not to an 
individual, but to a tribe ; this tribe, in turn, sublet 
allotments to farmers ; and each farmer, in theory, 
was entitled to so many acres. If he was married, he 
was entitled to twenty ; if he was single, he had only 
ten ; and the under-lying principle was that, in either 
case, the Indian, having security of property, would 
cease to be an idle vagabond and become an 
industrious farmer. As long as he paid his rent, it 
was said, he could not be legally dispossessed. First, 
the Government guaranteed land to the tribe ; then 
the tribe guaranteed land to the farmer ; and thus, in 

fPronounced " La Hoya." 

California, or the Ramona Mission. 411 

theory, the system was ideal. But Weinland very 
soon made some strange discoveries. At the time 
of his arrival the land laws of California were still 
in such a state of confusion, that Weinland could not 
feel sure that the Moravian Church owned its own 
property,"!" and eighteen so-called Indian Reservations 
had not yet been confirmed by Congress. But the 
chief cause of trouble was the Reservation system 
itself. The mode of land tenure in California was 
similar to that in Indian Territory, and it led to 
exactly the same results. As long as the farmer 
rented his land from a tribe, he had no security of 
tenure ; the Indians themselves saw where the fault 
lay, and were constantly holding meetings on the 
land question ; and most of the Indians, so far from 
being good farmers, roamed the land like tramps, 
ate like dogs from stone plates, drank to excess and 
allowed their children to run about half naked in 
winter and stark naked in summer. " The Reserva- 
tion System," said Weinland, " must go. If the 
Indian is to make a good farmer, he must not be under 
the control of the tribe ; he must have a Government 
trust-deed ; and, if he proves himself worthy, he 
must be allowed to become a freeholder." For 
twenty-three years (1890-1913) Weinland agitated 
in vain ; and in 1913 he said, " There is no positive 
guarantee that an Indian, after improving a piece of 
land, will ever own it." At last he saw a faint gleam 
of hope. In November, 1913, he was summoned to 

fThe process of making the Moravian property secure took twenty- 
seven years to accomplish. The chief steps were as follows : — 
(a) Law passed (1887) that, with the consent of the 
Secretary of the Interior, a missionary society may 
occupy 100 acres. 
(6) The Attorney General declares (1890) that no society 
may occupy land without the consent of the Indians. 

(c) Martinez (1903) declared an Indian Reservation. 

(d) A missionary society may hold land in fee simple (1909). 
(e.) The Moravian Church granted full patent rights in her 

property (1914). 

412 A History of Moravian Missions. 

appear before the Indian Committee of Congress at 
Los Angeles, there he was cross-examined for an 
hour ; and next month a Bill was introduced whereby 
land might be " pro-rated " to individual Indians. 
But once more Weinland was doomed to disappoint- 
ment ; all kinds of official delays occurred ; and Wein- 
land's last report was that no practical steps had yet 
been taken. f 

But Weinland was not content with mere agitation. 
With the aid of borrowed money, he and his colleagues 
let fruit-farms to the Indians, both at Potrero and 
Martinez. In each case the Indians promptly repaid 
the loan ; Indian fruit-farming became a flourishing 
business ; and thus Weinland proved that, given his 
chance, the Indian can become both industrious and 

Thirdly, at the request of the missionaries, the 
Government sank several artesian wells. In 1890 
Martinez was a desert ; in 1914 it was producing 
alfalfa and melons ; and the Indians now lived in 
better cottages and enjoyed better health. 

2. The Drink Problem. This problem was 
closely connected with the land problem. As long 
as the Indians had no securitj'^ of tenure, they were 
naturally tempted to neglect their farms and earn 
good wages by working for the whites ; and although 
by law no licensed victualler was allowed to sell 
drink to Indians, so much whisky was smuggled in 
that the law was often a dead letter. The so-called 
annual " Indian Fair " was also a source of trouble. 
As this institution was sanctioned by the Government, 
the Indians argued that it must be respectable ; 
and yet it was really the occasion of much horse- 
racing, gambling, and all-night dancing. In order 
to overcome these evils Weinland gave a series of 

fSee " Periodical Accounts," September, 1915. 

California, or the Ramoxa Mission. 413 

lectures on temperance, shewed the evils of drink by 
means of a lantern, and persuaded many of the 
hardest drinkers to take the pledge. In 1891 he had 
often to stop drunken brawls in the village ; in 
1895 he reported that no more drunkards were left 
at Potrero ; and in 1913 nearly all his people there 
were abstainers. 

3. The School Problem. The case of California 
is almost unique. In California the education of 
Indian children is entirely in the hands of the Govern- 
ment. On the Indian Reservations the Government 
opened day-schools ; for older children there were 
also Government boarding-schools at Banning and 
Riverside ; and the consequence of tliis arrange- 
ment has been that, while the missionaries can teach 
the children on Sundays, they have little influence 
over them during the week. For ten months each 
year the older children are all away at boarding- 
schools. In the reports from California, therefore, 
no day-schools are mentioned, and the only educa- 
tional privilege granted the Brethren was that 
Weinland was allowed to visit the boarding-schools 
and give the Moravian pupils Bible instruction. 

4. The Medical Problem. The most common 
disease among the Indians was tuberculosis. In 
order to teach the people good habits, the Govern- 
ment appointed matrons ; but the real difficulty 
in the matter was that the Indians, being regarded 
as " wards " of the Government, could not be 
admitted to the public hospitals. Why, then, it 
might be asked, did not the Moravian Church build 
a hospital ? Because there was no money for the 

5. The Religious Problem. According to three 
missionaries in California — William Weinland, David 
Woosley, and C. Delbo — the chief opposition to 

414 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Moravian work has sprung from the Church of Rome. 
For some years the Church of Rome had neglected the 
Indians ; now they renewed their activities ; and, 
not content with legitimate methods — not content, 
i.e., to build chapels, to preach, and to visit — they 
resorted to other methods unworthy of Christians : — 

(a) First, they employed falsehood and violence. 
At the very outset of the Moravian cam- 
paign the local Catholic priest informed the 
Indians that the Bible used by Protestants 
was written by Martin Luther, that Luther 
had committed suicide, and that all 
who attended the Moravian Church would 
go to purgatory. One Roman Catholic 
Indian shot at Weinland ; other Indians, 
incited by a priest, stole into Captain 
Morongo's house, and smeared his meat 
and potatoes with strychnine ; and when 
a Moravian convert died of pneumonia a 
priest said that all who attended the 
Moravian Church would suffer the same fate. 
{h) The second method was the use of Govern- 
ment officials. At one time, e.g., Superin- 
tendent Sullivan, instigated by Catholics, 
actually asked the Indian Office to expel 
Weinland from Cahfornia (1912) ; and, 
when his request was refused, he suggested 
that the Moravians at Potrero should be 
allowed to own only the land covered by 
the Mission buildings. 

In California, therefore, the success of the Moravian 
work depends largely on the personal character of 
the local government official. If he is a fair-minded 
man, the missionaries can pursue their work in peace ; 
if he is a religious bigot, difficulties are placed in 
their way ; and the Roman Catholics constantly 

California, or the Ramona Mission. 415 

endeavour to have as many Roman Catholic officials 
appointed as possible. Thus, e.g., in 1912, the 
missionaries could make little progress. At Rincon 
the sub-agent Avas a Roman Catholic ; at La Jolla 
the Government day-school teacher was a Roman 
Catholic ; and such officials took care to inform the 
Indians that if they attended the Moravian Church 
they had less chance of obtaining certain privileges 
from the Government. To be a Roman Catholic 
was to be favoured by officials ; to be a Protestant 
was to be insulted. Above all, declared Weinland, 
the priests pandered to the popular love of sinful 
pleasure. Weinland would not allow his converts to 
attend the Indian " fiestas " or festivals ; the priests 
encouraged these festivals and claimed to give them 
a religious flavour ; and Weinland conscientiously 
believed that the priests gained more converts 
than he did — not because they w^ere more efficient 
or devoted, but because they placed before the people 
a lower moral ideal. 

" Is it warm in California ? " said a friend to 

" No," said Weinland, " it is hot." 

And those words were true of more than the 

Chapter VIII. 


1. The Strange Approach. 

Once more we have a fine example of co-operation 
between two Churches. For some years the 
Presbyterians of Victoria impressed by 
Hagenauer's work at Ramahyuck, had been taking 
an increasing interest in Foreign Missions ; in 1887 
Hagenauer himself visited the north-east coast of 
Queensland ; soon afterwards, at Sydney, he 
addressed the Synod of the United Presbyterian 
Church of Australia ; and finally, in 1890, A. Hardie, 
the Moderator, writing to the Moravian Mission 
Board, promised that if the Moravians would find the 
men the Presbyterians would find the bulk of the 
money. To this arrangement the Mission Board 
agreed ; two men, James Ward and Nicholas Hey, 
were appointed ; and landing at Melbourne, July, 
1890, the two pioneers were greeted by old Hagenauer 
on the quay. 
1890 But now the two pioneers had a painful surprise. 

For six months they were engaged in dealing with 
various forms of opposition. In spite of Hagenauer's 
success at Ramahyuck, there still existed among the 
laity a feeling that the Papus were hopeless. Accord- 
ing to popular rumour they were cannibals ; recently 
some of them had eaten two white men ; and 
Hagenauer himself had boldly stated that, on 
the whole, the Papus of North Queensland 
were even more degraded than those of Victoria. 
In the towns they slouched in rags and tatters, 
begging, drinking, and smoking ; in their own homes 
they practised communism, not only in matters 
of property, but also in marriage matters ; and fights 



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XoRTH Queensland. 417 

between Papus and whites had long been a common 
occurrence. For these sanguinary fights, however, 
certain white traders were really responsible. With 
revolvers in their hands, traders had often pillaged 
Papu camps ; in revenge the Papus had used their 
spears ; and thus the Papus had obtained a reputa- 
tion worse than they deserved. The result was 
deplorable. At nearly every town they visited 
Ward and Hey had a mixed reception. At Mel- 
bo\irne, it is true. Canon Chase encouraged them, 
and gave them a first-class pass on the railway ; 
but on their journey northwards, they met with 
many discouragements. At Sydney only the 
children showed much interest, and at Brisbane, in 
North Queensland, they made the painful discovery 
that, while the Premier, Sir Samuel Griffith, gave 
them a kindly welcome, most of the regular church- 
goers regarded them as milksops. At that time the 
prevailing opinion in North Queensland was that if 
a minister came from the old country, he was almost 
certain to be a worthless character. If he was 
English, he was a fool ; if he was Irish, he was a 
freak ; and one minister, speaking to Ward, stated 
the case quite bluntly : " I tell you what it is, Mr. 
Ward," he said, " people in Queensland have so 
often been taken in with ministers from the old 
country, it's no wonder they are somewhat dis- 
trustful of newcomers of whom they know nothing. 
If you prove yourself a decent sort of fellow, you will 
gain support. If not, you won't. That's all." The 
Hon. Horace Tozer, Home Secretary for Public W^orks, 
gave Ward some more plain speech. He informed 
him that while the Queensland Government would, 
for a brief period, provide the natives with food, 
none of that food must be consumed by the 
missionaries ; and Ward, wondering why such a 
warning was needed, had the wisdom to hold his 


418 A History of Moravian Missions. 

peace. The amount of pessimism in Queensland 
was enormous. The nearer the Brethren approached 
their destination, the more critical and scornful 
everybody seemed. At Townsville a candid host 
informed them that he had prepared to receive a 
couple of fossils ; at Cooktown another, equally 
candid, said that he had expected idiots ; and 
others warned them that the enterprise was hope- 
less. " You are fools," they said, " you don't 
know these blacks ; they are treacherous and 
malicious ; they are cannibals, and will probably 
kill and eat you ; and, even if they don't, you 
needn't imagine that you'll make them Christians. 
The fact is, they are not fit to live, and ought to be 
killed off." 

Meanwhile, however, there M'as a bright side 
to the picture. Amid these warnings and fore- 
bodings, the Hon. John Douglas, Governor 
Resident, A. Hardie, and S. Robinson had dis- 
covered a site for the first Mission Station, named 
Mapoon, near the mouth of the Batavia River ; 
soon afterwards Ward, Mrs. Ward, and Hey arrived 
at Thursday Island ; and there, in his own home, 
the Hon. John Douglas expounded his plan of 
campaign. For the voyage to Mapoon, he said, he 
had two vessels ready. In the first, the Albatross, 
Ward and Hey, guarded by troopers, would sail ; 
in the second, the Dickie, four carpenters would 
bring the building materials ; and, Mrs. Ward being 
somewhat ill, the arrangement was that while Hey 
stayed at Mapoon to build the house. Ward, after 
inspecting the site, should return to Thursday 
Island to fetch his wife. In vain both Ward and 
Hey protested against the presence of troopers. 
The Governor was adamant ; the Brethren yielded 
the point ; and many friends applauded their 
decision. " You can never trust these rascals," 

North Queensland. 419 

they said. " You had better look out. If needful, 
shoot them. Above all, never let a black get behind 

The foregoing arrangements were soon carried into Nov. 26th, 
effect. As soon as the Albatross reached her destina- 1890 
tion, the Captain, Brethren, and troopers stepped 
ashore ; on the beach stood a great crowd of Papus ; 
and the Captain, addressing a man named Bos'n, 
who had kept his two front upper teeth, opened 

*' Where do you belong ? " said the Captain. 

" Me belong here," said Bos'n. 

" But why have you kept your front teeth ? " 

" He no like it," said another Papu, " and dat no 

To James Ward this last speech was a star of hope. 
If a Papu could think for himself, he might be 
induced to listen to the Gospel. For two and a half 
hours the visitors inspected the site ; three days 
later Ward, on the Albatross, returned to Thursday 
Island ; and now with the Captain and the four 
carpenters, Nicholas Hey was left among the wild 
Papus. For three weeks he was busy as architect 
and builder ; and, during those three weeks, he won 
the hearts of the natives. With his strong right 
arm, he felled the trees ; with his own hands he 
cooked his own meals ; and, boldly leaving his 
rifle behind, he visited the native camp. On the 
natives his conduct acted like magic. For the first 
time in their experience they beheld a white 
man without a weapon in his hand ; kind words, 
instead of curses, now delighted their ears ; and Hey, 
to their amazement, dressed a boy's wounded foot, 
clad an orphan in trousers, and gave presents to the 
children. Forthwith the Papus showed signs of 
gratitude. Each morning they gathered round him 
to hear him read the Texts ; some, with officious 

420 A History of Moravian Missions. 

zeal, picked insects off his skin ; and others, in 
return for meal and tobacco, helped him to build 
the Mission-house. 

Meanwhile, his personal sufferings were intense. 
For ten days he lived on nothing but damper.^ 
For ten nights he had not a second of sleep, and one 
day he made the dreadful discovery that his drinking- 
water came from the bathing-pool. At night his 
mind was torn between faith and fear. On the bed 
beside him in the hut lay Ford, the policeman ; 
between the two men lay two loaded rifles ; and Hey, 
peering through a crevice, could see the natives 
dancing round their camp-fire. Among those natives 
were some who had eaten whites, and Hey wondered 
how soon his own turn would come. 

At the end of three weeks, however. Hey had the 
Mission-house nearly ready ; on December 20th, 
Mr. and Mrs. Ward arrived on the scene ; and Mrs. 
Ward, writing to a friend in England, recorded her 
first impressions of the natives. " I wish," she 
said, " you could see the people as I saw them on 
the day of my arrival. There were about eighty 
women and girls sitting in a semi-circle ; most of them 
quite without clothing ; others with a piece of 
calico tied round their loins. Such a spectacle ! 
Many of them full of sores, one old woman blind, one 
with cancer. My dear old friend, I cannot tell you 
how miserable I felt. I would have given anything to 
be in Europe again. I felt I had no love for these 
people, and I could never work among them." 

2. The First Year. 1891. ^1 

1891 ^^^ about a year after their arrival at Mapoon, * 

Ward and Hey were employed, partly in tilling the 

IThis was his own fault, it might be aaid. He refused to open 
the boxes. Why ? Because, I presume he was over-scrupulous, 
and did not wish to use food designed partly for his colleagues. 
This, however, is only my conjecture. 

North Queensland. 421 

soil, partly in stud}'ing the people, and partly in 
teaching law and order ; and thereby they took 
the first steps towards turning a native camp into a 
Christian village. 

(a) At first the agricultural prospects were not 
encouraging. For two and a half miles between river 
and sea there ran a flat sandy beach. At the north 
end was Cullen Point ; at the south end there 
was a screen of mangroves ; to the west lay a few- 
sandy ridges ; and the whole place seemed more 
suited for a golf-course than for a Mission-station. 
For their own special needs, however, the Brethren 
had been granted two acres of land ; and these two 
acres they soon turned into a garden. They enclosed 
the land with a paling ; they built a bridge over the 
water-course ; they laid out garden-beds, bordered 
by paths ; they planted bananas, potatoes, shrubs, 
limes, and cocoa-nut trees ; they opened a dairy- 
farm ; and they even tried, with varying success, 
to grow cabbages and pumpkins beneath the raised 
floor of the Mission-house. In all this work the 
natives were asked to assist, and the Brethren 
soon arranged a daily programme. At seven the 
missionaries breakfasted in the Mission-house ; then 
a loud bell was rung ; and every morning Ward or 
Hey conducted family prayers in the open air. 
For the next two and a half hours, i.e., 7.80 a.m. to 
10 a.m., the men, under Hey as foreman, were 
engaged in useful labour ; \Vard taught boys on the 
verandah steps ; and Mrs. Ward taught the girls to 
sew, and cooked both for the Brethren and for the 
workmen. At ten the men had dinner ; in the after- 
noon they resumed their labours ; and at half-past five, 
after tea, they were paid and returned to the camp. 
If ever men were kindly treated, it was surely those 
Papu labourers at Mapoon. They worked five hours 
a day ; they received not only their pay, but two good 

422 A History of Moravian Missions. 

meals ; they all enjoyed a quiet smoke after dinner ; 
and they had their evenings to themselves. In 
spite, however, of the Brethren's kindness, most of 
the men were both ungrateful and deceitful. The 
milkman watered the milk ; the labourers grumbled, 
and asked for three meals a day ; and all, young and 
old alike, were constantly cheating each other. 
Sometimes the Brethren distributed fish, and then 
the amount of cheating was enormous. With an 
innocent smile upon his face, a native snatched up 
a fish with his foot and hid it behind his back ; 
another deftly buried his fish in the sand ; and a 
third sat on his fish and asked for more. In addition 
to these troubles, the Brethren suffered much from 
tropical pests. On one occasion a snake devoured 
ten chickens ; ticks attacked the cows ; dingoes 
ravaged the hen-roost ; and the bull perished un- 
timely. At this last disaster James Ward humbly 
contrasted himself with the prophet Habakkuk. 
" Though there shall be no herd in the stalls," said the 
prophet (Hab. iii., 17, 18), " yet I will rejoice in the 
Lord." To such heights Ward did not claim to rise. 
" I could not," he confessed, " joy on that occasion." 

(b) In medical matters the Brethren could do 
very little. They used a few simple remedies, dressed 
wounds, tried to teach common-sense, and studied 
some of the native superstitions. One evening 
James Ward watched the people dealing with a man 
who had fallen from a tree. The man's mother tied 
a rope round his body and worked the loose end to 
and fro in her mouth. 

" What is she doing that for ? " asked Ward. 

" She is sucking the blood out of his body," said 
the man's relatives, *' in a few minutes it will run 
along the rope." 

" Impossible," retorted Ward, " no blood can come 
unless you make a wound." 

North Queensland. 428 

" You are wrong," said the man's brother. " Just 
you watch. She will soon spit blood." 

"Yes," said Ward, "but that will be her ovm. 
blood." The result can be imagined. Next morning 
the triumphant natives showed Ward a pool of 
blood on the ground ; the patient, however, showed no 
signs of improvement ; and the experts explained the 
failure by saying that his spirit was roaming the woods. 

(c) Laiv and Order. Let one example suffice. 
For sheer mystery and complication James Ward 
had never read anything to compare with a curious 
incident which occurred at Mapoon ; the characters 
in the story were six in number ; and these six — four 
men, Cook, Pumpkin, Dungeon, and Charlie Manners, 
and two women. Cook's sister and Pumpkin's 
sister — behaved in a manner which, while it threw 
some light on native customs, drove Ward to 
the verge of distraction. First, without Ward's 
knowledge. Dungeon married Miss Pumpkin ; 
then, also without Ward's knowledge. Manners 
married ISIiss Cook ; then Mrs. Dungeon fell in love 
with Cook ; and then Dungeon, in a fit of jealousy, 
stabbed Cook in the back. The situation soon led to 
strange complications. One morning, on the verandah 
steps, James Ward beheld a marvellous scene. 
There, before him, stood the wounded Cook ; there 
stood Mrs. Dungeon, clinging to her new lover ; 
there also stood Dungeon, trying to pull his wife off ; 
and there, behind, stood a crowd of Papus appealing 
to Ward to settle the dispute. To Ward, of course, 
the case seemed simple enough. For anything he 
knew to the contrary Mrs. Dungeon was still single ; 
Cook and she seemed devoted to each other ; and 
acting on this assumption, he ordered Dungeon 
to let the two go in peace. ^. ^^ ^ 

" Are you willing," said he to Pumpkin, " to give 
your sister to Cook ? " 


424 A History of Moravian Missions. 

" Yes," said Pumpkin. 

" Will the law allow you to give your sister to 
Cook ? " 

" Yes," said Pumpkin. 

At this interesting point, however, just when 
Ward thought the matter was amicably settled, 
two other men stepped forward and shouted, " Cook 
pay ! Cook pay ! " dragged Pumpkin over to Cook's 
sister, and then brought both Pumpkin and the 
girl to Ward. For the first time Ward was genuinely 

" What has this fresh girl to do with the business ? " 
he asked. 

" She Cook's sister." they shouted. " Cook pay 
Pumpkin, for sister belong to him." 

For a moment Ward imagined he had found the 
solution. P^ach of the lovers, Cook and Pumpkin, 
had a sister ; each wanted a wife ; and the obvious 
idea Avas that if Cook would give his sister to 
Pumpkin, Pumpkin in return would give his sister 
to Cook. At this point, however. Ward made a 
baffling discovery ; each of the girls, he found, was 
married already ; and, therefore, he now declared 
that neither girl could marry her new lover. Each 
must remain true to her husband, and there the 
matter must end. 

" How can the girls be sold ? " he asked, " they 
both belong already to some one else." 

" But that doesn't matter," retorted the Papus. 

" Well," said Ward, " me no savvy your law. 
Me glad when you savvy Jesus Christ, then you no 
do such things." 

The dispute had a strange conclusion. According 
to Papu law a man could sell his sister in marriage 
even if she was married already, and that was how 
this problem was solved. Each of the husbands 
had to part from his wife ; each new lover married 

North Queensland. 425 

the other's sister ; and each couple, to escape 
reprisals, went off on a long honeymoon. 

{d) Tlie First Gospel Lessons. As teachers of 
children need to know child psychology, so preachers 
to the heathen need to know heathen psychology ; 
and, acting on this scientific principle, both Ward 
and Hey adapted their methods to the ideas of the 
natives. According to the Papus of North Queens- 
land, the chief seat of intelligence was the ear. 
Clever men they called ear-good ; stupid men they 
called ear-bad, and, therefore, to the ear the 
missionaries made their first appeal. Instead of 
teaching systematic doctrine, they took certain 
simple sentences, such as, " Jesus loves me " ; re- 
peated each sentence hundreds of times ; and, 
using Sankey's " Sacred Songs and Solos," sang 
the most popular hymns again and again. 

The second way to the soul, said the natives, was 
the eye. By means of pictures, therefore, the 
missionaries taught the Papus the story of Christ. In 
one book they had pictures of the Crucified and 
Risen Christ ; in another there was a good heart 
and a bad heart ; and the natives were told that 
Christ had come to take the bad heart away and 
put the good one in its place. For some months 
the Brethren had little idea how far this teaching 
was understood. Did the natives know what was 
meant by the terms "good" and "bad"? Both 
the good and the bad, they said, vanished, after 
death, among the bushes ; and one common idea seems 
to have been that while the men were immortal 
and had their souls carried away by angels disguised 
as blackbirds, the women, being inferior creatures, 
lived and died like dogs. But what the natives 
meant by " good " and " bad " was not yet quite 
clear. On the lives of the people generally the 
Gospel had, as yet, but little effect. Night after 

426 A History of Moravian Missions. 

night the camp was still a cock-pit ; night after night 
Ward and Hey rushed among the flying spears ; 
and Mrs. Ward, alone in the Mission-house, trembled 
for the result. No one, she said, would wilfully 
hurt the missionaries ; the real danger was death 
by accident ; and that danger was hardly ever 
absent. In the schoolroom itself, however, shone 
faint gleams of hope. Good scholars earned a few 
rewards ; on Sundays, after the Church was opened, 
the people listened quietly ; and one boy delighted 
the Brethren by calhng Mrs. Ward " Mother." 
At the close, therefore, of 1891, the missionaries 
had made some definite progress. They had taught 
some of the men to be industrious ; they had won the 
esteem of all by tending the sick ; they had learned 
the natives' ideas on marriage ; and, in a few cases, 
they had taught the young to think about Christ. 

8. The Fight with the Traders, 1893-4. 

For many years the west coast of North Queensland 
had been the scene of a flourishing pearl industry ; 
on the pearl-luggers many Papus were employed ; 
and the controversy between the Brethren and the 
traders arose, not because the Brethren objected 
to the trade, which came later under Government 
supervision, but because many of the captains, by 
their wicked personal example, ruined the morals 
of the natives. On the economic side the trade 
conditions were excellent. No Papu was enlisted 
against his will. Each recruit had his name 
enrolled in the Government books on Thursday 
Island ; on the luggers the food was good, and the 
pay 10s. a month ; no Papu could be enlisted for 
more than six months at a time ; and in many cases 
he returned to the camp arrayed in a new suit 
of clothes. On the moral side, however, conditions 
were bad. According to the evidence of James Ward, 

North Queensland. 427 

who was incapable of telling a falsehood, most of the 
captains of the pearl-luggers were men of low moral 
character. With a few exceptions, they openly- 
scoffed at rehgion ; some kept drinking saloons and 
gambling dens ; and some, on their regular visits 
to Mapoon, seduced the women and encouraged them 
to sell their bodies for tobacco. The result 
was disgraceful. At the time when Ward and Hey 
arrived, Mapoon had already become a Sodom 
of iniquity. Each time captains called for recruits, 
scenes of debauchery were witnessed. To Ward and 
Hey only one course was left open. For the sake of 
the people's morals, they endeavoured, as far as 
possible, to find them better employment in the 
village ; some of the captains regarded this as an 
act of open hostility ; and forthwith they resolved 
on vengeance. On the Jardine and Ducie Rivers 
certain Papus had recently committed murder ; 
in each case, said certain captains. Ward and Hey 
had inspired the crime ; and those captains even 
appeared at Thursday Island and gave official in- 
formation to that effect. The story soon appeared in 
some of the papers. For some party political reason 
the Editor of the Torres Straits Pilot was opposed to 
the Hon. John Douglas ; now he openly criticised 
him for supporting the Mission ; and, further, he 
even made the outrageous assertion that Ward and 
Hey were personally responsible, not only for the 
recent murders, but for all the murders committed 
by Papus during the lat»t two years. For some 
weeks Ward and Hey were in bad odour. Instead 
of teaching the Papus to be law abiding, they, it was 
said in some papers, had incited them to rebellion ; 
and some of the clergy, believing this absurd 
tale, denounced the innocent Brethren from their 
pulpits. But Ward and Hey soon proved their 
innocence. At Hey's request, the Hon, John 

428 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Douglas held an official inquiry ; the captains' 
accusations were proved to be false ; and the Editor 
of the Torres Straits Pilot made atonement for his 
transgressions by describing the Brethren as model 
Jan. 19th, But the Brethren soon gained far more than a 
1894 formal victory. At the very time when the general 
public were discussing the conduct and character of 
the missionaries, the Kanahooka, a small steamer, 
foundered in the Gulf of Carpentaria. Among the 
survivors were two English officers, Priestley and 
Bradley. I With the aid of some Papus from Mapoon, 
Priestley and one of his friends made their way to the 
Mission Station. There the missionaries dressed 
their wounds and gave them high tea ; the station 
boat Avas sent to fetch the other survivors ; and 
Bradley, filled with gratitude, exclaimed, "This is the 
happiest day of my life. Come, boys, let us have a 
word of prayer." During the next few weeks, Priestley 
and Bradley, wherever they went, sang the Brethren's 
praises ; public opinion turned in their favour ; 
and now, taking the tide at the flood, James Ward 
set off on a tour to collect money for a second station. 
At Brisbane he interviewed the Mission Committee ; 
at Melbourne he addressed the Ormond College 
Missionary Society ; and at Adelaide he addressed 
the first meeting of the South Australian Women's 
Missionary Association. His mode of appealing for 
money was frank and abrupt. " If you love me," 
he said, " down with the money." By this time he 
had become a popular man ; everywhere the people 
received him with favour ; and, hoping that soon a 
new station would be built, he returned to Mapoon. 
For the projected second station there was now 
more pressing need than ever. At Mapoon affairs 

fFor details of the survivors' adventures, see Bishop Arthur 
Ward's " Miracle of Mapoon." 

North Queensland. 429 

had come to a crisis. Sea captains constantly came 
to the camp ; Papu men sold their wives for 
tobacco ; and both Ward and Hey perceived that, 
unless the nati^ cs could be removed from temptation, 
all attempts to uplift them would be useless. In 
spite of his apparent failure to gain converts, 
James Ward was still optimistic ; somehow, he 
declared, all things would work together for good ; 
and sitting down at his harmonium, he drew comfort 
from the lines : — 

Oh ! Rest in the Lord and wait. Brother, 
Though clouds obscure thy way ; 

All things for good are working together, 
Oh ! Rest and wait and pray. 

4. The Valley of Death. 
(December 15th, 1894— January 3rd, 1895.) 

As James Ward was returning to Mapoon from a 
voyage up the Batavia River — undertaken for the 
purpose of finding a suitable site for the new station — 
he was so overcome by fatigue and thirst that, 
forgetting his usual caution, he ventured to drink 
some water from a brook ; nine days later, i.e., 
on Christmas Eve, he showed symptoms of fever, 
and on Christmas Day he was so ill that Hey 
suggested that the usual Christmas festivities should 
be postponed. But to this course James Ward 

" I cannot bear to see the children disappointed," 
he said, " and it may be a long while before I am 

Once more, therefore, as in previous years, the 
little church was adorned with red and blue lights ; 
once more the Christmas Tree was loaded ; once more 
the Papus received their Christmas presents. For 
another week James Ward lay very quiet ; Hey said 

480 A History of Moravian Missions. 

that he looked Hke one transfigured ; and though 
one day he asked for his cheque-book, and said that 
he must pay all outstanding accounts, yet, at other 
times, he seemed to hope that he had still a great 
work to do on earth. At prayers, each evening, 
he chose the hymn himself. One evening, remember- 
ing the season, he selected " Who is He in yonder 
stall ? " ; a little later he asked for " Art thou 
weary ? " ; and then, still later, he asked for " Peace, 
perfect peace." One day, so he told the others, he 
had heard the angels in heaven sing. " Weep not 
for me," he said to his wife, " it hurts me. If I am 
taken, the Lord will be your husband." 

On New Year's Eve James Ward was in a high 
fever ; Mrs. Ward had broken down and could no 
longer be with her husband ; and Hey, sitting by 
his dying friend's bedside, and realizing, to some 
extent, how intensely he suffered in body and 
soul, tried to soothe him with words of comfort. 
With a cry of agony, James Ward rose from his bed. 
" My God ! my God ! " he cried, " I'm in hell." 
For several hours that dreadful night, James Ward 
wrestled with God in prayer ; in the morning he 
seemed calmer, and Hey read him a short passage 
out of the "Life of David Livingstone"; and Ward 
himself, with due reverence, described his terrible 
experience as his Gethsemane. " And yet," he 
added, " it was nothing compared with what Christ 
suffered for me." 

The last hours of James Ward were now at hand. 
On New Year's Day he lay unconscious ; on the 
following evening he asked permission to say good- 
bye to the Papus ; and, addressing the women, he 
preached a beautiful sermon on the Good Shepherd. 
" Do you remember that picture in the Church," 
he said, " of the Good Shepherd carrying a lamb in 
His arms ? That is how I feel now. I am tired and 


North Queensland. 481 

weak as a child. I have asked the Good Shepherd 
to take me, and now He will lift me in His arms and 
carry me home." 

In spite, however, of his trust in God, James 
Ward had still a great load on his mind. With God's 
dealing with him he was more than satisfied ; with 
his o^Ti work for God he was profoundly dis- 
satisfied ; and now he bitterly reproached himself 
because he had not lived in the Papu camp. " I 
ought not," he said, " to have lived in the 
Mission-house at all. I ought to have lived 
in the camp among the Papus." For that 
sin of neglect, he said, he must now make full 

" Let me go," he cried, "once more to the 

With those words James Ward rose from his bed ; 
Hey, assisted by six Papus, could scarcely hold him 
down ; and the struggle lasted till the morning Jan. 3rd, 
dawned. As soon as Ward was quiet again, Hey 1335 
dismissed the Papus ; Mrs. Hey and Mrs. Ward now 
entered the room ; and Ward, after greeting his wife 
with a smile and saying a bright " Good morning," 
noticed that the Papus had disappeared. To him 
the natives had always been children, and children 
they were to the end. 

"The piccaninnies are gone," he said, "I must 

Thus, thinking of his spiritual children, James 
Ward passed away. 

For six months the work at Mapoon remained 
at a standstill. Both Mrs. Ward and the Heys were 
now dangerously ill ; all three had to leave for a 
needed rest ; and what the future might have 
in store Hey was unable to say. " But, one thing," 
he bravely remarked, " is clear ; whether we live or 
die we are in God's hands." 

432 A History of Moravian Missions. 

5. The Resurrection, 1895 — 1914. 

As soon as Mr. and Mrs. Hey had completely 
June, recovered their health, they returned to Mapoon ; three 
1895 months later Mrs. Ward also arrived ; and so delighted 
were the Papus to see her, that, donning their best 
clothes, they waded out to the ship, greeted her joyfully 
as " Mother," and carried her ashore in a chair. I 
Let us now make a careful study of Hey's missionary 
methods. He was one of the greatest missionaries 
of modern times. First we note his relations with the 
Government ; secondly, his social and religious work 
at Mapoon ; and thirdly, his attempt to extend the 

1. In order to protect the natives from tempta- 
tion, Hey now made the bold and wise suggestion that 
the district between Mapoon and Duyfhen Point 
should be marked off as a Native Reserve. To this 
suggestion the Government agreed ; Hey himself 
had certain official powers ; and two years later, 
aided by Sir Horace Tozer, the Premier, he succeeded 
in having a law passed whereby the enlistment of 
natives on the pearl-luggers was prohibited. By 
means of these two strokes Hey became master of the 
situation. No one but missionaries and Papus might 
now live on the Reserve ; and no sea-captains could 
any longer corrupt the morals of the natives. At the 
same time the Government also took measures to 
make sure that Hey did his work properly. For this 
purpose Dr. Roth, the new " Protector of the 
Aborigines" for North Queensland, visited the station 
once a year ; and, speaking in the name of the 
Government, he promised that he would befriend the 
Mission on condition that each year he saw some 
improvement in the premises. The new arrangement 

■fMrs. Hey and Mrs. Ward are Histors ; daughters of an Irish 
farmer at Derryamish, in Co. Antrim. 


North Queensland. 488 

became a brilliant success. From the very 
outset, Hey had the Bible taught in the day-school ; 
year after year Dr. Roth could send in a good report ; 
and Hey now felt that, in all his labours, he had the 
full support of the Government. 

(2) As soon as he had sufficient money in hand, 
Hey, assisted by the Papus, built a beautiful " Ward ISSB"? 
Memorial Church"; that Church became the centre, 
not only of the religious, but also of the social, life 
of the village ; and Hey, acting both as magistrate 
and preacher, issued a number of rules and regula- 
tions. For some offences the people had to pay a 
small fine ; for others he made them chop wood ; 
and for serious crimes, such as theft on the luggers, 
they had to report themselves at Thursday Island, t 
His mode of attacking bad customs showed great 
common sense. " It is useless," he said, " abolishing 
a bad custom, unless you put a good one in its place." 
In order, for example, to abolish the custom of 
leaving dead bodies out to dry, Hey conducted a 
funeral service himself ; little girls, carrv-ing flags, 
took part in the procession ; and all the rest were so 
anxious to share the honour that henceforward they 
buried their dead in a more sanitary manner. By a 
stroke of genius he also abolished polygamy. One 
Sunday, Jimmy, a married convert, announced that 
he would take a second wife. At the Sunday morning 
service, Jimmy himself was present ; Hey, instead 
of preaching a sermon, informed the people of the 
scandal, and asked them to pray the devil out of 
Mapoon ; and so earnest were the prayers that Jimmy 
remained a faithful husband. 

Again, Hey a great organizer of labour. In 
spite of the people's communistic theories, he soon 
taught them the value of private property ; and yet 

fThe enlistment of natives on the luggera wa« not abolished till 



434 A History of Moravian Missions. 

he did not make the mistake of condemning their 
ideas altogether. His system may be described as 
a compromise. He began with the pearl industry. 
Each native employed on a lugger received, as before, 
a fixed sum per month. But now Hey introduced 
a remarkable change. Formerly, the native received 
his whole wage direct ; now one half was paid to 
the station, and was spent in providing goods for a 
General Store ; and the native, having helped to 
provide that store, was entitled to the free use of the 
goods. By means of this system, therefore, he was 
partly a communist and partly an owner of private 
property. The same principle was applied to the 
village industries. Each native helped to build the 
houses ; each native helped to sweep the roads ; 
and each native, therefore, had the free use of certain 
articles belonging to the village as such. With the 
station circular saw he sawed his wood ; from the 
station carpenter's shop he borrowed his tools ; in 
the station windmill he ground his corn ; and from 
the station grocery store he obtained good food. 
And yet he was not a communist pure and simple. 
Each native had his own house and garden ; each 
native, also, had his own furniture ; and that house, 
garden, and furniture he had to keep in good order. 
The whole system taught the Papu two cardinal 
virtues. On the one hand he learned the value of 
co-operation for the common good ; on the other 
hand he had a sense of personal responsibility ; 
and thus he became an admirable Christian citizen. 
Again, in governmental matters. Hey adopted a 
compromise. His system may be called a limited 
monarchy. For ten years, 1895-1905, there was an 
understanding at Mapoon that while Hey himself 
was obeyed without question, the adults belonged 
to a village council, which, though it could not 
make laws, could at least make suggestions 

North Queensland. 485 

and discuss any questions of public interest ; 
and then, at the close of this period, Hey, at 
the people's request, allowed them to choose 
their own leader. But even then he insisted on 
stem conditions. At a public meeting held to discuss 
the people's suggestion, Hey laid down the law that 
no one was fit to rule at Mapoon unless he possessed 
the moral qualities required by St. Paul in a Bishop. 
The Papus agreed ; the man described in I. Timothy 
III., 2, 3, was discovered ; and henceforward the 
Papus possessed their own elected ruler. 

But the best part of the story still remains. Accord- 
ing to Nicholas Hey himself the real " kernel of 
Mapoon " was the day-school ; that school, for many 
years, was under the efficient management of Mrs. 
Ward ; and all Hey's most promising converts passed 
through ^Irs. Ward's hands. In order to have the 
children under perfect control, Mrs. Ward housed them 
in three small boarding-houses ; she herself gave 
Bible-lessons and taught the usual elementary sub- 
jects ; and finally, at the request of the Government, 
she took charge of a number of orphans. 

3. In due time Hey saw the Mission extend. 
Two more Moravian missionaries. Brown and Richtcr, 
arrived ; two new stations, Weipa (1898) on the 
Embley River, and Aurukun (1904), on the Archer 
River, were founded ; and the Native Reserve was 
now becoming a civihsed Christian country. Near 
Mapoon the men w^ere small-holders and some held 
office in the Church ; at Aurukun there was a Boys' 
Brigade ; the children astounded the inspectors by 
their progress ; and so famous did the Mission become 
that, year by year, important officials — Governors, 
Bishops, Lords and Presbyterian Divines — came to 
behold the miracle. Among these visitors the most 
distinguished were Lord Lamington, Sir Wm. 
McGregor, the Governor, Canon Garland, the Chief 

436 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Protector, Appel, the Home Secretary, Parry Okedcn, 
the Government photographer, and the Editor of 
the Torres Straits Pilot; and once, in 1911, there 
was even a lady reporter from the Daily MaiL 

For three reasons the work in North Queensland 
possesses special interest : — Because, as was men- 
tioned in the report of the Edinburgh World 
Missionary Conference, it is a most encouraging 
example of co-operation between two churches ; 
because it shows that, when the right methods are 
used, the lowest races are not beyond redemption ; 
and because it shows that, in the Moravian Church, 
the old missionary spirit is still alive. At Mapoon 
itself the visitor may still behold memorials of James 
Ward. He will worship in a new and larger " Ward 
Memorial Church " ; he will see Ward's grave, 
marked by a cross ; he will sail in the J. G. Ward 
along the coast ; and children, taught by Mrs. Ward, 
will sing him a hymn of welcomcf 

t For the changes made since this chapter was ■written, see Epilogue. 

Chapter IX. 



1. Mack ay's Request. 

Among the great missionary leaders of the nine- 
teenth century, no one admired Moravian Missions 
more than Mackay of Uganda ; in 1888 he requested 
the Moravian Church to undertake a Mission in what 
was then known as German East Africa ; and soon 
after this request was received, the Moravian Mission 
Board also heard, to its surprise and delight, that 
Daniel Krakau, a pious bachelor, had left the 
Moravian Church no less than £40,000. This 
legacy has since been known as the Krakau Trust ; 
and the money was to be devoted to two distinct 
purposes. One half of the annual interest was for 
redeeming slaves ; the other was for Moravian 
missionary work in general ; and next year, 1889, at 
a General Synod, the Moravian Church decided to 
apply the second half of the legacy to entirely new 
work in German East Africa.! 

Let us first try to form a clear idea of the precise 
field of labour selected. At the time when Mackay's 
request was received that part of East Central Africa 
now known as Tanganyika Territory, was already 
German Territory ; one part of the colony, i.e., 
the part lying just north of Lake Nyassa, was called 

tWe must here guard against a natural mistake. In his " Twenty 
Years of Pioneer Missions in Nyassaland," Bishop J. T. 
Hamilton says that the second half of the Krakau Trust wa« 
left "for founding and carrying on a Mission in German East 
Africa." But this ia not correct. In the will no special field 
i* mentioned. 


488 A History of Moravian Missions. 

" German Nyassaland ";f and this was the part now 
selected for the new Mission. But the sphere of the 
mission had to be even more precisely defined. At 
this time the Berlin Missionary Society was already 
at work in German East Africa ; with that Society 
the Moravian Church did not desire to compete ; 
and, therefore, to prevent friction or over-lapping, 
the following terms were arranged : — 

1. The two Societies, working side by side, will 

found stations north of Lake Nyassa. 

2. For the present the boundary-line between the 

two shall be, roughly speaking, longitude 34. 
To the East shall be the Berlin Society, to 
the West the Moravians. 

3. The two Societies, though independent, will 

try to help each other.* 

In 1891 the campaign began. For twenty-three 
years the chief leader and superintendent of the 
work in German Nyassaland was Theodore Meyer, 
son of Henry Meyer, the pioneer in Hlubiland ; 
one of his colleagues was a Swiss, Theophilus Richard ; 
and these two, pushing north from Lake Nyassa, 
discovered, at the foot of Mt. Rungwe, a spur of the 
Livingstone Hills, a splendid site for the first station. 
The date was August 21st. The two men had never 
beheld a more gorgeous scene. On the north-west 
rose Mt. Rungwe ; on the west lay a dense forest ; on 
the south-east lay the teeming dales of Kondeland ; 
and gazing southwards towards Lake Nyassa, across flat 

fTo distinguish it from " Nyassaland " proper, a British Protectorate 
just west of Lake Nyassa, Sir Harry H. Johnston called the 
district north of the lake " German Nyassaland." See his 
" Colonisation of Africa," p. 249. 

*In 1911 a similar friendly arrangement was made between the 
Moravian Church and the Roman Catholic Mission conducted 
by the White Fathers. By this arrangement the Moravian 
Church agreed not to penetrate into certain districts lying 
further north-west and south of Lake Rungwe. 

East Central Africa : Nyassa. 439 

lowland country, the two men could hear the tinkle 
of cattle bells and see the smoke rising from hundreds 
of native huts. For reasons of health, Rungwe 
seemed an ideal site for a Mission-station. The land 
was high, the water pure, and the air clear and 
bracing. At the very outset, however, a distressing 
disaster occurred. One of Meyer's colleagues, George 
Martin, who had stayed near the lake, died of fever ; 
there, by the shores of the great lake, his broken- 
hearted comrades laid him to rest ; and then, aided 
by willing natives, they built the first houses at 

They had come to an interesting people. Accord- 
ing to the most recent authorities, all the natives 
of Nyassa were Bantus ; by descent, therefore, they 
might be called one nation, and yet, like the Red 
Indians of North America, they were divided into 
several independent tribes. Each tribe was ruled by 
its own chief ; each chief claimed a certain district 
as his own ; and in each district certain distinguishing 
peculiarities, either in character, or in customs, or in 
language, were discovered. For the purpose of this 
narrative the five following districts must be noticed : 

(1) Kondeland, between Mt. Rungwe and Lake 

Nyassa; a flat and fruitful country, teeming 
with cattle. 

(2) Bundali, south-west of Mt. Rungwe, and due 

west of Kondeland. Here the land lies 
high, and the people are distinguished for 
their industry. 

(3) Nyika, due west of Mt. Rungwe, and north- 

west of Bundali. In this region polygamy 
was a specially strong force. 

(4) Usafwa, north-west of Mt. Rungwe ; noted 

for its fierce chief, Merere, who, along with 
his bloodthirsty people, was speedily dis- 
possessed by the Government. 

440 A History of Moravian Missions. 

(5) Mawanda, still further north, and north- 
west of Mt. Rungwe. 

In each of these five districts the missionaries built 
stations, employed native evangelists, and opened 
day-schools ; and the area covered by their labours 
was about seven hundred square miles. 

In spite, however, of this division into tribes, all 
the inhabitants of Nyassa possessed certain character- 
istics in common. 

(a) Appearance. According to Henry Drummond, 
who describes the people in his " Tropical Africa," 
they were the same colour as a good cigar ; even the 
old men were said to be handsome ; and the first 
Moravian missionaries observed that, though the 
people knew not the use of soap and water, they 
kept their bodies remarkably clean by means of 
butter or oil. They tilled the soil and bred cattle ; 
lived on bananas and milk ; smoked the pipe of 
peace in the evening cool ; and greeted each other 
in the morning with the words : "I hope you slept 
well last night." 

(h) Politics. At the head of each tribe was a 
powerful chief ; at the head of each village was a 
captain ; and the captains acted as Privy Council, 
with power to elect and depose the chief. Each 
captain also acted as a local magistrate, and offenders 
against the laws were tried by him. In cases when 
the evidence was doubtful, trial by ordeal was 
common. For this purpose a cup of Muafi was used. 
Taken neat, Muafi is a deadly poison ; mixed with 
water, it is an emetic. The litigants faced each other ; 
each, at a given signal, began to drink ; and the 
one who vomited first had won the case. 

(c) Marriage Customs. Among these people 
women had a high market value ; most of them 
rendered good service by working hard in the fields ; 

O o d 

o r^ ■- J 
C9 ^ <a o 

3 . 






= 5 







* J := 





















East Central Africa : Nyassa. 441 

and the usual business arrangement was that, after 
a young man had made his ehoice, he bought his 
bride from the girl's father. Among the poor the 
usual price was a cow ; in higher circles it was so many 
cows and goats ; and thus the more cows a man 
possessed the more wives he could buy. The farmer, 
therefore, was a dealer in women and cows. In 
order to obtain more cows, he sold his daughters ; 
with his new stock of cows he bought more wives ; 
and with his next batch of daughters he bought 
more cows. In these arrangements the chief flaw 
was that the daughter was often married when only 
a child. The custom led to much trouble. The 
wife found that she did not love her husband and 
left him ; the deserted husband demanded his cattle 
back ; and the quarrel between the two families 
sometimes lasted for generations. And yet the 
average husband was no mere brute. For his first 
wife he had deep respect, and called her the " Great 
Woman"; all his wives and daughters were kindly 
treated ; and delicate children received special 
attention. " It is God who sent the child," the 
parents would say. And thus, despite the marriage- 
market, there was a certain amount of domestic 

(d) National Character. Let us not regard these 
people as brutal savages. With all their faults, 
they did possess the milk of human kindness ; and 
the first missionaries were much impressed by the 
fact. " It is beautiful," they said, " to note their 
generosity and hospitality. If a man has anything 
to eat in his house, he will never refuse a beggar ; 
if you give a boy a banana he shares it with others ; 
and if you pay a workman in salt, he gives so many 
pinches away that often he has little left for himself." 

(e) Religion. For practical purposes the people's 

442 A History of Moravian Missions. 

religion may be called a mixture of religion and 
superstition. On the one hand they believed in 
a Supreme Creator, called in some districts Intambe, 
and in others Kiara ; on the other hand they also 
believed in Mbosi, the devil ; and the chief point 
to notice is that, while they had little to do with 
God, they were in constant touch with the devil. 
In theory, their conception of God was sublime. 
Above all the forces of nature, they said, there 
reigned an Invisible Spirit, who could not be repre- 
sented by images ; this great Spirit was perfectly 
good, caused the grass to grow and the fruit to ripen, 
and had shown His special favour to whites, not 
only by giving them clothes, but by endowing them 
with superior wisdom ; and sometimes, in the 
droughty season, or when there was an epidemic, 
the chief led his people to a glade and begged the 
Creator to send a good harvest or stay the cruel plague. 
In spite, however, of this belief, the real religion of 
the people was a religion of terror. God, they said, 
though kind and powerful, did not really act much 
in this world ; Mbosi was both malicious and busy ; 
and, hating all mankind with a deadly hatred, he 
stole their property, sent diseases, blasted their 
crops, and endowed his servants with satanic powers. 
Mbosi ruled over thousands of spirits ; these spirits 
or devils dwelt in men ; and such men, by infernal 
means, could kill their neighbours. The usual result 
followed. With such devil-possessed men only the 
sorcerers could deal. At death the sorcerers gener- 
ally dissected the body ; thereby, they claimed, they 
could discover the murderer ; and that murderer, 
they said, must now be put to death by the relatives. 
Amid these constant terrors, however, there was 
one consolation. For all men, good and bad, said 
the people, there was a life after death ; in the better 
land goodness would ultimately triumph ; and 

East Central Africa : Nyassa. 443 

while the wicked would have to serve the devil, 
the righteous, seated on chairs, would drink beer in 
abundance, bask in the heat of the day, and talk at 
night with God Himself. 

2. The Mother Church at Rungwe. 

As Rungwe not only possessed a beautiful climate, 
but also occupied a good central position, the Brethren 
decided to make it their headquarters. There, 
assisted by the natives, they built a village ; there 
they often met each other in conference ; and there 
they obtained their first knowledge of the strange 
manners of the natives. 

(a) The Wonderful Welcome. The first experience 1891-2 
was encouraging. Instead of regarding the Brethren 
as intruders, the natives, at the very outset, welcomed 
them as messengers of God ; some of the people 
credited them with miraculous powers, and said that 
their trousers had been sent do-WTi from heaven ; 
and the Brethren, in a few months, discovered the 
reason. For over thirty years, said the people, men 
like the missionaries had been expected ; God Him- 
self had predicted that preachers would come ; and 
that prediction had taken the form of a strange light 
in the sky. For two months, said the people, the 
sky had been a vast sea of fire ; on the shores they 
could see their ancesters walking in glory ; and 
Murkkikandi, a holy prophet, had expounded the 
heavenly vision. " My children," he said, " that is 
a sign from God. Some day, when I am gone, 
good men will come here and tell you of the heavenly 
land. Among us things are not right. Our chiefs 
deceive us ; our villages are wicked ; and these men, 
whom none of us have seen, will tell us of the Lord 
in heaven." At a later period a priest added further 
details. In reality, he declared, the preachers would 
be men raised from the dead ; and yet they would 

414 A History of Moravian Missions, 

appear in the form of white men from the south. 
" They will cross Lake Nyassa in wooden boats," 
he said ; " they will have white hands and feet ; 
they will be dressed in white ; and they will also 
bring you presents of cotton, brass, and wine." Let 
us not dismiss this story as a mere legend. It shows 
that in the minds of some there was a desire 
for a higher life. At the very first public service — 
held at Christmas, 1892 — the missionaries made a 
profound impression. First they told the story 
of Christmas and sang a few Christmas carols ; 
then Meyer gave each person a portion of salt ; and 
the happy people exclaimed : " Ah ! the white man 
is not like Merere." 

(b) The Story of Merere.^ The next episode 
enhanced the Brethren's reputation. At the time 
when they arrived in Nyassa there lived at Utengule, 
in Usafwa, a few miles north-west of Rungwe, a 
wicked and powerful chief named Merere ; this 
man, said the natives, had 10,000 breech-loaders, 
and claiming to rule over Kondeland, he raided the 
country, burnt the villages, stole property, and 
kidnapping young women and girls, sold them as 
1895 slaves to the Arabs. For the sake of their flock, 
therefore, Meyer and Richard, guided by a native, 
went to Utengule, and there they saw the blood- 
thirsty chief, sitting on another man's legs, sur- 
rounded by his councillors, and wearing a bright 
shawl over his shoulders and many pearls on his 
arms. For two hours Merere stormed and blustered, 
contending that he had a right to Kondeland ; 
then Meyer politely suggested that if he caused any 
further trouble he might receive some unpleasant 
treatment from the Government ; and Merere, seeing 
that he had met his match, promised to invade 

tAccent on first syllable. 

East Central Africa : Nyassa. 445 

Kondeland no more. The final result of these negotia- 
tions was curious. With the fear of stern treatment 
before his eyes, Merere faithfully kept his promise ; 
his son and successor, however, Merere the Younger, 
repeated some of his father's offences, and forbade 
the Brethren to preach in his territory ; and the 
Government, finding him intractable, expelled both 
him and some of his subjects, and handed over the 
district to gentler folk. Thus did the Brethren 
deliver Kondeland from a reign of terror. 

(c) The School for Slaves. The next experience 1894-5 
was both useful and disappointing. At the special 
request of a Government official, the Brethren took 
charge of a number of nati^•cs, rescued by that official 
from an Arab sla\'e dealer. The group consisted 
chiefly of women and children. For the one man in 
the company the Brethren foimd employment as a 
gardener ; for the women, who were mostly widows, 
both husbands and houses ; for the children, who 
were mostly orphans, suitable guardians ; and then, 
to prevent any possible misunderstanding, Meyer 
; read out the rules of the village. No one must ever 
use any indecent language ; no one must steal, or 
lie, or work on Sunday ; and all nmst attend 
morning and evening prayers. The result was 
amazing. For a year the scheme worked well, and 
Rungwe became a model farm colony. The women 
helped in building operations ; the boys dug in the 
gardens, attended the day-school, confessed their sins 
to each other, and, saying their prayers every night, 
asked the Lord to make them pure and holy ; and 
the girls, gathering loyally round Mrs. Meyer, learned 
from lier how to sew, gathered posies for her on the 
hillside, called her affectionately ** Donna," came 
each evening to say " Good-night," and listened 
demurely and devoutly to the Brethren's musical 

t clock. And then came the heart-breaking revelation. 

446 A History of Moravian Missions. 

In appearance, these liberated slaves were saints ; 
in reality, most of them were hypocrites. First the 
gardener ran away, taking not only his own wife, 
but two other women with him ; then the Brethren 
discovered that the boys were addicted to secret 
October, vices ; and, soon after this discovery, nearly all the 
1895 women and children decamped. The incident taught 
the Brethren a valuable lesson. They saw how 
cunning the heathen can sometimes be, how easily 
whites may be deceived, and how deeply national 
vices are seated. 

(d) The First Convert. But the next experience, 
while equally useful, filled them with fresh hope. 
Among the inhabitants at Rungwe was a lame woman, 
named Fiabarema ; this woman often declared that, 
if she were taken ill, she would not employ witch- 
craft, but trust entirely to Christ to heal her ; 
1897 and one Sunday (February 5th), after the sermon, 
she walked up to the desk and made a speech. 

" I rise to say," she said, " that I am God's property. 
I belong to Jesus ; God is my Father ; and now I 
have done for ever with pride, lies, theft, and medicine 

For a native this was a very bold speech ; her 
example was soon followed by others, and all these 
early converts took the same moral stand. Each 
saw, fully and clearly, that certain national customs 
were wicked ; each promised to abandon those 
customs and take Christ as his teacher and model ; 
and each, in any case of doubt, asked the missionary 
for advice. " You tell us what to do," they would 
say, " and we will do it. If we do wrong you must 
punish us." 

1903 (e) The Trainhig Colleges. The next experience 

was the most encouraging of all. In the lives of the 
first converts at Rungwe one of the most hopeful 

East Central Africa : Nyassa. 447 

features was the changed attitude towards education. 
At first the people had despised education, and refused 
to send their children to school unless they were 
paid for so doing ; now there was a deep desire for 
instruction; and the converts were constantly 
asking the missionaries questions. One asked why 
God did not kill the devil ; another wondered whether 
his illness was due to some secret sin ; and many, 
being interested in the Second Coming, desired to 
know what, when Jesus came, would happen to those 
still on earth. But the topic that interested them 
most was ethics. As soon as these people became 
Christians, they developed a hunger for education ; 
and education was valued by them, not because it 
gratified their curiosity, but because it enabled them 
to live good lives in the sight of God. " Let us learn 
to read," they said, " and then we shall all discover 
how to become like Jesus." For all classes of the com- 
munity, therefore — candidates for baptism, candi- 
dates for communion, and communicant members — 
regular courses of instruction were now arranged ; 
and all communicants now sent their children to the 
day-school. The result was even better than the 
missionaries expected. In 1903 they opened a 
Training College for Evangelists, in 1910 they opened 
a Normal School for Teachers ; and thus Rungwe 
became the centre of widespread evangelistic and 
educational activity. 

3. The Spreading Cause. 

For twenty years the Brethren were engaged, 
not merely in building a model Christian village at 
Rungwe, but in attempting to christianize the whole 
surrounding neighbourhood ; in this work they 
employed twenty missionaries, fifty-tliree native 
helpers, thirty-seven native evangelists, and twenty- 
seven volunteer assistants ; and in each of the five 

448 A History of Moravian Missions. 

districts mentioned strong stations, surrounded by 
many preaching places, were founded. 

In Kondeland, besides Rungwe, they founded 
Rutenganiot (1894), Ipiana (1894), Mueia (1907), 
and Kyimbila (1912) ; in Bundah, Isoko (1900) ; 
in Nyika, Mbozi (1900) ; in Usafwa, Utengulet 
(1895) ; and in Mawanda, Ileya (1906). In addition, 
however, to these head stations, the Brethren had 
also thirty-five out-stations and one thousand and 
eighty-one preaching places. The number of con- 
verts rose to 1,955 ; the number of schools was 144 ; 
and the number of scholars attending them, 4,949. 
But mere numbers give a poor idea of the real value 
of the work. Let us note some points of deeper 
human interest. 

(a) Trade and Industry. At nearly all the head 
stations the missionaries made a systematic 
endeavour to teach the men to be good citizens ; 
and, in some cases, they introduced entirely new 
forms of industry. At Rungwe there was a car- 
penters' shop and wood-working establishment ; 
there sixteen large saws could be seen working at 
once ; and the natives learned to manufacture beams, 
joists, boards, doors, cupboards and chairs, and 
other articles of domestic furniture. At Utengule 
there was a large boot factory. At Kyimbila there 
was a rubber plantation. Some of the missionaries 
introduced Muscat donkeys, said to be able, unlike 
horses, to resist the attacks of the tsetse fly ; others 
planted rice in the lowlands and potatoes in the hilly 
districts ; others introduced sheep and a new and 
hardier breed of cattle ; others cultivated coffee and 
tea ; and others, with varying success, introduced 
strawberries, gooseberries, plums, peaches, apricots, 
oranges, lemons, grapes, and other fruits previously 

fAccent on second syllable. 

East Central Africa : Nyassa. 440 

unknown to the natives. On the natives all this 
had a great effect. Formerly they had lived from 
hand to mouth ; now they were learning to 
be thrifty. Formerly the men had left most 
of the work to the women ; now they discovered 
that hard work makes a man happy. Formerly 
the natives had few implements ; now they 
became experts in the use of hoes, knives, and 
axes. At the head stations the Church as such 
generally owned a large tract of land ; this land 
was let in allotments to the natives ; and the 
natives preferred to live near a station, partly 
because they could prosper under good employers, 
and partly because they felt sure that their children 
would be well educated. 

(b) Some Deeper Problems. At every place where 
the missionaries began new work, they made new 
discoveries about the manners and beliefs of the 
people ; the variety in those customs and beliefs 
was bewildering ; and gradually the missionaries 
came to see that no Church can understand the 
natives unless it makes systematic use of intelligent 
native assistants. Nor was this idea a novelty. 
It existed in the days of Zinzendorf. In the diary 
of the " Disciples' House " it is recorded that 
Zinzendorf desired to send Negro preachers from the 
West Indies to Surinam, and in one of his addresses 
he even suggested that West Indian Negro preachers 
might evangelize Africa. But now, in Nyassa, 
something on these lines had become a necessity. 
Only the native, said the missionaries, can really 
understand the native ; only the native knows the 
reason hang behind a custom ; and only the native, 
therefore, can say whether a particular custom is 
or is not consistent with the principles of the 
Christian religion. Let a few examples illustrate 
the point. At Rutenganio the people were 


450 A History of Moravian Missions. 

stupid and dull, thought the missionary a wizard, 
and refused to attend the Church unless they were 
paid. At Ipiana they were grossly immoral, 
talked and spat in Church, and yet informed the 
missionaries that they were sinless. At Utengule 
they trembled under the rule of a mighty sorcerer. 
At Isoko the people believed in a charm, an onion 
fixed on a stick, supposed to heal diseases and 
frighten burglars ; and at Mbozi the native assistants 
informed the missionary that, in their opinion, the 
chief source of moral evil was polygamy. But evils 
Uke these were not the real difficulty. Among 
the natives some ^'customs, such as polygamy and 
witchcraft, were clearly wicked and harmful ; other 
customs, however, such'^ as the heathen mode of 
burying the dead, might, though not wicked in 
themselves, have certain wicked associations ; and, 
not knowing whether to forbid such customs or not, 
the missionaries decided at last to take the natives 
into their confidence. For this practical purpose, 
therefore, they now summoned a Native Conference 
(October, 1913). At this Conference, thirty-six 
delegates, elected by the communicant members, 
attended ; thereby the first step was taken towards 
the formation of a more or less self-governing Native 
Church ; and the questions discussed by the delegates 
were such as these : May a Christian allow his young 
child to be promised in marriage ? May a Christian 
eat food that has been sacrificed to idols ? What 
is a Christian to do if so many women have been 
left him by will ? On all such questions as these the 
delegates had useful suggestions to make ; and the 
idea of a Native Church seemed now within the 
bounds of possibility. At this interesting point, 
however, the Great War broke out ; soon afterwards 
Nyassa became the scene of military operations ; 
and the Mission, with all its bright possibilities. 

East Central Africa : Nyassa. 451 

was transferred, for the time being, to the United 
Free Church of Scotland. 

Additional Note. 


At Rungwe, Ipiana, Rutenganio, and Isoko, the 
Colonial Government opened Leper Homes, and in 
these homes the missionaries ministered to about 2,000 
patients. From the spiritual point of view, however, 
the work was disappointing. In most cases, said the 
missionaries, suffering did not seem to teach patience. 
It rather hardened and debased the character. 

At Rutenganio, e.g., the lepers gave way to a dull 
fatalism. " If I die, I die," said one. " God hates 
me ; God is killing me ; what can I do ? " 


Chapter X. 

1. The Plan of Campaign. 

Once more, as in the case of Nyassa, the invitation 
came from English missionary sources. For eighteen 
years the London Missionary Society (1879-97) had 
held an isolated outpost named Urambo, situated 
due south of Lake Victoria Nyanza ; the whole 
district was known as Unyamwezi, and lay north of 
Nyassa ; and there, although no converts had been 
gained, some good preliminary work had been 
accomplished. First came a medical missionary. 
Dr. Southon, who, however, early in his career, was 
accidentally shot ; then followed Thomas F. Shaw, 
who laboured thirteen years ; and during these years 
Shaw and his colleagues made Urambo, in one sense, 
a good centre for further missionary enterprise. 
They built a number of houses and a school ; they 
translated St. Mark's Gospel into the Unyamwezi 
dialect ; they published a small hymn-book ; they 
healed the sick ; and, though their preaching resulted in 
no conversions, they gathered a congregation of about 
four hundred natives, who came to the church, sang 
hymns, and listened, it is said, to part of the sermon. 
For two strategic reasons, however, the L.M.S. 
now asked the Moravian Church to take over Urambo. 
In the first place Urambo was a long distance from 
their other stations situated in British East Africa ; 
in the second place it was not far from the Moravian 
stations in Nyassa, especially the more northerly 
ones in Nyika and Usafwa ; and the general idea 
appears to have been that if the Moravians occupied 


East Central Afeica : Unyamwezi. 458 

Unyamwezi, they might soon have one strong 
mission-field covering nearly the whole region between 
Lake Victoria Nyanza and Lake Nyassa. In spite, 
therefore, of limited means, the Mora\aan Church 
accepted the L.M.S.'s suggestion ; the mission- 
station at Urambo was bought ; and on January 
2nd, 1898, the first two Mora\-ian missionaries, 
accompanied by their wives, drew near the village. 

The scene was one of pomp and circumstance. 
At that time the chief man in Urambo was a powerful 1898 
chief named Kabagomato ; this chief had a pleasant 
manner, knew how to use a knife and fork, and 
enjoyed his cigar after dinner ; and now, arrayed 
in his finest robes, and followed by his subjects, he 
set out from the \'illage to meet the new comers. 
The two missionaries rode on Muscat donkeys ; 
behind them came their respective wives, clad in 
white and borne in hammocks by natives ; and behind 
the two ladies came porters with luggage. To the 
natives that luggage was the chief attraction. As 
soon as the two processions met, the ceremony of 
introduction was performed. At the conunand of 
Kabagomato, the natives, waving reeds and flags, 
executed a war-dance ; the women and girls crowded 
round the two hammocks ; and all clamoured for the 
honour of shaking hands. In appearance, therefore, 
the chief and his people rejoiced to see the Brethren ; 
in reaUty, they were most interested in the packing 
cases ; and the secret thought in their minds was that, 
if they were kind to the Brethren, they would soon 
receive something good to eat. The real character 
of the chief was soon revealed. At first he fawned on 
the Brethren, and gave them a calf ; then he was 
heard to utter mysterious threats ; and, as he had 
already committed several murders, the Government 
intervened and put him in prison. 

Meanwhile, the Brethren had begun the campaign. 

454 A History of Moravian Missions. 

For ten years the work in Unyamwezi was under the 
management of Rudolph Stern ; this man adopted 
the plan of pushing the cause steadily southward, 
to join the older work in Nyassa ; and thus, under his 
leadership, a row of stations, from north to south, 
was founded. First, in 1901, the Brethren founded 
Kitunda ; then, a little to the south of Urambo, 
Sikonge (1902) ; then, still further south, Ipole 
(1903) ; then, still further south, Kipembabwe 
(1904). At this point, however, a slight change 
was made in the plan of campaign. For the 
purpose, apparently, of strengthening the line, the 
next station, Usoke (1907), was founded, not as we 
might have expected, still further south, but 
between Urambo and Sikonge. But this move had 
also another object. At that time the chief town in 
Unyamwezi was Tabora, a little to the south-east of 
Urambo ; there the Mahometans were exception- 
ally strong ; and thus, by having four stations fairly 
close together — Urambo, Usake, Sikonge, and 
Ipole — the Brethren hoped to hold their own 
against Mahometan influence. By means of this 
plan, therefore, the Moravians in Unyamwezi designed 
to accomplish two great purposes. First, they hoped 
to establish a connexion between Unyamwezi in the 
north of the colony and Nyassa in the south; and 
secondly, they hoped to form a strong barrier against 
the powerful Mahometan movement at Tabora. 
At all these stations the same kind of work — 
preaching, teaching, and healing the sick — was done. 
In 1910 Stern completed his translation of the New 
Testament ; other books of a useful nature — Bible 
Stories, a Catechism, a School Primer, and a book of 
instructions for native evangelists — were issued ; 
and on the average about a dozen missionaries were 
employed. And yet, on the whole, the results were 
disappointing. In 1906 the number of converts was 

East Central Africa : Unyamwezi. 455 

only fifteen ; in 1910 it was only one hundred ; and 
in 1913 it was only two hundred and forty-seven. 
Such figures raise an interesting question : How 
was it that in Unyamwezi progress was so much 
slower than in Nyassa ? 

2. The Cause of the Trouble. 

For the slow progress of the work in Unyamwezi, 
only one reason, in Stem's opinion, could be given ; 
that reason was to be found, not in the superstitions 
of the people, but in what he called their " devilish 
deceit and indifference " ; and the impression pro- 
duced on his mind was that all the while the 
missionaries were fighting against an unseen foe. In 
Nyassa the opposition was mostly open ; in Unyamwezi 
it was secret and cunning ; and, therefore, to under- 
stand the situation, we must now look more closely 
at the character of the people. 

(a) Religion. For us the interesting point to 
notice is that in some of their religious beliefs these 
Unyamwezi people resembled the IsraeUtes. Like 
the Israelites they beUeved in one Supreme Creator 
and Sustainer of life ; like the IsraeUtes, they said that 
man, originally immortal, lost his immortahty through 
the sin of a woman ; and further, like the Israelites, 
they had their own story of the Tower of Babel. 
The story of the loss of immortality was remarkable. 
In the beginning, said the people, Sheda Mahinda, 
the Creator, after creating the world and all the 
animals, created two women ; each of these women 
he married and loved ; and, when the one he loved the 
more dearly died, he was inconsolable, buried her 
body in a hut, watched by her graveside, watered 
the grave daily, and forbade his surviving wife 
to enter the hut. In due time Sheda Mahinda's 
fidelity received a strange reward. There, on his 
dead wife's grave, sprang up and bloomed the Tree of 

450 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Life, and that tree was a sign that the men whom 
he created were immortal. At this point, however, 
his surviving wife intervened. In the hut, apparently, 
it was cold ; one day Sheda Mahinda went to fetch 
some firewood ; and his wife, seizing her opportun- 
ity, entered the hut, seized an axe, and chopped the 
Tree of Life to pieces. Thus did an inquisitive woman 
rob man of his immortality. The other story, 
however, bore a still closer resemblance to the 
scripture narrative. At first, said the Unyamwezi 
people, all men lived in one town and spoke one 
language ; then certain ambitious schemers, desiring 
to obtain water from the sky, built a high tower ; 
and lo ! just at the last moment, just when the 
builders were laying the last stones, just when they 
had nearly reached the sky, a terrible hurricane began 
to blow. The tower fell, all the builders were killed, 
and the rest of the people, fleeing in terror, were 
scattered far and wide. Thus did man's impious 
ambition lead, as in the Bible narrative, to the con- 
fusion of tongues. "I" In spite, however, of the first 
woman's sin, men, though not immortal on earth, 
might be so in the next world. " We all hope," 
said a native to one of the missionaries, " to go to a 
beautiful place, where there is no work to do and 
plenty to eat." In these religious beliefs, it is clear, 
there was nothing (except, perhaps,. the gross con- 
ception of heaven) exceptionally degrading. 

(b) Superstitions. Nor were these any worse than 
those of other heathen. In common with many 
other Bantu tribes, the Wanyamwezi beheved in 
sorcerers and rain makers, wore amulets to keep 
off diseases, and offered sacrifices to departed spirits. 
For the last purpose beer was generally used ; only 

fFor a similar story, told by the natives of Mkulwe, another 
district in German East Africa, see Sir J. G. Frazer's " Folk- 
Lore in the Old Testament," Vol. I., p. 377. 

e«arye miip i Son. tU 

East Central Africa : Unyamwezi. 457 

a little was offered to the departed ; and the sacrificial 
feast was made an excuse for a drunken orgy. 

(c) Materialism. According both to Stern and 
his colleague, Medier, the chief obstacle to the 
spread of the Gospel was not the people's super- 
stitions, but their materialistic conceptions of life. 
At Urambo, for example, most of the people were 
farmers, most of whom made money by selling their 
produce at Tabora, and now they deliberately told 
the missionary that, as long as they prospered in 
business, they saw no reason to change their religion. 
" If the Gospel brings more money," they said, 
" we will have it ; if not, we can do without it." 
The case of Kaswika, a chief, was fairly typical. 
One day, in the church, the missionaries prayed for 
rain ; next day rain fell ; and forthwith Kaswika 
became a regular worshipper. Nor was this 
materiaUsm confined to the love of money ; both 
drink and sensuality were common ; and most of the 
people's conversation was on degrading topics. But 
what was the secret, malevolent force behind this 
materiaUsm ? To that question the missionaries 
could, as yet, give no answer. 

3. The New Move, 1910-14. 

At last affairs in Unyamwezi came to what may 1910 
almost be called a crisis. At the very time when the 
patient Brethren were just beginning to see some signs 
of improvement, the Government began to construct 
a railway to connect Dar-es-Salam on the coast, 
with Ujiji on the western frontier ; all men working on 
the railway were offered good wages ; and, forthwith, 
most of the men at the stations found employment 
on the line. Such men were now exposed to two 
perils. On the one hand they were in danger of becom- 
ing fonder of money than ever ; on the other, they 
were brought into still closer touch with Mahometans; 

458 A History of Moravian Missions. 

and the Brethren, reaUsing the issues at stake, 
now took three important measures. First, 
they sent a missionary to Tabora, to preach there to 
the Mahometans ; then they opened a Training 
School for native teachers at Sikonge (October, 
1918) ; and, thirdly, working in co-operation both 
with the Berlin Missionary Society and the C.M.S., 
they began — chiefly by providing teachers — to 
minister to the spiritual needs of all men, both 
Mahometans and heathen, employed on the railway 
line. And this was the hopeful situation when the 
Great War began. 




1. The System of Government . . . 468 

2. The Work of the Synods, 1760—1909. 473 

8. The Synod of 1914 ; or, Moravian 

Missionary Ideals 495 


Chapter I. 


1. The General Synod. 

In what way does the Moravian Church differ 
from other Evangelical Churches ? In her attitude 
towards Foreign Missions. For one hundred and 
ninety years — ever since Leonard Dober set out for 
St. Thomas — the fundamental and distinguishing 
feature of the Moravian Church has been that 
Foreign Missions are the work, not of some society 
within the Church, such as the C.M.S. and the 
L.M.S., but of the Moravian Church as such ; at one 
Sjmod (1857) this principle was explicitly and 
officially asserted ;t and one consequence of this 
principle is that all Foreign Mission matters have 
been, and still are, under the authority and control, 
not of any Missionary Society, but of a General 
Synod representing, and appointed by, the whole 
Moravian Church. Let us then note how the General 
Synod was constituted, and how it dealt with Foreign 
Missions. Its members may be di^^ded into three 
classes. First, there were so many ex-officio members, 
i.e., all the members of the Mission Board, two 
from the Continental Provincial Board, one from the 
British, one from each of the American Pro\Tnces, 
two from the West Indies, two bishops from each 
of the four Home Provinces, and the Mission 
Secretary in England ; secondly, twenty-seven 
delegates from the Home Provinces, i.e., nine from 

t Synodal Results, 1857, pp. 120-1. — " There never will be 
a Unity of the Brethren without a Mission to the Heathen, 
or a Mission of the Brethren which is not the afFair of the 
whole Church as such. The Missions do not belong to them- 
selves, nor yet to a Society, nor even to a portion of the 
Brethren's Church, but to the whole Brethren's Unity." 


464 A History of Moravian Missions. 

the Continental, nine from the British, seven from 
the American (North), and two from the American 
(South) ; and thirdly, six missionaries, fom* sum- 
moned by the Mission Board, and two elected by the 
West Indian Provinces. In the constitution of the 
General Synod one remarkable feature needs explana- 
tion. In spite of the fact that the Synod dealt with 
Missions, the number of missionaries present was 
extremely small. For nearly a century after 
Zinzendorf's death, i.e., till 1857, the only missionaries 
attending a General Synod were such as the U.E.C. had 
summoned. In 1818 no missionaries were present ; 
in 1825 three attended as advisory members ; in 
1836 three as voting members ; ? in 1848 two as 
advisory members ; and in 1857 three as voting 
members. Again, take the General Synod of 1899. 
In that year the number of voting members was 
fifty-four ; only six were missionaries ; and these 
six were entitled to vote, not because they had been 
elected, but because the U.E.C. had summoned them 
after receiving confidential votes. Such facts raise 
an interesting question: How was it that at these 
General Synods nine-tenths of the members were 
either ex-officio members, or elected representatives 
of the Home Provinces ? Why were not more 
missionaries summoned ? Why were the Mission 
Provinces not more adequately represented ? For 
this apparent injustice, however, the following cogent 
reasons might be given : — 

(1) The General Synod legislated on matters 

concerning the whole Church, such as 
doctrine and forms of worship ; and with 
such questions the Mission Provinces were 
not yet competent to deal. 

(2) The Home Provinces contributed money, 

not only for their own expenses, but also 
for the Mission Provinces. But the Mission 

The System of Government. 465 

Provinces contributed only towcirds their 
own support. Therefore, the Home Pro- 
vinces were entitled to far more voting 

(3) The Home Provinces supplied and educated 

most of the missionaries. 

(4) With a few exceptions, the native converts 

were not yet sufficiently advanced to under- 
take legislative functions. 

(5) To summon many missionaries would have 

involved enormous expense. 

(6) The few missionaries who did attend were 

generally men of exceptional wisdom and 
experience ; and such information as they 
imparted was sufficient to enable the Synod 
to arrive at sound decisions. 

By the Synod, therefore, all laws concerning Foreign 
Missions were passed ; to the Synod the Mission 
Board presented its report ; and by the Synod the 
Mission Board was elected. 

At the General Synods such questions as these 
were discussed and settled : — 

(a) Shall a request to undertake new work be 
accepted or dechned ? 

In 1848, e.g., the General Synod decided to under- 
take new work in Nicaragua and Victoria ; and in 
1889 it sanctioned the proposed Missions in Nyassa 
and North Queensland. During inter-synodal periods, 
however, the Governing Board could authorise new 
enterprises. Thus, e.g., the U.E.C., without waiting 
for a General Synod, undertook new work in Western 
Tibet, Demerara, and Alaska. 

{b) Shall any field be abandoned or handed over 
to another Church ? 
In 1899, e.g., the transfer of Greenland was authorised 
by the Synod, and in 1909 the question was discussed 


466 A History of Moravian Missions. 

whether CaUfornia and Unyamwezi should be handed 
over to other Societies. 

(c) How much money from General Funds may 

be allocated to any particular Province ? 

The most striking example is that of the West Indies. 
In 1899 the Synod devised the slid ing scale described^ 
in the next chapterjj 

(d) To what extent, and on what conditionsi 

shall a Mission Province be self-governing ? 

_Once more the best example is the West Indies. In 
tEe next chapter it will be explained how the two. 
West Indian Provinces were granted a measure o£. 

(e) For what purpose may a legacy, which is 

not ear-marked, be most suitably used ? 

In 1889, e.g., the Synod decided to use part of the 
Krakau Trust to begin new work in German East 

(/) How and where shall candidates for mission 
service be educated ? What qualities must 
the candidates possess ? What doctrines 
shall the missionaries preach ? What 
methods of pastoral work shall they adopt ? 
What provision shall be made for 
missionaries' pensions, widows, and the 
education of missionaries' children ? 

Thus did the General Synods deal, not only with 
general principles and methods, but with almost 
every conceivable detail. 

2. The Mission Board. 

At the General Synod in 1899 a resolution was 
passed that, during an inter-synodal period, the 
Foreign Missions should be managed by the Mission 
Board, elected by the General Synod, and con- 

The System oi Government. 467 

sisting of five members, i.e., one from each of the 
three Home Provinces, and two from the mission 
fields ; and this Synod not only described the 
functions of the Board in general, but also defined 
them with elaborate detail. 

(1) General Functions : — 

(a) To administer the Foreign Missions in their 


(b) To represent the Missions outside the Church, 

i.e., in legal processes and in negotiating 
with other Churches. 

(c) To manage all property used for Mission 


(d) To provide both men and means for the 


(2) Special Functions. — For the reader's convenience 

these may be classified thus : — 


For the whole work the Mission Board was held 
responsible ; over the whole work, therefore, it 
must reign ; and to this end it was both authorised 
and instructed : — 

(a) To act as a Court of Appeal in all disputes. 
By two authorities only could its decisions 
be over-ruled, i.e., by a General Synod, 
or by the Governing Board of the whole 
Moravian Church. 

(6) To appoint a President and a Warden in 
every Mission Province, except the two 
West Indian Provinces. 

(c) To veto, if need be, any resolution passed 
by a Mission Province Conference. 

{d) To sanction, or the reverse, the election 
of its own Governing Board by any 
Mission Pro\'ince Conference. 

468 A History of Moravian Missions. 

(e) To sanction, or forbid, any action 
contemplated by any such Provincial 
Mission Board. 

(/) To sanction, or forbid, the proposed estab- 
lishment of a new station. 

(g) To keep in touch with all Moravian 
Auxiliary Missionary Societies, such as 
the S.F.G. in England, and the S.P.G. 
in North America. 

(h) To examine, either orally or through the 
post, all candidates for mission service ; 
and make sure that each candidate 
possessed the requisite physical, mental, 
and spiritual qualities. 

(i) To sanction all ordinations. Without the 
permission of the Mission Board no 
Bishop could ordain any candidate. 

(j) To call all missionaries to their posts, 
grant, or refuse, requests for furlough, 
and decide whether, on grounds of old- 
age or ill-health, any missionary was 
entitled to retire on pension. 

(k) To see that each missionary visited the sick, 
undertook the cure of souls, and, generally, 
performed his duties, not only as 
preacher, but as pastor. 

{I) To decide how far the rules on' Church 
Discipline could be applied in any parti- 
cular Mission Province. In some Mission 
Provinces these rules could be enforced 
much more strictly than in others, and 
the Mission Board was supposed to under- 
stand the varying local circumstances. 

(m) To encourage, among the converts, such 
means of edification as family-prayers, 
prayer-meetings, Bible-study, and young 

The System of Government. 469 

men's and young women's Christian 
(n) To regulate the amount of instruction 
imparted to baptismal candidates. The 
amount varied in different mission fields. 
In Surinam, e.g., the standard would 
be high ; in North Queensland it would 
be much lower ; and the Mission Board 
would vary the standard according to 
the intellectual status of the natives. 


(a) To act as the legal owner and representative 
of the central business establishment at 

(6) With the aid of a Finance Committee, 
appointed by the General Synod, to super- 
vise the working of that establishment. 

(c) To manage, directly or indirectly, all com- 

mercial firms or businesses existing on 
behalf of the Missions, and to appoint 
the leading officials therein. One example 
will suffice. The Mission Board appointed 
the manager of the firm of Kersten & Co. 
in Surinam. 

(d) With the aid of the Finance Committee, 

to prepare and publish an annual budget, 
i.e., a clear statement of the expected 
income and expenditure for the forth- 
coming year. 

{e) To see that all the converts paid their 
church-dues, and to allocate those dues 
as follows : — 90 per cent, for general 
Mission funds, and 10 per cent, for the 
province^^in which the money was raised. 

(/) To regulate the salaries of missionaries and 

470 A History of Moravian Missions. 

their pensions, according to varying needs 
and circumstances. 

Literary and Educational. 

(a) To manage the Mission PubUcation Office 

at Herrnhut. 

(b) To supervise the monthly Missionary 

Magazine, Missions- Blatt. 

(c) To supervise the labours of any brother 

appointed as historian or pamphleteer. 
{d) To arrange for the publication of missionary 
literature in the British and American 
(e) To appoint good speakers to preach and 
lecture, on behalf of Moravian Missions, 
in England and North America, not only 
to Moravians, but also to the general 
,-f Christian public. 

I^(/) To supervise, and, if possible, improve the 
J instruction given at the Mission College. 

j^K^ig) To arrange, where possible, for the estab- 
lishment of Training Colleges for native 
teachers and preachers. 
(jy (h) To see that all missionaries took an interest 
in elementary education. 

Thus did the Mission Board, like the General 
Synod, deal, not only with broad methods of work, 
but with almost every conceivable detail. 

3. The Mission Provinces. 

With the exception of the two West Indian 
Provinces, which were entitled, after 1899, to elect 
Synods, the general rule was that each Province 
had its own Conference, consisting of all missionaries 
who had been two years in the service, and this 
Conference could not only make laws, subject 

The System of GovERNirExr. 471 

to the approval of the Mission Board, but 
also, subject to the same approval, elect its own 
Governing Board, known as the Helpers' Conference. 
In each Province the President and Warden were 
appointed by the Mission Board. In theory the 
Mission Board could veto any resolution passed by 
a Conference ; in practice, this power was probably 
not much exercised ; and, after 1899, the general 
tendency was to give the Provincial Conferences as 
much liberty as possible. As the minutes of all 
conferential proceedings had to be sent to the Mission 
Board, nothing, in any case, could take place without 
its knowledge. 

4. The Congregations. 
By the nature of the case there was, and could be, 
no absolutely uniform system. Let us here note 
merely the arrangements made in the most thoroughly 
organized congregations. 

(a) First, there was a measure of self-government. 
Each congregation was authorised to elect 
two bodies ; one, which we may call a 
Committee, to look after temporalities ; 
and the other, called the Board of Helpers, 
to care for the sick and watch over the 
spiritual life of the members. No member, 
e.g., could be excluded without the sanction 
of the Board of Helpers. 

{b) Secondly, there was a system of Church 
discipline. This took three forms : — 

(1) Admonition or reproof. 

(2) Temporary exclusion from the Lord's 


(3) Temporary suspension of other rights, 

such as the right to vote at Church 
Meetings. In cases of persistent and 

472 A History of Moeavian Missions. 

flagrant sin, the member's name might 
be struck off the register. 

(c) Thirdly, in most congregations, the members 

were divided into five classes : — 

(1) New people, i.e., candidates for 


(2) Candidates for baptism, i.e., those 

attending a Baptismal instruction 

(3) Baptized children under 16 years of 

age, i.e., children still awaiting Con- 

(4) Baptized adults, i.e., all over 16 who 

have been baptized but not con- 

(5) Communicant members, i.e., those who 

have been both baptized and con- 

(d) Fourthly, great stress was laid on the 

" Speaking " ; this was a private interview 
between the missionary and the com- 
municant member, or, in the case of female 
converts, between the convert and the 
missionary's wife ; and without that inter- 
view no member might attend the Holy 

Chapter II. 



In order to understand the nature of the work 
accomplished by the General Synods, we must divide 
the narrative into two periods. The first is the 
period 1760-1848 ; the second is the period 1848-1909. 
The key-word of the first period is " Consolidation," 
the key-word of the second is " Advance." For 
eighty-eight years (1760-1848) after the death ol- 
Zinzendorf, the Moravian Church, in its foreign 
mission work, was engaged almost exclusively in 
consolidating, organizing, and developing the work 
in the West Indies, Greenland, North America, 
Surinam, Labrador, and South Africa ; then, during 
the second period, the Church undertook new tasks 
in Nicaragua, Western Tibet, Victoria, the Jerusalem 
Leper Home, Demerara, Alaska, California, Nyassa, 
North Queensland and Unyamwezi ; and the funda- 
mental difference between these two periods is that 
while, during the first period, the problems discussed 
at the General Synods were comparatively simple, 
diuing the second they became increasingly difficult 
and complex. During the first period the General 
Synod was, on the whole, a conservative body, and 
made few changes in method ; during the second it 
had new problems to solve, and instituted several 
reforms. Let us now glance briefly at the chief 
resolutions affecting Foreign Missions passed at the 
General Synods. 

Period 1. Consolidation, 1760-1848. 

The first task was to frame a constitution. During 
Zinzendorf 's Ufetime no fixed constitution existed ; 


474 A History of Moravian Missions. 

now a constitution was a necessity ; and the first 
three Synods after his death are known as 
" Constitutional Synods." 
1764 1. The First Constitutional Synod, 1764. The 

three resolutions affecting Foreign Missions were 
as follows : — 

(a) The General Synod is the supreme legislative 
body. Thereby the principle was officially 
recognised that Foreign Missions are the 
work, not of some missionary society 
within the Moravian Church, but of the 
Moravian Church as a whole. 
{h) General Synod appoints a supreme Inter- 
Sj'^nodal Governing Board, known as the 
(c) One part of this Board, known as the Mission 
Department, manages the Foreign Missions. 

1769 (2) The Second Constitutional Synod, 1769. The 

supreme governing Board is now called the Unity's 
Elders' Conference, and is generally referred to as 
the U.E.C. This U.E.C. now manages the Foreign 
Missions, and the Mission Department is simply a 
business committee acting under the U.E.C.'s 

1775 (3) Third Constitutional Synod, 1775. At this 

Synod an important resolution was passed 
that the U.E.C. should keep in touch with the 
mission fields by means of official visitations. Such 
visitations had, it is true, been occasionally made 
already. Henceforward, however, they were far 
more frequent.f 

1782 (4) General Synod, 1782. At this Synod a resolu- 

tion was passed that the U.E.C. should arrange for 
and authorise the publication of an official book of 
instructions for all missionaries. This was a change of 

fFor list of visitations see Appendix, p. 525. 

The Work of the Synods. 475 

importance. Formerly the missionaries had received 
their instructions almost exclusively from Zin- 
zendorf ; now they received them from the Moravian 
Church. The task was entrusted to Bishop 
Spangenberg. In 1784 his " Instructions for Brethren 
and Sisters working among the Heathen " appeared ; 
English and Dutch translations were published ; 
and this book — which, of course, was more than once 
revised — remained the Missionaries' Manual till 1889. 

(5) General Synod, 1789. At this Synod the 1789 
Mission Department was made an integral part of 

the U.E.C., and henceforth the U.E.C., during 
inter-synodal periods, exercised supreme authority. 
At this Synod, also, three important progressive 
measures were passed : 

{a) That the Mission in South Africa be resumed. 

ih) That a new Mission be established in Tobago. 

(c) That the S.F.G. be authorised to publish 
Quarterly Reportsf of the mission work. 

This was the origin of " Periodical Accounts." 
On the other hand the Synod was compelled to 
decline an invitation from William Wilberforce to 
establish a Mission in New Holland. 

(6) General Synod, 1818. During the Napoleonic 1818 
Wars information about mission work had been hard 

to obtain ; this lack of information had caused a 
decline in missionary zeal ; and this Synod remedied 
the evil by authorising the publication of regular 
reports. These reports appeared six times a year. 
This was the first step on the Continent towards the 
publication of a missionary magazine. 

(7) General Synod, 1836. At this Synod two 1836 
resolutions of fundamental importance were passed : 

(a) That a Monthly Missionary Magazine be 
established for the Continental Province. 

tCompare Book L, Chapter XIV., p. 194. 

476 A History of Moravian Missions. 

The Magazine was entitled Missions- Blatt. 
(b) That the compulsory use of the Lot in the 
marriage of missionaries be abolished. This 
was the first step towards the complete 
abolition of the Lot. By degrees it fell 
into disuse, and by 1889 it had ceased 

(8) Summary Statement. During this period, 
therefore, while the work was confined to the old 
fields, the General Synods, while making no drastic 
changes, had, at least, introduced some improve- 
ments. They had : — 

(o) Organized a system of government. 

(b) Arranged for official visitations. 

(c) Provided the missionaries with official 


(d) Authorised the publication of two Missionary 


(e) Begun the abolition of the Lot. 

For other needful reforms, however, the time had not 
yet arrived. No attempt had yet been made to 
render the old fields self-supporting and self- 
governing ; no improvements had been made in the 
mode of training the missionaries ; and no financial 
system had been organized. 

Period 2. The Modern Advance, 1848-1909. 

1848 (1) The Modern Advance Synod, 1848. With 

this Synod we enter on a new epoch, and the causes 
of the great change should be carefully noted. The 
first cause, and the most important, was the general 
state of things in Europe. The great year of many 
revolutions had come. For some months before this 
General Synod assembled nearly every great city 
in Europe had been the scene of soul-stirring events, 
one politician spoke of this " proud epoch of 

The Work of the Synods. 477 

the world's history, "f and ardent reformers 
anticipated the fulfilment of Shelley's prophecy : — 

The world's great age begins anew, 

The golden years return, 
The earth doth like a snake renew 

Her winter weeds outworn ; 
Heaven smiles, and faiths and empires gleam 

Like wrecks of a dissolving dream. 

At Paris the people had risen in revolt, over- 
thrown the French Monarchy, and re-estabUshed 
the French Republic. At Palermo, in Sicily, 
a similar revolution had taken place. At Venice 
and in some Italian cities there had been fierce 
fighting in the streets. At Vienna a huge mob 
had stormed the Royal Palace; at Prague, m Bohemia, 
the Czechs were fighting for Bohemian national 
independence ; at Dublin Irish patriots were clamour- 
ing for a republic ; and at BerUn, Stuttgart, and 
many other German cities great mass meetings had 
been held, fiery and seditious speeches delivered, 
and revolutionary doctrines propounded. On the 
Brethren such events made a profound impression. 
The more they reflected on these stupendous pro- 
ceedings, the more convinced they became that a 
new epoch had arrived in the history of humanity. 
At any moment, they felt, Christ Himself might now 
appear as Judge and call His servants to account ; 
and, not wishing to be ashamed before Him at His 
coming, they were now con^'inced that, ceasing to 
confine their efforts to the old fields, they must carry 
the Gospel to heathen still dwelling in darkness. 

Nor was the general state of humanity the only 
impulse to new action. During the last few years there 
had been observed, both in the Home Pro\dnces and in 

tFor a sketch of theee events see " Cambridge Modem History," 
Vol. XI., Chapters H. to VH. 

478 A History of Moravian Missions. 

the mission fields, a great increase in evangelistic zeal. 
In the Continental Province, a great religious revival 
had begun at the Paedagogium at Niesky (1841) ; 
in Great Britain new societies on behalf of Moravian 
Missions had been founded, the "Yorkshire Society for 
the Spread of the Gospel," the "Edinburgh Associa- 
tion," and the "Glasgow Auxiliary Society" ; and in 
the American Province the Moravian S.P.G. had 
showed renewed activity in its mission to the Indians. 
But the most hopeful feature of all was the zeal of the 
missionaries themselves. Never had gaps caused 
by death been so rapidly filled. In 1836 the number 
of missionaries was 218 ; in 1848, it was 288 ; and 
some of these new recruits were engaged in new 
enterprises. In the British West Indies, day-schools 
were being opened ; in Surinam the Mission to the 
Bush Negroes had been revived ; and in South 
Africa a new work had been begun among the Kaffirs. f 
On the financial side also the situation was bright. 
Of the seven fields now in existence three were 
entirely independent of central funds. Surinam was 
supported entirely by Kersten & Co. ; Labrador by 
the S.F.G. ; and South Africa by several business 
concerns. Such facts suggested new possibilities. 
At this Synod the question was now asked for the 
first time whether the old fields could not be made 
so independent that henceforth both men and money 
could be applied to entirely new enterprises ; and, 
stimulated by this ideal, the Synod passed the 
following resolutions : — 

(a) That a systematic attempt be made to render 
the work in the British West Indies entirely 
independent. In these islands, i.e., the 
people were both to raise their own ministry 
and cover their own expenses. 

tSee Book II., pp. 288-09. 

The Work of the Synods. 479 

(6) That the question be considered whether 
Greenland and the Danish West Indies 
could not also be made independent. 

(c) That fresh attempts be made to institute a 
Native Ministry, so that the converts would 
no longer require the services of European 

{d) That the chief object of these reforms should 
be to release men and money for new work. 

(e) That, to stimulate interest in the Home 
P^o^'inces, annual summer festivals be held. 

(/) That, in response to pressing invitations, new 
Missions be estabhshed on the Moskito 
Coast and in Victoria. 

Thus did the revolutionary movement in Europe 
inspire the Moravian Church with new ideals, and 
thus did this important Sjiiod initiate the Modern 

(2) The Constitutional Synod, 1857. The next 1857 
step was to encourage self-government. At 
this Synod, therefore, two measures were passed 
whereby the missionaries themselves should play 
a more decided part in the discussion and manage- 
ment of mission concerns. In the past, missionaries 
had taken little part in General Sjiiods, and even 
at this SjTiod, only three, specially summoned by 
the U.E.C., were present. But now the following 
definite arrangements were made : — 

(a) That, in each Missionary Province, the 
missionaries, meeting in regular conference, 
shall, if possible, prepare resolutions to 
be submitted to a General Synod. 
{h) That the number of missionaries summoned 
to a General Synod shall in future be not 
fewer than five. Before summoning these 

480 A History of Moravian Missions. 

five, the U.E.C. shall first obtain the 
confidential votes of the missionaries.! 

1869 (3) The Mission-College Synod, 1869. The next 

task was to make the missionaries more efficient. 
For one hundred and thirty-seven years (1732-1869), 
i.e., ever since Zinzendorf gave a few lectures to the 
first recruits at Herrnhut, the Moravian Church had 
acted on the principle that if a candidate for foreign 
service was taught by the Holy Spirit, had peace 
with God through Christ, followed after holiness, 
and had the requisite mental endowments, no 
special training was required. No Mission College, 
therefore, existed ; and though a few of the 
missionaries, having been trained for home service, 
or having taught in boarding-schools, were men of 
good education, the greater number still came from 
the artisan classes, passed through elementary day- 
schools, and acquired their theological knowledge 
either in a Brethren's House or in a Sunday School. 
In vain a few radicals had tried to introduce a 
reform. In 1825 the General Synod decided that a 
Mission College would be useless ; in 1836 that such 
an institution would probably do more harm than 
good ; in_J.848 that the old methods of education 
were the best ; and in 1857 that, if any candidate 
required further instruction, he might obtain all he 
needed, either by taking lessons from his minister, 
or by spending a year as teacher or lay-preacher 
in England. For this opposition to higher education 
the Brethren gave an explicit reason. At the 
1836 Synod the question was fully discussed ; schemes 
for more education were considered ; and the Synod 
rejected those schemes on the ground that, with the 

\ 'tAt the next Synod (1869) this rule was slightly modified. The 
\ number summoned must not be fewer than four, and not more 

* than six. The fields represented were South Africa, Surinam, 

Jamaica, Antigua, Greenland, Labrador. 

The Work of niK Synods. 481 

exce ption of men already highly educated, the less 
education a man had the more loyal, more obedient^ 
and mor e self-sacrificin g he would be . High-class 
e ducation migh t be good ; half education was 
dan}a;erous ; and , the first being impossible, the second 
must be rejected. " Would it not be a pity," the 
Synod declared, " if, through a half-education, 
men, otherwise useful, lost their simplicity of mind 
an d willingness to serve wi thout reward ? " Mean- 
while, however, circumstances had altered in some 
of the mission fields. In the older fields, t_he_ native 
conyerts_ffei:e,jciQK_Jietti^_£diLcated,_and the more _ 
educated the natives were, the more education, said 
the rcforniers, was required in the missionaries. At 
Fairfield, in Jamaica, Jacob Zorn had opened a 
Teachers' Training School ; at Genadendal, in South 
Africa, Hottentots were obtaining government teach- 
ing certificates ; and, so persistently did the reformers 
insist on such facts as these, that, early in 1869, the 
U.E.C., without waiting for a General Synod, opened 
a Mission College at Niesky, in Silesia. Thus did the 
Church introduce a new principle in the training of 
missionaries ; and the action of the U.E.C. was 
warmly endorsed by the S\Tiod. In 1885 a handsome 
building was erected ; the course of training was to 
l ast l hre£- years ; and the curriculum included Bible ^ 
study. History of Missions, Homiletics, English 
language, Music, Gardening, Carpentry, and a little 
Medicine. In 1892 a Preparatory Mission School 
was opened at Konigsfeld, in Baden (transferred in 
1900 to Ebersdorf) ; in 1903 a Mission College was 
opened at Bristol for British students ; and, both 
on the continent and in England, a few candidates 
became fully qualified medical practitioners. 

(4) The Self-Support Synod, 1879. The next lg79 
task was to make the old fields self-supporting. 
In one sense three fields, as we have seen, were self- 

482 A History of Moravian Missions. 

supporting already, i.e., they needed no financial 
assistance from central funds. With the aid of the 
S.F.G. Labrador was self-supporting ; with the aid 
of business concerns, both Surinam and South 
Africa could cover their own expenses ; and now 
the great question was whether the West Indies and 
Greenland could not be placed in the same position. 
Of these two, the West Indies, seemed th e mo re hope- 
ful. Already, certain important steps had been 
taken. In 1847 the work in Jamaica was placed under 
a General Conference, consisting of five missionaries ; 
in 1850 the U.E.C. decided that each congregation 
might elect a Congregation Council ; in 1869 each 
Council was empowered to elect a Committee 
authorised, like the Committees in the Home Pro- 
vinces, to look after temporalities ; and in 1878 a 
Theological College was opened at Fairfield in 
Jamaica. Thus, it was hoped, the West Indian 
congregations might not only pay their own expenses, 
but also raise their own Native Ministry. With 
this two-fold purpose, the General Synod resolved : — 

That the West Indian Field be divided into 
two Provinces ; the Western consisting of 
Jamaica alone, the Eastern of the other 
(b) That each Province be under a Governing 
Board, appointed by the U.E.C. 
\ y(c) And that each year the grant to the West 
^j^ Indies be gradually reduced. In 1880 

^' the grant was to be £3,000 ; each year the 

amount would be reduced by £800 ; and 
by 1890 it would be nil 

Thus, in eleven years, each West Indian Province 
would become financially independent. But this 
scheme was only partially successful. As the 
Theological College at Fairfield had to be closed — 

The Work of the Synods. 48S 

partly, it seems, beeause the students did not prove 
satisfactory — the Brethren in the West Indies were 
not yet able to establish a Native Ministry, and 
about the same time there arose such a serious 
crisis in the sugar industry that many of the West 
Indian converts were reduced to great poverty. 
In 1890, therefore, a new sliding-scale had to be 
adopted. For 1890 the grant would be £900 ; each 
j-ear it would be reduced by £90 ; and thus, by 1900, 
the two West Indian Provinces would be self- 
supporting. But once again bad trade conditions 
rendered the scheme ineffectual. In 1900 the grant 
to the West Indies was still £1,000; and in 1914 
it had risen to £1,700. Nevertheless, the West 
Indian Provinces were almost independent. In 
Jamaica the sum now raised was £9,000 ; in the 
Western Province it was £8,000 ; and thus the West 
Indian Provinces covered nine-tenths of their 
expenses. Meanwhile, there had also been an in- 
crease in the number of native ministers. At the 
close of 1913 there were nine native ministers in 
Jamaica, and thirteen in the Eastern Province. 

(5) The Missionary Literature Synod, 1889. The 1889 
next task was to enlighten the Mora^^an public. At 
this Synod an important resolution was passed that 
some Moravian Brother should be appointed to write 
a systematic "History of Moravian Missions"; and 
that, while engaged in this great task, he should, in 
the meantime, bring out books and pamphlets dealing 
with the various mission fields. For this purpose the 
man selected was H. G. Schneider, ^o some extent 
Schneider succeeded. On the one hand he failed to 
produce a systematic history ; on the other hand 
he became a popular pamphleteer ; and, making 
his headquarters at Herrnhut, where he could con- 
verse with retired missionaries and thereby obtain 
good local colour, he produced a series of sketch«« of 

484 A History of Moravian Missions. 

the highest value to future historians. In every 
field Schneider seemed quite at home. He wrote the 
history of the Missions in Tibet, Victoria, Moskito, 
Alaska, and North Queensland; he told the early 
story of Genadendal ; he described in detail both 
Paramaribo and Leh in Kashmir ; he painted a 
brilliant picture of a Christmas in Labrador ; he 
unravelled the story of the Bush Negroes ; and 
further, in a series of short biographies, he im- 
mortalised such men as Jens Haven, of Labrador, 
Frederick Martin, Hans Peter Hallbeck, in South 
Africa, and the Kaffir Evangelists, Stephen Prins and 
Elias. The example of Schneider was followed by 
other writers. During the next twenty years several 
series of missionary pamphlets appeared. Schneider's 
chief series was known as "The Good Message"; 
another series, edited by Guido Burkhardt, was 
called " Missionary Studies " ; a third, edited 
by H. Kluge, was called " Little Tracts " ; a 
fourth was " In Distant Heathen Lands " ; and a 
fifth " To all the World." At the same time, it 
must be candidly admitted that little work of this 
kind was done either in England or in North America. 
Bishop Arthur Ward, in his " Miracle of Mapoon," 
narrated the history of the North Queensland Mission ; 
the Rev. J. W. Davey, in the " Fall of Torngak " 
and " Through Flood and Storm," dealt respectively 
with Labrador and the North American Indians ; 
and three of H. G. Schneider's works, " Tibet," 
" Stephen Prins," and " Hanzina Hinz " were trans- 
lated into English. But these exceptions simply proved 
the rule, and the lack of English popular missionary 
literature may have accounted, to some extent, for 
the shortage of candidates. 

1899 (6) The Finance Synod, 1899. The next task was 

to meet increasing financial liabilities. By the close 
of the nineteenth century, the financial situation 

The Work of the Synods. 485 

had become critical, and the chief cause of the crisis 
was the rapid extension of the work. But other 
causes had also operated. Let us note : — 

(a) The chief sources of income. 

(b) The increasing outlay. 

(c) The remedy proposed. 

(a) The Sources of Income. Originally the 
missionaries worked for their living ; only their 
travelling expenses were paid by the Church ; and 
in Zinzendorf's days not even Church collections 
were permitted. For many years after Zinzendorf's 
death the Brethren relied for most of their income on 
various business firms. In London there was the 
S.F.G. ; in Surinam the firm of Kersten & Co. ; 
and in South Africa there were not only the grocery, 
book-binding, and printing firm at Genadendal, but 
also a sheep farm at Elim, a factory at Mamre, and a 
corn-mill at Shiloh. For some years each of these 
undertakings brought large profits ; then, for various 
reasons, chiefly political upheavals and changes in 
prices, they fell on bad times, and the expenses of the 
newer fields fell almost entirely on General Funds. 
The other sources of income were various. Some of 
the money came from collections and donations in 
the Home Provinces ; some, of course, from legacies ; 
and some from various Auxiliary Societies. Of these 
Societies at least ten were inside the Moravian Church. 
In England we find : — 

(1) The S.F.G.. 1741. 

(2) The Juvenile Missionary Association, founded 

at Ockbrook Boys' School, by Jackson Shawe, 
the headmaster, 1868. 

(3) The Mite Association, 1883. 

In North America : — 

(4) The S.P.G., 1745. 

4S0 A History of Moratian Mission!. 

(5) The North Carolina S.P.G., 1823. 

(6) The Alaska Help Society, 1886. 

In Holland : — 

(7) The Zeist Missionary Society, 1738. 

In Denmark : — 

(8) The North-Schleswig Union, for the Danisli 

West Indies, 1843. 

In Germany and Switzerland : — 

(9) The Half-Penny Union, 1877. 

In Jamaica : — 
(10) The Moravian Missionary Society, 1900. 

There were also societies outside the Moravian Church. 
In Holland there was the Hague " Society for Further- 
ance of Christian Knowledge Among Negro Slaves " 
(1828), supported largely by Dutch planters ; in 
England there were Ladies' Associations at London, 
Bath, Bristol, and Leominster ; and in Scotland 
there were not only the Edinburgh Association and 
the Glasgow Auxiliary (1828), but several smaller 
local societies in close connection with Presbyterian 

The most wonderful society, however, is still to 
be mentioned. As the Moravian Church had suffered 
much on the continent through the ravages of 
Napoleon, some London gentlemen established the 
1817 " London Association in aid of Moravian Missions.".. 
The leader and the first Secretary was the Rev. 
John Bull, an Anglican clergyman ; the Treasurer 
for many years was William Leach ; and the first 
headquarters were John Bull's residence, 16, 
Southampton Place, Euston Square. According to 
the printed rules of the society, any person who 
subscribed one guinea per year, or collected sixpence 
a week, could become a member ; no denominational 
test was imposed ; and among the earlier members 

The Work of the Synods. 487 

we find, not only several Anglican Bishops, but Non- 
conformists like Rowland Hill, philanthropists like 
WiUiam Wiiberforce, and society ladies like the 
Duchess of Beaufort, Lady Walpole, Mrs. Noel, 
and Mrs. Gladstone. The Committee soon set to 
work. They published annual reports of Moravian 
Missions ; they established branches all over the 
country ; and they pleaded the cause, not only in 
Anglican Churches, but also among Presbyterians, 
Independents, Baptists, Methodists, and the Countess 
of Huntingdon's Connection. From the first, 

however, the Anglicans took the lead. The President 
was generally a prominent Churchman ; the list of 
Vice-presidents included the Primate and several 
Bishops and Deans ; the Secretary was an Anglican 
clergyman ; and the annual sermon was preached in 
a London Church. Among the annual preachers the 
most noted were Legh Richmond, Dean Freemantle, 
H. C. G. Moule (late Bishop of Durham), J. C. Ryle 
(late Bishop of Liverpool), and Prebendary 
Webb-Peploe. For this Anglican sympathy two 
special reasons may be given. In the first 
place, some members of the C.M.S. had consulted 
the Moravian Mission Secretary, C. I. La Trobe, 
on certain missionary problems, and were grateful 
for the information received ; and, secondly, 
some Anglican missionaries had visited Gruenekloof 
in South Africa, and had there formed a high 
opinion of the value of Moravian work. The 
Association raised large sums of money. In 1818 
the sum was £667 2s. 7d. During the first fifty 
years the average income was about £5,000 ; in 1868 
it rose to £11,000 ; from 1890 onward it was over 
£7,000; from 1895 it was over £10,000; and in 
1902, the record year, the total was £19,000. Thus 
did Englishmen help a Church to which they them- 
selves did not belong. 

488 A History of Moravian Missions. 

I (b) The Increasing Outlay. In 1800 the annual 

' expense was only £3,000 ; in 1834 it was about 
£10,000 ; in 1848 it was £80,000 ; and in 1898 it 
was £83,000. On several occasions the Church had 
passed through a crisis. In 1750 the Missions were 
nearly bankrupt, and Zinzendorf's wealthy friends 
had to come to the rescue ; in 1789 the debt was' 
£6,000; in 1818 it was nearly £7,000; in 1876 it 
was £6,000, and in 1897 it was £12,000. For 
Moravians these were large sums. Each time a 
deficiency occurred some special effort had to be 

/\ made ; no one knew when a deficiency might occur ; 
land in 1882 Eugene Reichel declared that the 

i j Moravian Church was living from hand to mouth. 

' For another reason, too, the situation was critical. 
The more rapidly the foreign field extended, the more 
obvious it became that the Moravian Church was 
growing " top-heavy."t In Germany, England, and 
America the progress was slow ; in the foreign field 
it was fairly rapid. In the Home Provinces the 
number of members was only about 30,000 ; in the 
foreign field it had risen to 90,000 ; and the obvious 
conclusion was that, unless the converts themselves 
gave more, the Home Church would soon have a 
greater burden than it could bear. During the 
last half-century, the Home Church had increased 
by only a quarter ; abroad the membership had 
doubled, and the expense had increased four-fold. 
At this rate breaking-point seemed not far off. 

Nor was even this the worst. In another and 
deeper sense the situation was critical. The more 
the foreign work developed, the more it became known 
to the Christian public ; the more it was known, the 
more highly it was valued ; and the more it was 
valued the more frequently the Brethren were asked 
to take up fresh work. At every Synod the Mission 

fAt the General SjTiod in 1909 thii word was frequently used. 

The Work of the Synods. 489 

Board reported that so many invitations had been 
received, and at every Synod they had to confess 
that chiefly for lack of money most of those invitations 
had been decUned. On the surface the record was 
bright ; in reaUty it was heart-breaking. During 
the last fifty years the Brethren had accepted no 
fewer than ten invitations. At the request of Prince 
Waldenberg they had gone to Moskito ; of Dr. 
Gutzlaff to Western Tibet ; of Governor Hutt to 
Victoria ; of the Presbyterians to North Queensland ; 
of Dr. Sheldon Jackson to Alaska ; of certain 
American women to California ; of Quintin Hogg to 
Demcrara ; of Mackay of Uganda, to Nyassa ; of the 
L.M.S. to Unyamwezi ; and of the Baroness Ascheraden 
to Jerusalem. For every invitation accepted, how- 
ever, at least two had been refused. To us English 
readers it is interesting to notice that most of the 
invitations came from England. In 1868 the 
Brethren were invited to Montserrat by a certain 
Sturges ; in 1869 to Algiers, by Pastor Demole ; 
in 1870 to Chinese Mongolia, by Pastor Edkins ; in 
1871 to Circassia, by Dr. Wrightson, and to China, 
by the Bishop of Victoria ; in 1872 to Queensland, 
by Pastor Hausmann, to the Andaman Islands, by 
Captain Laughton, and to Porto Rico by a local 
planter ; in 1873 to San Domingo, by some one not 
named ; in 1874 to Kashgar and Yarkand, by General 
Lake ; in 1874 or 1875 to Brazil, by the Manager of 
the London Brazilian Bank ; in 1876 to the Argentine, 
by a Mrs. or Miss Perrcns, and to the Congo by Robert 
Arthington, of Leeds ; in 1877 to Antigua, to take 
charge of the Mico CharityTHby^tKe Secretary of the 
_same ; Tn" i878~to Ecuador^ by a German trader ; 
in 1880 to the Argentine, by Mrs. Von Oppelt ; in 
1886 to Honduras, by the English Aborigines Pro- 
tection Society, and to Cumberland Inlet, by 
certain Scotch friends in Dundee : in 1889 to the 

490 A History ov Moravian Missions. 

Nicobar Islands, by Charlotte Tucker (A.L.O.E.); 
in 1890 to Honduras, by Mrs. Pcmell, and to North 
Alaska, by the United States Government ; in 1891 
to British Columbia, by J. T. Morton, the tea 
merchant, and to Dominica, by the Governor of 
Antigua ; in 1892 to Hayti, by the President of the 
Hayti Republic; in 1893 to North China, by the 
Secretary of the American Board of Commissioners 
of Foreign Missions in Boston; in 1895 to Peru, by a 
resident named Lamp ; in 1898 to Florida, by a 
certain Turner, to the Argentine, by W. Barnett, and 
to Japan, by a Japanese clergyman ; in 1899 to 
Malabar, by Gelson Gregson ; in 1900 to Fox Channel, 
West of Baffin's Land, by C. J. Peck, of the C.M.S. ; 
in 1901 to St. Eustace, by the Governor ; in 1902 to 
Venezuela, by J. W. Crichton ; in 1905 to 
Johannesburg, first by the London Medical Mission, 
to work among the Chinese, and then by the 
South African General Missionary Conference, to 
minister to Kaffirs, to Central Africa, near Lake 
Tanganyika, by the French Missionary, Louis Jalla, 
and to the Isle of Saghalin, by Dr. Dalton ; in 1906 to 
the South of Lake Victoria Nyanza, by the C.M.S. ; 
and in 1907 to Kurdistan and Mesopotamia, by 
Marie Anholm, a Swedish writer. 

At the close of the century, therefore, the record 
was sad. In the last fifty years the Brethren had 
received no fewer that thirty-five invitations ; and 
twenty-five of the number had been declined. And 
in nearly every case the reason was lack of money. 

Meanwhile, another financial embarrassment had 
occurred. For some years the Brethren had been 
generously treated by the great English tea merchant, 
J. T. Morton, and then, in his will, he left the Brethren 
about £250,000. In the eyes of the public this was a 
great boon. In reality it added fresh burdens. 
As the money was doled out only in instalments, 

Thb Work of the Synods. 491 

to be spent in founding and maintaining new stations, 
tli£_Ch.urch, by accepting the gift, simply increased 
her liabilities. 

(c) The Proposed Remedy. The situation, there- 
fore, seemed almost desperate. In the past the 
Moravian C hurch had lived from hand to mouth; 
now more businesslike methods were demanded ; 
and the Synod passed the following resolutions : — 

(1) That a Finance Committee be appointed to 

assist the Mission Board. 

(2) That an annual Budget be issued, so that the 

Church might know beforehand what, if 
any, deficiencies might be expected. 

(3) That capable business-men be appointed to 

manage the business concerns in the mission 

(4) That the Morton money be used, not to open 

new fields, but only to build new stations. 

(5) And that the annual contribution to the ., 

West Indies be limited to a definite amount. 

The new pohcy had little success. At bottom the 
real question was, not merely whether the income 
could be increased, but whether it could increase 
more rapidly than the expenditure ; and during the 
next ten years the expenditure was greater then 
ever. The result was a constant struggle. In every 
annual statement but one, the Mission Board had 
to report a deficiency. In 1902 the deficiency 
was over £8,000 ; in 1907 it was £12,000 ; and in 
1908 it was £20,000. Can an}i:hing be done, it 
was asked, to cause such deficiencies to cease ? The 
next Synod suggested an answer. 

(7) The Native Church Synod, 1909. The last 1909 
task was the hardest of all. At a General Mission 

\ \ 

492 A History of Moravian Missions. 

Conference in East Central Africa (1901), attended by 
representatives of six missionary societies — the 
Scotch Church, the Livingstonian Mission, the L.M.S., 
the Zambezi Industrial, the First Berlin, and the 
Moravian Church — great stress had been laid on the 
idea that Africa must be evangelized by Africans ; 
with this conception some Moravians sympathized ; 
and thus the idea of Native Provinces now began to 
take definite form. Let us not, however, regard 
this conception as entirely new. For sixty-one 
years (1848-1909) the Moravian Church had cherished 
similar ideals. As soon as the Brethren entered on 
the Modern Advance, they conceived the idea of 
Native Provinces. In 1848 the General Synod 
declared that, if possible, each Province should have 
its Native Ministry ; in 1857 that more Native 
Assistants should be trained ; in 1869 that all con- 
gregations should be " self-sustaining and served by 
their own native labourers " ; and in 1879 that the 
failure of previous efforts should not cause discourage- 
ment. But the most important step in this direction 
had been taken by the 1899 Synod. At this Synod a 
resolution was passed that each of the two West 
Indian Provinces should be placed, constitutionally, 
in the same position as the Home Provinces. Each, 
i.e., should have its own Provincial Synod, consisting 
partly of ex-officio members and partly of delegates 
elected by the congregation councils ; each should 
have its own Governing Board ; and each Board 
should be empowered to send two delegates to a 
General Synod. In one sense only were the West 
Indian Provinces not quite as independent as the 
Home Provinces. As the West Indian Provinces 
still received financial aid from the Mission Board, 
the Board still reserved the right to veto their 
decisions. Thus did the 1899 Synod nearly, though 
not quite, establish two Native Provinces in the West 

The Work of the Synods. 498 

Indies ; and the hope was expressed that similar 
arrangements might soon be made in Surinam and 
South Africa. 

In what sense, then, and to what extent, was the 
Native Church idea, now propounded by the Mission 
Board, a new one ? What precisely, at this Synod, 
was meant by the phrase " Native Church " ? 
Did the advocates of this ideal mean that, at some 
time, South Africa and Surinam should, like the two 
West Indian Provinces, be self-governing Provinces 
belonging to the Moravian Church, using Moravian 
forms of worship, and sending delegates to a General 
Synod ? No. By the term Native Church they | 
meant an entirely independent National Church. 
Such a Church would be self-propagating, self- 
supporting, and self-governing ; such a Church 
would provide its own ministry, raise its own funds, 
make its own laws, and determine its own forms 
of worship ; such a Church, in a word, would be 
entirely independent ; and over such a Church neither 
the Moravian nor any other denomination would have 
the least authority. 

During the next five years, however, the Native 
Church idea was merely a dream. In the West 
Indies it was sternly rejected. In South Africa, 
Surinam, and East Central Africa only certain pre- 
liminary steps were taken ; conferences, attended by 
the native del^ates, met to discuss the question ; 
and thus, when the Great War began, the problem 
was still unsolved. 

Summary Statement. 

Such, then, was the work accomplished by these 
seven General Sjiiods. They had 

(1) Conceived the idea of self -supporting pro- 1848 

vinces, so that men and money might be 

released for new work 

494 A History of Moravian Missions. 

1857 (2) Authorised the missionaries to meet in con- 

ference, prepare resolutions for a General 
Synod, and send voting members. 

1869 (8) Established a Mission College. 

1879 (4) Endeavoured to make the West Indies self- 


1889 (5) Arranged for the publication of popular 


1899 (6) Introduced the idea of financial budgets. 

1909 (7) Made plans for the formation of Native 


Chapter III. 



At the General SjTiod in 1909 a resolution was 
passed that, as the Foreign Missions were in a critical 
state — so critical that retrenchments were ordered — 
the next General Synod should meet, not after the 
usual ten years' interval, but in the Summer of 1914 ; 
this resolution was carried into effect, and the 
interesting feature of this last Sjmod was that, 
while the Brethren dealt with some practical problems, 
they also seized their opportunity to re-assert 
their undying faith in certain old Moravian Christian 
ideals. Never did a General Svnod meet at a more 
fateful epoch in world history. The time was one of 
calm before the storm. The opening ser\dce was 
held on May 13th ; on June 13th the members 
parted ; and only fifteen days later, Sunday, June 
28th, the Archduke Ferdinand was murdered. Let 
us now glance briefly at the latest Moravian 
Missionary manifesto. 

(1) The Evangelistic Ideal. For twenty-five years 
the English member of the Mission Board had been 
Bishop Benjamin La Trobe, formerly known to 
English Moravians as Editor of " Periodical 
Accounts " ; at this Synod he gave the opening 
address, and taking as his text the words which had 
thrilled Leonard Dober in the golden days : " // is 
not a zain thing for you, because it is your life " 
(Deut. XXXII., 47), Bishop La Trobe made bold to 
assert that, in spite of increasing deficiencies, not a 
single mission field need be abandoned. In the past, 
he declared, God had ever come to the Brethren's 


496 A History of Moravian Missions. 

aid ; let the Brethren, therefore, advance and trust ; 
and following the Bishop's lead, the members of the 
Synod sang the old pre-reformation hymn : — 

The Lord is never far away, 

But, through all grief distressing. 

An ever present help and stay, 
Our peace, and joy, and blessing ; 

As with a mother's tender hand, 

He leads His own, His chosen band ; 

To God all praise and glory, f 

But now came the great question. Was this 
optimistic faith quite justified ? Could the Church 
still dare to advance, trusting in the Lord God to 
provide the means ? At first sight stern fact seemed 
to teach the very opposite. According to the explicit 
statement of the Mission Board, the years 1907-12 
were the most critical years in the whole history 
of Moravian Missions. During these five years the 
total deficiencies had actually risen to £61,633. 
In 1907 the deficiency was £12,000 ; in 1908, £15,100 ; 
in 1909, £10,850 ; in 1910, £10,248 ; in 1911, £6,207 ; 
in 1912, £6,248 ; and in 1913, £4,173. Nor was this 
long list of deficiencies the most serious feature of 
the case. In vain, during the last five years, had 
the Mission Board, acting according to the instructions 
of the 1909 Synod, pursued a policy of retrenchment. 
In vain had they redviccd the staff of missionaries in 
the West Indies, Nicaragua, South Africa, Labrador, 
East Central Africa, and Tibet ; the more the Mission 
Board endeavoured to retrench, the more expenses 
seemed to increase ; and now the Mission Board 
announced that by the close of 1914 there would 
probably be another deficiency of over £10,000. 
What lesson, however, it was asked, was really taught 
by the foregoing figures ? Was it really a lesson of 

fFor the whole hymn see Moravian Hymn Book, No. 530. 

The Synod of 1914. 497 

despair ? Did the deficiencies necessitate still further 
retrenchment ? On the contrary. Each time a 
serious deficiency had occurred, God had touched the 
hearts of generous men ; and, during the five most 
critical years, the £61,000 required had been sub- 
scribed. Nor was tliis the only cause of encourage- 
ment. Had not certain Moravians recently formed 
the " Unyamwezi League " to save Unyamwezi 
from being handed over to the Herrmansburg 
Missionary Society ? Had not others just formed 
a " League of Help " ? And did not others, while 
Synod was sitting, form the " Young People's 
Missionary League " ? In the Mission Pro^ inces, also, 
there were signs of renewed activity. In Nyassa 
steps had been taken towards the formation of a 
Native Church ; in Unyamwezi new work had just 
been begun among the Mahometans ; in Labrador 
the Eskimos had begun to subscribe more liberally 
to Church funds ; in Nicaragua the Government had 
just granted full religious liberty ; in Alaska the 
missionaries had just built a new station, Akiak ; 
in California WilMam Weinland was expecting the 
speedy solution of the land problem ; and in Tibet 
a member of the C.M.S had just written to inform the 
Mission Board that if the Moravians did not advance 
their reputation as a Missionary Church was at stake. 
Inside the Moravian Church, therefore, there were 
now renewed hberality and enthusiasm ; Foreign 
Missions were once more recognised as the work of the 
whole Church; and, thus encouraged, the General 
Synod decided that, as in the days of Zinzendorf, 
the Moravian Church was still called to proclaim the 
Saviour to the world. 

(2) The International Ideal. Among the features 
of European historj^ during the nineteenth century 
the most significant was what historians call the 
" Rise of Nationalities " ; this growth in national 


498 A History of Moravian Missions. 

feeling led to rivalry ; and knowing how this, in 
turn, might lead to war, the Moravians now laid 
special stress on the international character of their 
Church. In the political world the ideal seemed to 
be international competition ; in the Christian it 
should be international co-operation ; and this 
international co-operation had always been a marked 
feature of the Moravian Church. Let us note pre- 
cisely how this ideal was carried out in practice. 

(a) First, the Moravian missionaries had long 
worked, and were still working, under 
various Governments ; most of the mission 
stations were in colonies ; and in every 
colony the missionaries, co-operating with 
the Government, had taught the people to 
be loyal to the country to which that colony 
belonged. On this point the standard tale 
was that of Bishop Spangenberg in St. 
Thomas. " Have you seen my castle ? " 
said the Governor to the Bishop, pointing 
to the Brethren's plantation. " There it 
is. There is the cause of our safety on 
this island. If that plantation were not 
there, I dare not sleep a night outside the 
fort." Nor was St. Thomas an exceptional 
case. According to Zinzendorf himself, one 
of the chief duties of a missionary was to 
teach the converts to be loyal to the Govern- 
ment ; and that duty had alwaj^s been 
faithfully performed. In Pennsylvania, 
Bishop Spangenberg, acting as a British 
citizen, had loyally defended Bethlehem 
against the attacks of French Indians. 
In Labrador the Red Ensign flew above the 
Mission House, and the Eskimos sent a 
loyal address to King Edward VII. In 
Jamaica the Moravian converts defended 

The Synod of 1914. 499 

their masters' property against the rebels. 
In the Danish West Indies se^ eral Governors 
had extolled the converts' loyalty. In 
Surinam the missionaries had even taught 
the fierce Bush Negroes to be loyal. In 
South Africa Moiavian Hottentots had 
fought under British generals against Kaffir 
rebels ; and later, during the Boer War, Kaffir 
converts — among them two of Zibi's sons — 
had enlisted in the British Army. In Victoria, 
Hagenauer was made an official Government 
Inspector, and had taught the Papus to 
sing the National Anthem and shout "Three 
cheers for Queen Victoria." In North 
Queensland, Nicholas Hey was appointed 
manager of the Nati\'e Reserve. In Moskito, 
Mora^'ian Missionaries had acted as collectors 
of taxes ; in Alaska they helped the Govern- 
ment to take the census and foster the rein- 
deer industry ; and in Tibet, at the Govern- 
ment's request, they taught the people 
farming. For all such services as these the 
missionaries had often been highly praised. 
Sir William MacGregor had praised them 
both in Labrador and in North Queensland, 
Sir George Grey in South Africa, Sir Horace 
Tozer in North Queensland, George Washmg- 
ton in North America, and Danish officials 
in Greenland. On the other hand various 
governments had also aided the missionaries. 
In South Africa and Labrador the British 
Government had granted tracts of land, 
and in the British ^Vcst Indies it had aided 
day-schools. The Dutch Government liad 
given free passages, and aided the Leper 
work in Surinam ; the Danish had aided 
schools in the West Indies, and encouiaged 

500 A History of Moravian Missions. 

industry in Greenland ; and the U.S.A. 
had introduced reindeer in Alaska. 

(b) Secondly, the missionaries themselves had 

come, and still came, from different 
nationalities. At the time when this Synod 
assembled men differing from each other in 
blood were working loyally side by side in 
several mission fields, and in the past nine 
different nations had produced distinguished 
missionaries. Frederick Martin was a 
Silesian ; James Ward, English ; Marc 
Richard, Swiss ; Hans Peter Hallbcck, a 
Swede ; Henry Marsveld, a Dutchman ; 
Jens Haven, a Dane ; William Weinland, 
an American ; John Kilbuck, a Red Indian ; 
John Dingwall, a Negro. In 1900 an 
estimate was made that the total number of 
missionaries sent out by the Moravian 
Church since 1732 was 1,473 ; and the full 
list includes, besides men from ^'arious parts 
of Germany, twenty-eight Irishmen, one 
Scot, one Frenchman, twenty-nine Russians, 
ten Norwegians, forty-t)^^o Czechs, one 
Hungarian, two Maltese, and one Austrian. 
Thus, not counting native assistants, 
Moravian missionaries came from eighteen 
different nations. 

(c) Thirdly, these missionaries preached to many 

different nations. In spite of its smallness, 
the Moravian Church had long been one 
of the most cosmopolitan. At a children's 
Christmas service at Zeist, in Holland, six 
men sang six solos in six different languages, 
and at a service at Herrnhaag, in the 
j Wetterau, John Cennick, in 174C, had heard 
a hymn sung in twenty-two languages ; and 

The Synod of 1914. 501 

the number of languages now spoken in the 
Church is said to be thirty-two. From such 
facts as these one sound conclusion could 
be drawn. In the Moravian Church 
different nations had learned to co-operate 
with each other for the sake of the Kingdom 
of God ; that was the true international 
ideal ; and the Brethren now passed a 
resolution that they, according to their 
ability, would do their utmost to maintain 
international peace and goodwill. 

(3) The Church Co-operotion Ideal. At the World 
Missionary Conference held in Edinburgh in 1910, 
to which the IMoravian Church sent several delegates, 
great stress had been laid on the need for more 
co-operation between different churches in the foreign 
field ; soon afterwards Bishop E. R. Hass6,f a pro- 
minent English Moravian, read a paper on this topic 
before the Eastern Counties Clerical Association ; 
and the same topic was also discussed at a General 
Missionary Conference in South Africa. With this 
ideal the Moravians had always been in full sympathy. 
At the outset Zinzendorf had warned the Brethren 
that they must never quarrel with other Churches ; 
and in every mission field the missionaries 
endeavoured to conform to those instructions. As the 
Brethren had no distinctive creed, they had generally 
been able to live on good terms with Anglicans, 
Methodists, Lutherans, and other Protestants ; and 
even when they opposed the Greek and Roman 
Churches, they did so, not so much on dogmatic 
grounds, but because the priests of those Churches 
sometimes set a lower moral standard before the 
people. Already, also, a few examples of inter- 

fAathor of " The Moravians," " Life of Count Zinzendorf," and 
article on the Moravians in Hastings' " Encyclopeedia of 
Religion and Ethics." 

502 A History of Moravian Missions. 

denominational co-opcration had occurred. In 
Australia, as we have seen, the Brethren had co- 
operated with the Presbyterians ; in St. Thomas they 
joined with Anglicans, Wesley ans, Lutherans, and the 
Danish and Dutch Reformed Churches, in founding a 
Temperance League ; in Surinam they joined with 
Lutherans and the Dutch Reformed Church in work 
among the Lepers ; in South Africa they trained 
candidates at Genadendal for service in other 
churches ; and in Unyamwezi they combined, first 
with the Berlin Society in the translation of the New 
Testament and the publication of a Hymn Book, 
then with several other societies in the publication 
of a Magazine, " Coast and Inland," and then both 
with the C.M.S. and the Berlin Mission in the estab- 
lishment of a college for native evangelists. With 
such examples as these, however, the Brethren were 
not content ; and now they passed a resolution that, 
both in the Home Provinces and in the mission 
fields, all opportunities for Church fellowship, for 
common work, and for firmer alliance and unity, 
should receive sympathetic consideration. 

Thus did the Brethren, at their General Synod — 
only seven weeks before the Great War began — re- 
assert their faith in three inspiring missionary ideals, 
and one of the problems set by the conflict was how 
far, and by what methods, those ideals could be 


By Bishop Arthur Ward, 
British Member of the Mission Board. 

The General S\Tiod of the Church that met at 
Herrnhut in 191-4 had scarcely ended when the 
Crown Prince of Austria was murdered at Serajevo, 
and rumours of war began. The delegates had not 
all reached home when the Great War broke out, 
which was to change not only the map of the world, 
but its outlook, and consequently the views of 
Governments regarding Foreign Missions. 

It was well for Moravian Missions that the con- 
stitution of the Church was elastic, and that a certain 
degree of self-government had been introduced into 
almost all the Provinces, for central control 
ceased immediately. The Governing Boards of the 
Church in those countries which formed the Home 
Base had to consider how each individually could 
best ensure the continuance of the work, for concerted 
action was out of the question. America at first 
was neutral, but when she took up arms, correspond- 
ence between her and the enemy countries ceased 
absolutely. Britain, after a vain attempt to avert the 
attack on Belgium, declared war on the invader, but 
correspondence with enemy countries was permitted 
through neutral countries, provided the letters were 
sent unsealed and did not deal with finance. The 
Continental Province was a house divided against 
itself, for, while Germany was at war with Britain 
and America, and Czecho-Slovakia was dragged in 
on her side as a part of the Austrian Empire, Russia, 
dncluding Poland and the Baltic States, was against 


504 A History of Moravian Missions. 

her, and the rest of the countries included in the 
Province were neutral. The Central Mission Board 
could only ask the Provincial Mission Boards to act 
for it in all cases in which it could not act for 
itself, and wait patiently to see how God would 
guide the ark through the storm. 

The first problems that had to be faced were 
administrative and financial. The former were 
simplified by subsequent events. The American 
member of the Board, having completed a visitation 
in Nicaragua, went home to the States and gave his 
support to the Committee of the Society for the 
Propagation of the Gospel. f The British member, 
having gone through all the formalities connected 
with the constitution of the newly-elected Board in 
1914, returned home, and, after the death of his 
predecessor, acted in consultation with the British 
Provincial Mission Board. 

The partition of the foreign fields among the 
Home Provinces followed inevitable lines. Alaska 
and California had been managed by America for a 
long time, so that the war made no change in their 
case. Now Nicaragua naturally passed under her 
care. Germany retained the administration of 
Surinam. East Africa was completely isolated, and 
the Home Church received no word of it. Jerusalem, 
cut off from Britain by the entry of Turkey into the 
war, was maintained by Germany, until the conquest 
of Palestine threw it into the British sphere. The 
West Indies, already possessing Governing Boards 
and Synods, quietly assumed the final prerogative 
of autonomy. All the rest of the mission fields 
were dependent on London, being in British 

The new financial administration had also had the 

fThe American Moravian Missionary Society, organized 1745, 
incorporated 1788. 

Epilogue. 605 

way paved for it by custom. The agencies in 
England and America simply continued to disburse 
as before the money entrusted to them. The only 
difference was that each accounted to its own 
Provincial Mission Board and its auditors instead 
of to the Central Board. They suffered, however, 
from the disadvantage that almost all the Mission 
endowments were invested in Germany, so 
that the interest was not available for any field 
except Surinam, and, when the collapse of the German 
exchange turned the value of the mark into less than 
a farthing, was useless even for that field. But in 
all these perplexities one could not but admire the 
steadfastness and fortitude of the Church and its 
missionaries, and attach new value to the fact that its 
litany contains the prayer to be saved from " need- 
less perplexity." 

Such a frame of mind was especially needed in 
facing the problem how to man the field, if the average 
losses through death and infirmity occurred ; for the 
colleges were empty, and those who should have 
gone out year by year to fill the gaps were scattered 
over the battle-line that stretched from the 
Orkneys to Mesopotamia, while some of the men 
in the mission field were interned or repatriated. 
In the providence of God the losses through death, 
age, and infirmity were small in those years. Few 
took furlough. Some cheerfully did the work of two 
men, as well as they could, lest the cause of Christ 
should suffer loss. 

In North Queensland the work of a generation 
came to its logical conclusion. A heathen camp 
had become a Christian village. Two other stations 
had sprung from it, which, though they had not 
developed in the same way, were as lights in a dark 
night. Its social system had been moulded in such a 
way as to retain all that was best, while introducing, 

506 A History of Moravian Missions. 

gradually and wisely, such changes as are necessary 
when men pass from the life of the roaming savage to 
the ordered home of the Christian citizen. It had 
an out-station, where the experiment of settling picked 
men as small farmers was crowned with success. At 
last, however, when the pioneers who had created all 
this were worn out, the next step had to be decided. 
Mrs. Ward retired in 1918, and her place was taken 
for a year by her niece. The special task of the last 
year was the building of a hospital with two wards — 
for men and women. There was not quite time to 
erect the matron's room, but the timber was pre- 
pared. The matron was Maud, a half-caste, who had 
been educated at the station and had become a 
gifted helper. In October, 1919, the Heys left 
Mapoon, and this field ceased to be a Foreign Mission 
of the Moravian Church, and became a Home Mission 
of the Presbyterian Church of Australia, which had 
been from the first the financial partner in the 
enterprise. It is seldom that a man is able 
to look back upon such a definite creation, as 
the result of his life's work, as that which Hey 
resigned into the hands of his successor. His 
name will live together with the names of those 
great missionaries, who not only served their 
generation according to the will of God, but 
also established or maintained the reputation 
of the Moravian Church as the possessor of this 
grace, to preach unto Gentiles the unsearchable 
riches of Christ. 

The Mission in Tibet was hard hit by 
the war, for remote as the stations are, and 
inaccessible at times, yet, lying on three of 
the roads from India to Central Asia, they 
were not negligible at such a time, even 
in so vast an Empire. The British Government 
removed all German missionarie* from the Tibeta» 

Epilogue. 507 

stations and repatriated them.f Those who were 
left did their best ; but when the war was over, and 
furloughs became due, and overdue, it was clear that 
unless a native ministry could be founded, it would 
scarcely be possible to maintain the field. The train- 
ing of natives for the ministry had often been talked 
of, and at one time an attempt had been made to 
establish a training-school, but it had been abandoned. 
Just when the need was greatest, two men, recom- 
mended by the missionaries, and accepted by the 
native church, who had gathered experience as 
teachers and evangelists, were ordained in 1920, the 
first-fruits of the Tibetan ministry. One of them, 
a man of considerable ability and with a notable 
history, was placed in full charge of Kyelang, with a 
native committee to advise him. The withdrawal of 
the C.M.S. and Salvation Army workers from the Kulu 
and Sutlej Valleys has left men in Kyelang and 
Poo more isolated than ever. In the Indus Valley 
the C.M.S. Mission in Srinagar, though it is 200 miles 
away from our nearest station, and on the other side 
of the mountain passes, gives a certain support, 
and does much to relieve the feeling of loneliness. 

The Leper Home in Jerusalem, being a pure work 
of mercy, was able to continue its work unhindered, 
whatever power held the country. The partition 
of the Ottoman dominions east of the Mediterranean 
among Arabs, French, and English, has created 
frontiers where none used to exist, and makes inter- 
communication more difficult ; but even apart from 
this the signs all point to the possibility that the 
segregation of so many lepers in the home for nearly 
two generations has decreased the number in the 
land. For several years fewer have been heard of, 

tWlien it was found that men who were repatriated wer» mad« qs« 
of in one way or another in connexiom with the war, th« 
British GoT«mnieHt began to intern. 

508 A History of Moraa^ian Missions. 

and the numbers, both in our Home and in the 
Shelter at Siloah, have diminished. This, also, is 
something that was to be expected. The cure of 
one patient leads to the hope that in time medicine 
may come successfully to the aid of common sense. 
Meanwhile, both the patients and those who tend 
them live in hope. 

In East Africa the war surged backwards and for- 
wards for four years, and men of many races passed 
through it. When peace came, all our missionaries 
in Unyamwezi except two had been repatriated, 
though some of them were Danes ; those in Nyassa had 
been interned. The United Free Church of Scot- 
land kindly undertook the care of Nyassa until 
Moravian missionaries can man the field again. 
When permission was given to recommence work 
in Unyamwezi, only Gaarde, a Dane, was left. Delay 
in settling the terms of the mandate, and arranging the 
boundary between Congo and Tanganyika, delayed 
the sending of reinforcements, and as time passed, 
financial perplexities grew, until prudence seemed to 
forbid what duty seemed to demand. Considering 
the determined opposition of Mahometanism, and 
the passive resistance and incessant temptations of 
heathenism, the faithfulness of so many of the 
Christian converts, mere babes in Christ, is matter 
for thankfulness mingled with wonder. The medical 
missionary and the nurse will be much needed in 
this land for many years. 

Thanks to the high prices of all South African 
products, Kaffraria paid its way but for one re- 
mittance, and the Western Province required no 
help. Both had sufficient constitutional authority 
to manage their own affairs, as long as these followed 
the usual routine. Trouble began when the legis- 
lation of the South African Government, consisting 
of a sweeping law of confiscation and a series of 

Epilogue. 509 

proclamations, some of which were mutually con- 
tradictory, brought about an unprecedented situation. 
Happily, the Government finally interpreted its 
legislation in such a way as to give to the Church in 
South Africa, free of cost, a body of trustees 
appointed by itself. A revision of the constitution 
of the Western Province having become necessary, 
this was drawn up so as to give greater self- 
government and prepare the way for the complete 
autonomy which must come with the creation of a 
Native Church, whether it chooses to remain a part 
of the i\Iother Church, or to go its own way. When 
the re-organization was completed, those Provinces 
reverted to the supervision of the German part of the 
Supreme Board, since the family interests of most of 
the missionaries centred there. 

The Moravian Church in the West Indies is divided 
into two parts : Jamaica standing by itself, and the 
rest of the Islands being grouped together. As the 
white missionaries have become fewer, work has 
become more strenuous for those who remain. Nor 
is it always easy to arrange things for the best in 
islands that belong to three different states,t and all 
such diflficulties were naturally increased when 
political and financial obstacles were added to 
those already created by distance, Obeah, and 
the other familiar foes found by the missionary 
in tropical lands. When the world was clamouring 
for foodstuffs, especially sugar, emigration to sugar- 
growing islands, such as Cuba and San Domingo, 
became abnormal. The Church followed up 
its children in San Domingo, but had not 
the men and means to go over to Cuba. But from 
these islands considerable sums of money were sent 

jOn March 31st, 1917, the three Danish Islands— St. Thomas, 
St Croix, and St. John — were transferred to the United 
States of North America. — J.E.H. 

SIO A History of Moratian Missions. 

home to the wives and families left behind, and 
everywhere there arose a complete change in the 
conditions of life, similar to those experienced 
in European countries, where increase of wages and 
cost of living produced a medley of profusion and 
poverty, which confused the minds of those 
accustomed to the old landmarks of society. In 
spite of all this, the loyal co-operation of all, together 
with the divine blessing resting upon all honest effort, 
resulted in progress, and in a spirit of harmony that 
rose superior to racial agitation, and showed itself 
in the Synods of both Provinces. It is not easy to 
interest the friends of Foreign Missions in a field that 
has become Christian, and now requires the same 
sort of organization and teaching as the Church at 
home, but of all the tasks the Moravians have to do 
abroad, this is perhaps the most important, though 
the least showy, to build up a strong, self- 
sustaining and self-propagating Church in the West 

Close to them, practically identical with them in 
life and aim, lies the little Province of Demerara. 
A cheery, progressive Church is being built up there, 
whose development in the last 25 years has been 
pleasant to watch, and altogether notable, since it 
is the only field which is managed entirely by a 
native ministry and laity. 

Surinam, or Dutch Guiana, which adjoins it on the 
east, has become the most comprehensive enterprise of 
the Moravian Church, because by far the larger part 
of the population is under her care. Here is the 
Old Mission among the black people of the towns, 
with all the equipment and organizations of an 
institutional church. Side by side with it is the 
Plantation Mission, with the Bush Mission beyond 
that in the forest vOlages along the great rivers. 
There is a Coolie Mission among the British Indians, 

Epilogue. 511 

and a Mission to the Javans, who have been brought 
over in large numbers of late years. There is a Leper 
Colony. There is a Children's Home. A large 
business establishment, which sprang out of the 
first endeavours of the early missionaries to earn their 
own living, not only helps to support the Mission, but 
also assists various philanthropic undertakings. Four 
languages are necessary for the carrying on of the 
work. There are numerous schools, and a college for 
the training of teachers and native ministers. It 
was inevitable that such a compUcated organism 
should suffer many things when the highways of the 
world were blocked by war, and its being in neutral 
territory could not save it. Among the miracles of 
Providence can be reckoned this, that the work of this 
Mission was carried on unhindered through the last 
eight years, when men in some cases could not have 
been replaced if they had been taken away. 

There were times when Nicaragua caused those in 
authority the gravest anxiety ; but, when American 
influence became dominant in the country, the fact 
that the Mission was under American control removed 
some of the most acute difficulties. As seems to be 
the case so often among the Indians, the time of trial 
was a time of religious revival. Year by year the 
number of baptisms of heathens and of confirma- 
tions increased. The movement culminated- in the 
baptism of 129 souls at Sang Sangta in 1921. 
The door stands wide open in Nicaragua and 
Honduras ; the harvest is plenteous, but the labourers 
are few. 

The Indian Mission in California has added a small 
infirmary to its other ministrations to the remnant 
of the red race. Its watchword is " Disinterested 

Alaska has been out of the hurly-burly, and has 
learnt the first lessons in self-help. For this purpose 

512 A History of Moravian Missions. 

its Eskimos had to learn how to elect a committee, and 
were taught a lesson that Europeans picked up by 
experience long ago, that unanimity is seldom possible, 
and that, when it is unattainable, a majority suffices 
for sensible folk. This also is a fruit of the Spirit. 

Labrador, remote as it seems, suffered with the 
rest of the world. The price of its products, especially 
oil and furs, rose enormously, and this seeming 
prosperity fed the desire for luxury there, as elsewhere. 
Then came three disasters in successive years. The in- 
fluenza epidemic (1919), which swept round the world, 
reached Okak and Hebron, When it passed, Okak 
was almost without inhabitant, and the population 
of Hebron had been reduced to seventy. The 
tragedy was also an economic blow, since so many 
hunters and fishers had been carried off in a land that 
depends on them for those necessaries of life, which are 
imported yearly in exchange for their furs and fish 
and oil. The next year (1920) the ice formed round 
the coast unusually early, and the Harmony was not 
able to reach even Hopedale and Nain on her last 
trip, so that all the next winter there was a lack of 
many things she should have landed, and the Mission 
was once more impoverished by her failure to carry 
to St. John's and London the cargoes awaiting her. 
In 1921, when the founding of the Mission 150 years 
ago had just been celebrated, Nain, the oldest station, 
was destroyed by fire in 3| hours, and such losses were 
sustained that the Church's mission policy all over the 
world was affected by them. It was even doubtful 
for a time whether the Harmony could be equipped for 
another voyage, or would have to be sold. But with- 
out her the northern part of the coast at least would 
have to abandoned. The generous response to the 
appeal for help made it possible to venture to send the 
Harmony out once more in 1922, though it was still 
a venture of faith, for less than half the actual losses 

Epilogue. 518 

were covered by what was subscribed, and the Board 
had to trust to daily manna to supply the needs of 
those committed to its care. 

Courage, simplicity, unselfishness, loyalty to Christ, 
and promptness for service are the characteristics of 
the great missionary, and of all communities that 
seek to mould themselves by his example. These 
have been the marks of Moravian Missions, wherever 
they have been true to type. For nearly two hundred 
j'ears, in spite of human weakness and blindness, the 
missionaries have maintained this standard on the 
whole, humbly seeking to be faithful in that which 
is least, shunning the spectacular, and influencing 
the ideals of the Church at home. He who reads the 
record, and reflects on all the influences that have 
streamed out into the world from so humble a 
source, will say : — 

This is the Lord's doing ; 
It is man-ellous in our eves. 




Adolt ScHrLZB : Abrisz einer Geachichte der Brudeitnission (1901). An 

indispensable text-book ; contains an almost exhaustive 

J. T. Hamilton : A History of Moravian Missions in the Eighteenth 

and Nineteenth Centuries (1901). The story told briefly in 


E. A. Skitit : Les Missions Moraves (1890). A good sketch up to 1890. 
A. ScHULTZB : Die M issionsf elder der Erneuerten BrUder-Kirche (1890). 

An American book ; good popular sketch. 
JoHK Beck Holmes : Historical Sketches of the Missions of the United 
Brethren (1827). 

F. L. K6LBIKO : tibersicht der Missions-Oeschichie der Evangdischen 

Briider-Kirche in ihrem ersten Jahrhundert (1832). 
David Cra5Z : History of the Renewed Moraman Church (1771). 

(English Translation.) 
J. G. HsaysB : Fortseizung von David Cranxens Brilder-Historie 

(1791-1816). Useful. 
A. C. Thompson : Moravian Missions: Twelve Lectures (1882). 
EuoBN Reiohel : Eilckblick auf unsere 150 jdhrige Missi<ms-Arb*it 

(1882). Of exceptional value. 
Th. C. Bechlxb : Vor hundert Jahren und Heut (1900). Contains 

useful statistics. 


1. Periodical Aumints relating to the Missions of the Church of the 

United Brethren. A quarterly magazine, founded 1790. In 
thirty-six botmd volumes, from 1790 to 1894. Contains : 

(a) Extracts from missionaries' diaries and letters. 

(6) Many autobiographies. 

(c) Editors* prefaces. 

{d) Statistical and financial tables. 

2. Missions- Blatt aus der BrUdergemeirie (founded 1837). Monthly 

Magazine. In bound volumes, to 1906. Fuller than Periodical 
S. Moravian Missions (founded 1903). Illustrated popular monthly. 


516 A History of Moravian Missions. 

4. AUgetneine Missions- Zeitschijt (1874). Edited by Gustav 

Wameck. Contains several important articles on Moravian work. 
6. Dtr Brilder-Bote (1862). 

6. Nachrichten aus der Brilder-Oemeine (1819-1894). 

7. Aut Nord und Sild (1900). Juvenile. 

8. Kampf und Sieg (1906). 

9. Journal de VUniU des Freres (1835). 

10. The Little Missionary (American). (1871). 

11. Dtr Missions- Freund (American). (1889). 

12. Travel and Exploration (see July, 1910). 
18. Jewish Intelligencer (see 1857). 

1. The West Indies. 
C. G. A. Oldendoep : Geschichte der Mission der Evangelischen Briider 
auf den Caraibischen Inseln St. Thomas, St. Croix, vnd St. Jan 
A. VON Dewitz : In Ddnisch-West-Indien (1899). 
H. G. Schneider : Friedrich Martin (1901). 
J. H. BuoHNER : The Moravians in Jamaica (1859). 
Hark and Westphal : The Breaking of the Dawn (1904). 

2. Greenland. 
David Cranz : History of Greenland (1770) 
F. L. K^LBino : Qrdnlavd (1832). 

GuiDO BimKHARDX : Gronlaud (1897). (In Missioas-Stuuden). 
Jesse Page : Amid Greenland Snows, 

H. G. Schneider: Uansina Hinz (1897). (English Edition). (1901). 
R. Gysin : Oronldndische Bilder (1899). (Kleine Traktate Series.) 
J. Brodbhok : Nach Osten (1882). 

3. Labrador. 
F. L. KOlbing : Labrador (1832). 
J. W. Davey : The Fall of Torngak ; or The Moravian Mission on 

the Coast of Labrador (1905). 
H. G. ScHNKiDER : Eine Weihnachts-Feier in Labrador (1901). 
H. G. Schneider : Prinz Pamiok und sein Vater (1900). 
H. G. Schneider : Der Schlimme Salomo (1900). 
H. Kluge : Christfest in Hebron. (A Tract.) 
H. Kluqe : Drei Kurze Geschichten. (A Tract.) 
A. VON Dewitz i An der Kiiste Labradors (1899). 
Th. C. Beohlbr : Typhus- Epidemic in Nain (1901). 

5. K. HuTTON : Among the Eskimos of Labrador (1912). By far th« 

fullest account of Eskimo life. 
S. K. HniTON I By Eskimo Dog Sled and Kayak (1919). 
H. G. SoHNEiDKR : Die Ermordung Erhardtt. 



4. NoBTH Amkaican Indians. 
O. H. LosKiKL : Hialoty of the Miisions of the United Brethren among 

the Indians of Xorth America (1794. English Edition). 
Edmund db Sohweinitz : The Life and Time* of David Zeiebergtr 

H. RdMEB : Die Indianer und ihr Freund David Zeisberger (1800). 
RiCB : David Zeisberger and his Brown Brethren (1897). 

5. Surinam. 
Paramaribo {\9Q\). 
Die Buschneger Surinames (1893). 
Sopal, ein Indischer Kvli in Suriname (1898). 
Ein Junger, ein Alter (1891). 
Zweimal gehenkt (1896). 
H. Kluok : Besuch auf Oroot Chatillon. 
Th. C. Bechleb : Dienende Liebe (1901). 
K. F. Lkddebhose : Die Mission unter den Aratvakken (1847). 
F. Stahelin : Die Mission der BrUdergemeine in Suriname und Berbice. 
K. F. Leddbbhose : Die Mission unter den freien Butchnegern in 
Suriname (1876). 

6. SoxTTH Africa. 
Onadenthal (Part I. 1892). (Too Anti-Bo«r in 


H. G. Schneider 
H. G. Schneider 




H. G. Schneider : 
H. G. Schneider : 
H. G. Schneider : 
H. G. Schneider : 
H. G. Schneider : 
H. G. Schneider : 
GuiDO Burkhardt 

Ein Missionar als Feld-Prediger (1893). 

H. P. Hallbeck im Kaplande. 

Am Xentu (1900). 

Moravian Hill, ein Ootteswerk im Kaplande (1887). 

Auf der Flucht. 

Stephen Prins. (English Edition.) 

: Siid-Afrika. (In ^Vlissions-Stunden.) 

Charles Buchner : Acht Monate in Siid-Afrika (1894). 

K. F. Ledderhose : Das Bilchlein von den Hottentoten und ihrem 

ersten Aposiel 0. Schmidt (1849). 
Th. Reichelt : Geschichte der Missions-Station Silo (1878). 
J. du Plessis : History of Christian Missions in South Africa (I9\l). 
Dudley Kidd : The Essential Kaffir (1904). 

C. L La Trobe : Journal of a Visit to South Africa (1815-16). A 

Jambs La Tbobb : Self-Devotedness in the Service of Christ ; or The jk 

Leper Hospital in South Africa (1865). 
E. VAN Calker : Die Grantstationen in Siid-Afrika. 

7. The Moskito Coast. 
H. G. Schneider : Moskito (1899). 

H. G. Schneider : Die Erweckung auf der Moakito^Kiiste (1888). 
H. G. ScHNBiDBR : Kaisa ! 

518 A History of Moravian Missions. 

H. G. SoHNBiDEB : Ramah Key (1896). 

H. G. Schneider : Quamwatla. 

A. ScHULZB : Moskito. (In Missions-Stunden.) 

8. Victoria. 
H. G. SoHNBiDER ; Brilder- Mission in Auttralien (1882). 
Anokymous : Willie Wimmera. 

9. North Queensland. 
Arthur Ward : The Miracle of Mapoon (1908). 
H. G. Schneider : Mapoon (1898). 

F. H. L. Paton : Olimpses of Mapoon, etc. 

10. The Himalayas. 
H.G.Schneider: Ein Missionsbild aus dem Weatlichen Himalaya {1S80). 
Arthur Ward : Working and Waiting for Tibet. (A translation, with 
additions, of Schneider's work.) 

G. T. Reichklt : Die Himalaya Mission (1896). 
S. RiBBAOH : An den Grenzen Tibets. 
Schbevb : Einer sdet, der andere erntet. 

A. H. Franckk : History of Western Tibet (1907). 

11. Nyassa and Unyamwezl 
J, T. Hamilton : Twenty Years of Pioneer Missions in Nyassa Land 

G. Burkhardt : Deutsch-Ostafrika, Nyassa-Oebitt. (In Miuiona 

H. Kluge : Am Fusz des Rungwe-Berges. 

12. Alaska. 
J. T. Hamilton : The Beginnings of the Moravian Mission in 

Alaska (1890). 
H. G. Schneider : Alaska. (In Missioni-Stunden.) 

13. California. 
E. DB SoHWEiNiTZ Brunner : A History of the Moravian Mission 
to the Indians of Southern California. 

14. Work among Lepers. 
E. A. Sbneti 76 Annies parmi lea Lipreux (1894). 

15. The Jews. 
GusTAV Dalman : Oraf Zinzendorf und die Juden (1889). 
A. SoHULZE : Samuel Lieberkuhna Leben und Wirken (1894). 
(The two above works are issued in one volume, und«r 
the general title, Zinzendorf und Lieberkiikn.) 
Bbckbr-Shawb I 8. Lieberkiihns Missions- Methode und ihre Oegnsr 

Appendix. 619 

16. East Indus. 
Ikssl : Letters on the Nicobar Islands (1812). 
17. Egypt. 
Th. C. Bkchlbb : Die Arbeit der BrUdergemeine unter den Kopten in 
Aegypten. (In AUe Welt Series, No. 8.) 


1. Reports of Mission Board to the Oeneral Synod. 

2. Oeneral Synodal Results. 

3. Proceedings of the Society for Propagating the Oospd among the 

Heathen. (Of Special value for Alaska and California.) 

4. Annual and Qtuirterly Reports of the London Association in Aid 

of Moravian Missions. 
fi. Annual Reports of the Leper Home at Jerusalem, 


1. BUdingsche Samndungen : A printed collection, in three volumet, 
of eighteenth century diaries, letters, essays and official docu- 
ments ; of supreme value for the early history. 

2 Zinzendobf's : Freivoillige-Nachlese. Includes seTeral original 
sources of value. 

3. H.Roy: Zimendorfs Anweisungen fur die Missions- Arbeit (1S93). 


1. SoHB Points or Intibsst. 

1. During the years 1732-40, the Moravians sent out 68 missionaricB- 

2. In 1800 the number of Moravian missionaries serving, not counting 

wives, was 90 ; in aU other Protestant Churches combined it 
was only about 30. 

3. In 1850 the number of Moravian missionaries was 130 ; the number 

of other Protestant missionaries 1,500. 

4. In 1900 the number of Moravian missionaries was 186 ; the number 

of other Protestant missionaries 6,300. In 1800, therefore, the 
Moravians excelled others at the rate of three to one ; in 1900 
they had only one in thirty-five. 
6. On the other hand, in proportion to the size of the Home Provinces, 
the number of Moravian missionaries is exceptionally large. At 
the close of 1910 the numbers were as follows : — Communicants, 
28,710; Ordained Missionaries, 150; Unordained, 52; i.e., 


A History of Moravian Missions. 

a proportion of one in 144. If the miseionaries' wives are added 
(176) the total number of missionaries is 378 ; i.e., a proportion 
of one in 75. 

2, State op thb Mission at Zinzendoef's Death, 1760. 

At the close of the year 1760, i.e., after only twenty-eight year*' 
work, the Moravian Church had sent out no fewer than 226 missionaries, 
and the general situation in the foreign field was as follows :— 




















St. Thomas 
St. Croix 



} " 

1,600 i 















Over 900 

3. State op the Mission rsr 1792, when the Baptist 
MissiONAEY Society was Founded. 




St. Thomas 


St. Croix 

29 ] 


St. Jan 





St. Kitts 









Surinam, etc 











148 (?) 

South Africa 







About 14,910 

State o? thb Mission in 1848, i.e.. Whin thx 
Modern Advance Beoan. 







Q*'! .s^a 





in ea 


Danish West Indies. 



St. Thomas. 

New Hermhut 





•Town of St, Thomas .. 




! Niesky 




St. Croix. 


1 Friedensthal 


[ 6,316 

:, I 9,413 







St. Jan. 



1 1,799 





English West Indies. 


St. John's 



j Gracehill 

j 1774 


' Gracebaj' 




j 1817 

- 9,737 

Cedar- Hall 


1 *Lebanon 




St. Kitts 







- 4,193 






Mount Tabor 








*aifton Hill 




. Fairfield 


New Eden 



Irwin Hill 


New Carmel 



New Fulneck 




New Bethlehem 





■ 12,997 i 



*New Hope 







1840 1 






{ 1.626 1 




South America. 


Paramaribo, Town ... 



„ Plantations 





■ 12,152 







522 A History of Moravian Missions. 

State of the Mission in 1848 — continued. 



North America. 
New Fairfield . . . 

New Spring Place 





New Hermhut 
Frederiksdal ... 

South Africa. 
Groenekloof ... 



Leper Hospital 

[ Hottentots . 

iTambookies . 

( Hottentots 


"ti •*< j3 











« '"' .2 



I 1,976 

















♦The stations to which an asterisk is affixed have been 
established since the SjTiod of 1836. 
Of the above gross amount of Converts, and of Heathen receiving 
instruction from missionaries of the Brethren's Church, there are : — 
Subjects of the British Crown 

Crown of Denmark 


Residing in the United States, etc. Indians 





Hottentots, etc. 


Esquimaux . . . 





Greenlanders . . . 











■ffooips ^«a 





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: : : 2-2 ::f : : : -.aS : >>^ S:< |-Ej 

o S 5 H»S .2 -^^ » o ^ 

>-l N CO ■* 


A History of Moravian Missions. 


CO , o> «D , r-c <» CO CO eo ©» CO M CO o OS a» i-< 00 ■<*< o> 
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(N F* 1 1 C- CO f-< C^ -* t- -^Jt 

1-H i-H 1— 1 






1. Labrador 

2. Alaska 

3. N'th Amer. Indians (California) 

4. Jamaica 

5. W.Indies-St. Thomas & St. Jan 

6. St. Croix 

7. St. Kitts 

8. Antigua 

9. Barbados 

10. Tobago 

11. Trinidad 

12. St. Domingo 

13. Nicaragua 

14. Demerara 

15. Surinam (Old Mission) 

16. Surinam (New Mission) 

17. South Africa (West) 

18. South Africa (East) 

19. Ea*!t Central Africa (Nyassa) 

20. E. Cent. Africa (Unyamwezi) 

21. West Himalaya 

22. Australia (N. Queensland) ... 



West Ikdies. 




Christian HiiSeU. 



1840-41 J. Chr. Breutel. 


D. Nitschmann. 


J. G. Herrmann and 


C. H. Rauch. 

W. Mallaiieu. 


Job. V. Watteville. 

1858-59 L. Th. Reichel. 


N. Seidel. 

1862-63 C. A. Cunow and 


C. H. Raueh. 

T. L. Badham. 


Martin Mack. 

1876-77 W. F. Bechler. 


Martin Mack. 


B. Romig. 

1783 84 J. Lorez. 

1890-91 B. Romig. 


J. R. Verbeek. 

1907-8 J. T. Hamilton. 

1823-24 J. H. L. Stobwasser. 




Andrew Grassmann 


M. Sternberg. 


J. V. Watteville. 




G. Reichel. 


P. E. lAytitz. 


B. La Trobe. 


L. T. Reichel. 


H. 0. Essex. 


L. T. Reichel. 


H. 0. Essex. 

North i 





E. A. V. Schweinitz and 


J. V. Watteville. 

R. V. Schweinitz. 


C. Gregor and J. Lorez. 


E. Leibert. 


A. Gmbe. 


C. L. Rights and 


C. V. Forestier. 

E. A. V. Schweinitz. 


J. C. Jacobson and 


E. A. V. Schweinitz. 

G. F. Seidel. 


E. A. V. Schweinitz. 


J. G. Herrmann. 


A. Schukze and 


G. F. Bahnson. 

E. A. V. Schweinitz. 


F. Hagen. 


C. Buchner and 


S. WoUe. 



B. Romig. 


N. Seidel. 


F. W. Klihn. 

1762-63 H. Andresen. 

i;96-97 0. Padel. 

1790-91 S. Liebisch. 


C. Buchner. 


P. F. Ciirie. 


J. Hettasch. 

526 A History of Moravian Missions. 


1891 B. Romig. | 1896 O. Padel. 

Califobnia and Alaska. 

1906 J. T. Hamilton. 


1899 M. Leibert. I 1908 P. de Schweinitz. 


1891 H. T. Bachmann. 


1899 J. T. Hamilton. 

South Africa. 

1815-16 C. I. La Trobe. 
1853-54 J. C. Breutel 
1865 F. W. Kiihn. 
1874 W, F. Beohler. 

1882-83 F. W. Ktihn. 
1892-93 C. Buchner. 
1911 H. Kluge. 

East Africa. 

1905-6 P. 0. Hennig. 

West Himalaya. 

1901 B. La Trobe. 

1786. L. F. Reiohel. 
1855 H. WuUschlagel. | 1890 B. Romig. 


1. West Indies. 

1. Harmony of the Gospels and Several Hymns, translated into Creole. 

2. New Testament, in Creole. 

2. Qbesnland. 

Matthew Staoh : Eskimo Grammar and Dictionary. 

Tht New Testament. Translation begun by John Beok, finished 
by J. C. Kleinsohmidt (aided by two Native Helpers), and 
published (1823) by British and Foreign Bible Society. 

Appendix. 527 

Samuel Kleixschmidt : An Eskimo Grammar, Dictionary, 

General History, History of Missions, Geography, and ino«t of 

Old Testament. 
Other Missionaries : Manual of Christian Doctrine, Hymn Book, 

Harmony of the Gospels, A Header's Primer, and Translationi 

from the German NachricJUen. 

3. Labrador. 

1. Various Missionaries : The Passion History, Harmony of tht 

Gospels, Manual of Doctrine, Hymn Book, Extracta from 
Spangen berg's Idea Fidei Fratrum, and New Testament. With 
the exception of the New Testament, which was published by 
the British and Foreign Bible Society, these works were issued 
by the S.RG. 

2. A. Erdmakk : Old Testament (published 1871), Catechism and 

Eskimo Dictionary (1864). 

3. Th. Bourquin : Eskimo Grammar (1890). 

4. F. Elsner : Outline of Christian Doctrine, Book of Prayers. 

0. A. Martin : Various School Books, Isaiah, a new translation ; 
Biblical Questions and Answers. 

6. ScHMiTT : Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress (condensed translation, 


7. Walter Peerett i Jessica's First Prayer and Christie's Old 

Organ (1905). 

8. Squire Townley : Fru Church Caiechiam, 

9. Magazine : Aglait lUMnainortui (Everybody's Magazine). Issued 

annually since 1902. 
10. Miscellaneous Tracts, Sermons, Collection of Hymns, and Con- 
firmation Manuals. 

4. North American Indians. 
Datid Zsisbsrosr : A Delaware Indian and English Spelling Book, 
with Appendix containing the Lord's Prayer, Ten Command- 
ments, Scripture Passages and Litany (1776) ; Collection of 
Hymns for the use of Christian Indians (1803). Spangenberg's 
Sermons to Children (in Delaware, 1803) ; Spangenberg's 
Bodily Care of Childrsn (1803) ; Lieberkuhn's Harmony 
of the Gospels ; Grammatical Treatise on the Delaware Conjugations 
(printed 1821) ; German and Delaware Lexicon (MS. only) ; 
Delaware Grammar (MS. only) ; Onondaga Grammar (MS. only) ; 
Oerman- Delaware Lexicon (MS. only) ; Sermons in Delaware 
(MS. only) ; Delawart Litany (MS. only) ; Delau>are Biblical 
Narratives (MS. only) ; Dtlaware and Maqua Vocabulary (MS. 

528 A History of Moravian Missions. 

5. Sprikam. 

1. Solomon Sohumakn : Arawak Orammar and Lexicon. 

2. Various (in Negro -English) : Outline of Jesus' Teaching ; Paction 

History ; Negro- English Dictionary ; Spangenberg's Idea Fidei 
Fratrum ; New Testament (published 1830 by British and 
Foreign Bible Society) ; Hymn Book ; Text Book (Annual) ; 
Luther's Catechism; Book on Church Festivals; The Caliv Church 
History; Singing Book; A. B.C. Book; Tracts; Moravian 
Law Book ; Whitsun Day and Ascension Litany ; Liturgy vo 
Pinatem ; Pinawicki, 

Note. — In compliance with instructions issued by the 
Dutch Government, the other Moravian publications are 
issued in Dutch, and therefore, though useful for their purpose, 
they cannot be placed in this list. 

6. The Moskito Coast. 

1. Q. Grttnewald : Earth's Bible Stories, Oospels and Acts of the 


2. H. ZioCK : English- Moskito and Moskito- English Dictionary. 
A. H. K. Bbrckbnhagen : A Moskito Grammar and Dictionary 

(1894) ; Moskito Beading Book (1899) ; A Hundred Stories from 
the Old Testament (1905) ; English-Moskiio-Spanish Phrases 
(1905) ; Moskito- English-Spaniah Dictionary (1906). 

7. Alaska. 
Vauot7S : Hymns in the Eskimo Language. 

8. South Africa, West : The Hottentots. 
As the services were generally held in Dutch, no translations 
i into Hottentot seem to have been made, and no Hottentot 
Dictionary or Grammar was published. 

9. South Africa, East : The Kaffir. 

A. BoNATZ : Kaffir Grammar, Passion History, and Church Litany. 

Various : Kaffi,r Hymn Book ; Catechism for Baptismal Candidates ; 
Catechism for Communion Candidates ; Biblical History ; Rules 
and Regulations; Tonic Sol-fa Singing Book (1899-1908). 

W. BouRQUiN : On Kaffir Adverbs, etc. (1912). 

10. Western Tibet. 
1. H. A. Jaschke : Harmony of the Oospels ; Litany ; Hymn Book ; 
Catechism ; Geography ; Church History ; Tibetan Orammar 
(1866) ; Romanized Tibetan and English Dictionary (1866) ; 
Conversation Book in Tibetan, Urdu, and Hindi (1867) ; Intro- 
duotion to the Hindi and Urdu Languages (1867); Ewjli^h- 

Appendix. 529 

Tibetan Dictionary (1871) ; Treati$t on Tibetan Dialects ; New 
Testament {except Hebrews and Bevelatton), (1880). 

2. A. W. Heyde : Tibetan Arithmetic ; View of the World ; Beck's 

Manual o/ Doctrine. 

3. F. A. Redslob : Hebrews and Revelation. 

4. A. H. Fbascke : Studies in Bunan, Tinan, Manchat and Ladaki ; 

St. Mark in Bunan (aided by Zodpa) ; St. Mark in Ladaki ; 

St. Mark in Manchat (aided by Zodpa) ; Ladakskyi agbar 

(Quarterly paper) 1904- 
6. J. Bar SKI! : St. Mark in Kanauri ; Studies in Kanauri. 
6. Vabious : New Testament ; Parts of Old Testament ; Hymn Books, 

School Books, Catechisms. 

11. Nyassa. 

1. MoBAViAj^s AND Beblis Socikty : Hymn Book in Konde DidUet 


2. 0. GEMrsEus : Konde Primer (1910). 

3. J. BACHjiAKy: Nyika Primer; New Testament (1913); Stories 

from Old Testament (1913). 

4. Vabious: Translations of 13 Psalms; Matthew, Mark, Luke, 

Revelation (parts); Passion History, Old Testament Extracts, 
Hymns, Litanies, Catechisms, Primers, and Collection of Nativs 


1. RcDOLPH Stbkk: Hymns in Kinyamwezi ; Kinyamwezi Orammari 

Fifty Stories from the Kingdom of God ; New Testament. 

2. E. Dahl: Kinyamwezi Primer; Kinyamwezi Sounds aitd Accents; 

Kinyamwezi Dictionary. 

3. M. H. L5BSEB : Stories from the New Testament . Catechism. 

4. Various : Psalms ; Bible Stories ; Manual of Doctrine ; Native 

Stories ; Hymn Book. 

13. Calmucks. 

Isaac ScmoDT : The Gospels, published by the British wid Foreign 
Bible Society (1815). 


(Original Painting at Hermhut ; copy at Zeist, Holland.) 

GuLo OF ScBAMACHiB : A Persian. Died at Hermhaag in the 

Thomas Mamuche : From Riga. Died at Hermhaag. 
Saktkl KAYAKyAK: The first Greenlander. See p. 71 (June 

2nd, 1738). 


580 A History of Moravian Missions. 

4. Sam : An. Anakunka from Boston, in New England ; found by 

Zinzendorf in St. Eustace, and sent to St. Thomas ; buried at 
New Herrnhut. 

5. Geiby Zedmann : An Armenian girl from Schamaski. 

6. Thomas : The first convert from the Hurons. 

7. Gratia : A Negro little girl. Died at Herrnhaag. 

8. Rachel : A Mulatto from St. John. 

9. Anna Maria : The baby in arms. Daughter of Freundlich, 

Frederick Martin's colleague. 

10. Catherina : A giiwy girl. Died at Herrnhaag. 

11. Oly Carmel : A Negro boy brought by Leonard Dober from 

St. Thomas ; baptized at Herrnhut, and died there a year later. 

12. JtrpiTER : A Negro from New York. Brought by David Nitschmann 

to Herrnhut. 

13. Anna Maria : Died at Herrnhaag. 

14. Michael : Baby in arms. Bom in Silesia ; died at Marienbom. 
16. Hannah : A Negro widow. Died at Herrnhut. 

16. Andrew : The first convert, i.e., in St. Thomas. 

17. John = Tsohoop : Rauch's famous Mohican convert. See p. 86. 

18. John the Negro: Became a teacher at Marienbom. 

19. Francesco of Florida : Drowned in a river in Surinam. 

20. Pocco : Baby in arms : Bom in Berbice, and died at Marienbom. 

21. Kybodo : Hottentot, baptized by George Schmidt. 

22. Ruth : A Mohican from Shekomeko. 



t pp. 5 and 13; for 'Linica' read 

' Sinica.' 
pp. 36, 48f, 231, 509 ; for ' St. John ' 

read ' St. Jan.' 
p. 58 ; for ' speakly ' read ' speaking.' 
p. 58 ; for ' Christian V.' read 

' Frederick IV.' 
p. 69, last line ; for ' of ' read ' on.' 
p. 73, line 32 ; for ' on ' read ' in." 
p. 84, line 12; for 'shrubly' read 

' shrubby.' 
p. 121 ; for ' KafFemakas ' read 

' Koffimakas.' 
p. 144 ; for ' Kapick ' read ' Kapik.' 
p. 147 ; for ' Berleborg ' read 

' Berleburg.' 
p. 176; for 'Frederick VI.' read 

' Christian VI.' 
p. 228 ; ' English in the West Indies,' 

Second Edition, 1888. 
p. 236 ; for ' Wamow ' read 

• Warmow.' 
p. 244 ; for ' Baele ' read ' Balle.' 
p. 248 ; for ' territory ' read 

' Territory.' 
p. 248, line 26; for 'Oochgelmy' 

read ' Oochgelogy.' 
p. 264 ; for ' Great ' read ' Groot.' 
pp. 266, 257 ; for ' Cotica ' read 

' Cottica.' 
pp. 267, 258 ; delete ' In spite of 

their — represented by images.' 
pp. 276, 487 ; for ' Gnienekloof " read 

' Groenekloof.' 
p. 276, Note ; for ' He was after- 
wards ' read ' He had been 

Lt. Grovemor of South Australia, 

and Grovemor of New Zealand.' 
p. 281, line 25 ; for ' were Moravian ' 

read ' were or became Moravian.' 
p. 283 ; before ' Mission Land Act ' 

insert ' the.' 
pp. 288, 293 ; for ' Entazana ' reatl 

' Entwanazana.' 
p. 294, line 27 ; read ' found himself.' 
p. 303 ; for ' Jane ' read ' July or 


p. 332, line 24 ; read ' Jiirgensen.' 
p. 346, line 18; for 'arrived at* read 

' set out for.' 
p. 352 ; ' Ramahyuck ' = Our Ramskh = 

Ramah, our Home, 
pp. 357, 489; for ' Gutzlafi ' read 

' Gutzlafi.' 
p. 357 ; for ' Rampoor ' read 

' Rampur.' 
p. 368, line 13 ; for ' Chinese ' read 

' Tibetan.' 
p. 360 ; for ' Earths' ' read ' Earth's.' 
p. 360, last line ; for ' nex ' read 

' next.' 
p. 361, line 7 ; after ' Hebrews ' add 

' and Revelation.' 
p. 365, Note ; after ' see ' insert 

' " Ladakhi Songs " quoted in ' 
p. 386, Note; for 'PerciTar read 

' Perceval.' 
p. 371, line 27; for 'river' read 

' rivers.' 
pp. 374, 384; for ' Gopat ' read 

' Gobat.' 
p. 379 ; for ' Cholmograu ' read 

' C'haulmoogra.' 
p. 384, line 16 ; for ' Turkish Govern- 
ment ' read ' lepers.' 

Note. — In opening the shelter at 
Siloah the Turks meant no 
harm to our Leper Home, 
p. 416, line 12 ; insert after ' men ' 

' for a mission in Queensland.' 
pp. 416, 419, 420; for '1890' read 

p. 426, line 12 ; for ' 1891 ' read 

' 1892.' 
p. 432, line 5 ; for * ship ' read ' boat.' 
p. 443 ; for ' ancesters ' read 

' ancestors.' 
p. 446, line 18; for ' 5th ' read ' 7th.' 
p. 454, line 20 ; for ' Usake ' read 

' Usoke.' 
p. 457, line 4 ; for ' Medier ' read 

' Meier.' 
p. 483, line 17 ; for ' Western ' read 

' Eastern.' 



A History of Moeavian Missions. 

484 ; for ' Hanzina ' read 

' Hansina.' 

487 ; for ' Freemantle ' read 

' Fremantle.' 

489 ; for ' Waldenberg ' read 

' Waldenburg.' 
490 ; for ' Pemell ' read ' Pennell.' 
491, line 25; for 'then' read 

' than.' 
492 , read ' Livingstonia.' 
492, line 30 ; for ' two delegates ' 

read ' one delegate.' 

492, line 31 ; after ' Synod ' add 
'each Province also sending an 
elected delegate.' 

495, line 18, for 'twenty-five' 
read ' eighteen.' 

496, line 3 ; for ' pre-reformation ' 
read ' seventeenth century.' 

500, line 8 ; for ' several ' read 
' most.' 

626, line 16 ; ' Grassmann,' else- 
where spelt * Grassman' ; better 
' Grasmann.' 


Read ' Pennell.' 

Read ' Rampur.' 

Read ' Saghalin. 

Read 'Schnabel.'" 

Read ' St. Jan ' for ' St. John.' 

Read ' Tiibingen.' 

Read ' Waldenburg.' 

Rea/d ' Warmow.' 

Read ' Witkleibosch.' 


The names of ships and printed works are in italics, 
i = and following page. ff = and following two pages. 

Aborigines of Victoria, The, Brongh 

Smith's, 349. 
Abraham, Rabbi, 147f. 
Abyssinia, 161, 202. 
Account of Moravian Missions, 

Spangenberg's, 189, 194, 196. 
Acts of Parliament, 96, 177, 216, 218, 

232, 282f. 
Adams, Sir Thomas, 133. 
Adelaide, 428. 
Adolph, 23. 

Africa, Central, 219, 490. 
Africa, East Central, 437-458, 492f, 

496, 504, 508. 

Africa, South, 10, 126-130, 190f, 
193, 201, 266-299, 473, 478, 
480ff, 484f, 487, 492f, 496, 499, 
601f. 608f. 

Aglait Illunainortut, 314. 

Airy, Mt., Jamaica, 213. 

Akiak, Alaska, 403, 497. 

Akiatshuak, Alaska, 403. 

Alaska, 394-407, 465, 473, 484, 489f, 

497, 499f, 504, 511. 

Alaska Commercial Company, 394. 

Alaska Help Society, 486. 

Albany, 95. 102. 

Albatross, The, 418f. 

Albert, Prince, 349. 

Albina, Surinam, 257. 

Aleppo, 160. 

Alexander, 34. 

Alexander, Arthur, 322. 

Alexander I., Czar of Russia, 160. 

Algiers, 157, 175, 201, 489. 

Alleghanies, The, 97. 

Alleghany, The, 104. 

Allen, Fort, 101. 

Amelia, Princess, 26. 

America, North, 78-116, 170, 188, 

193, 199, 201f, 246-249, 401, 

470, 473, 484f, 499. 
America, South, 117 120, 202. 
American Province, 375, 394, 463f, 

488, 804, 511. 

Amity, The, 136, 301. 

Airumg the Eskimos of Labrador, Dr. 

Button's, 310. 
Among the Lepers in Svrinam, 255. 
Amsterdam, 45. 117, 126, 130, 148f, 

152f, 157. 
Andaman Islands, 489. 
Angegoks, 58, 64f, 70, 133, 139f, 143«. 
Angerman, 55. 

Anglicans, 350, 355, 391, 486f, 601t 
Anholm, Marie, 490. 
Antes, John, 162f. 
Antigua, 50, 53f, 66, 193, 199f, 232f, 

480, 489f. 
Antoinette of Nicaragua, 332. 
Apologetics, A. B. Bruce's. 152. 
Appel, Home Secretary, 436. 
Arabi, 123f. 
Arabia, 162. 

Arabs, The, 381, 385, 444f, 507. 
Arawack Indians, Surinam, 11, 

117-120, 188. 
Archer River, 435. 
Argentine, 489f. 
Arthington, Robert, 489. 
At Home and Abroad, 154. 
Augsburg Confession, 179. 
August Gottlieb Spangenberg, 168. 
Auka Negroes, 121, 257. 
Aurora, Surinam, 256. 
Aurukim, North Queensland, 435. 
Australia, 346, 363, 355, 416, 602, 

Australia and New Zealana, Trollope's, 

Austria, 600, 603. 

Balle, 244. 

Baffin's Land, 490. 

Bagdad, 160. 

Bailey Hill, Antigua, 63. 

Balgobin, Samuel, 258. 

Balls River, 57. 

Baltic Provinces, 12, 603. 

Bamb«y, Surinam, 124. 



A History of Moravian Missions. 

Banning, California, 409, 413. 

Bantus, The, 439, 456. 

Baptist Missionary Society, 3, 199, 

Baptists, 487. 
Barbados, 50, 54, 56, 193, 199, 233, 

Barham, John Foster, 50f. 
Barkley, Sir Henry, 350. 
Bamett, W., 490. 
Baschera, Michael, 164. 
Basel Missionary Society, 201, 219. 
Bashahr, 358, 362. 
Basseterre, St. Kitts, 55f. 
Basuto War, 294. 
Batavia River, 418, 429. 
Bath, 486. 

Baudert, Samuel, 294. 
Bautzen, Saxony, 23. 
Bavianskloof (Glen of Baboons), Cape 

Colony, ]29f, 267, 269, 272-276. 
Bawa Baer, Nicaraeua, 330. 
Baziya, Tembuland'^ 288, 293, 295. 
Beaufort, Duchess of, 487. 
Beaufort, Jamaica, 211, 217. 
Beaver River, 106. 
Beck, Jacob, 237. 

Beck, John, 11, 68, 70f, 73, 181, 237. 
Beckei, Bernhard, 13. 
Beekhuizen, Surinam, 255. 
Behnesse, 164. 
Behr, 155. 

Behring Sea, 394, 397. 
Belgium, 503. 

Belize, British Honduras, 322. 
Belmont, Trinidad, 234. 
Bengal, 165, 188, 202. 
Benigna, 91. 

Benjamin of Nicaragua, 332. 
Bennett, John, 55f. 
Bentien, 23. 
Berbice, 170. 
Berea, South Africa, 281. 
Bergendal, Surinam, 256. 
Berleburg, 147. 
Berlin, 159, 311, 383. 477. 
Berlin Discourses, Zinzendorf's, 129, 

Berlin Missionary Society, 438, 458, 

Bersaba, Surmam, 265. 
Bertha, Sister, 387. 
Berthelsdorf, Saxony, 9, 12. 
Beterverwachting, Demerara, 390, 

Bethabara, Jamaica, 217. 
Bethabara, North Carolina, 77. 

Bethany, Jamaica, 217. 

Bethany, Nicaragua, 330. 

Bethany, St. Jan, 48, 231. 

Bethel, Alaska, 395, 397-403, 405f. 

Bethel, St. Kitts, 231. 

Bethel Star, The, 395. 

Bethesda, Hlubiland, 288. 

Bethesda, St. Kitts, 231. 

Bethesda, Surinam, 254f. 

Bethesda, Tobago, 234. 

Bethlehem Home Missionary Society, 

Bethlehem, Pa., 81f, 86, 93, 96, 99, 

lOlff, 111, 170, 394, 399, 498. 
Beverhout, 37. 
Bible, John Beck's, 70. 
Bielke, 259. 
Birkby, James, 199. 
Black River, Jamaica, 51, 207, 220. 
Black River, Nicaragua, 321, 344. 
Black Swamp, 112. 
Blackwood'a Magazine, 234, 344. 
Blair, Peter, 329f , 334f. 
Bloice, J. A. D., 235. 
Blood and Wounds Theologj', 

Zinzendorf's, 72, 118, 181, 272. 
Blood-bath of Gnadenhiitten, 113. 
Blue Mountains. 91, 109. 
Bluefields, Nicaragua, 321-325, 329, 

331, 335f, 339f, 342, 344. 
Bodily Care of Children, Spangen- 

berg's, 115. 
Boer War, 298, 499. 
Boers, The, 266f, 270, 274, 280, 282f. 
Boga, Lake, 346, 349f. 
Bogue, The, 51. 
Bohemia, 158, 375, 477. 
Bohler, Peter, 91, 198. 
Bohlmann, 244. 
Bohnisch, Frederick, 10, 59, 68, 70f, 

Bombay, 379. 
Bonatz, 290. 
Borcherd, 273. 
Borm, Pastor, 41ff, 46. 
Bo 8 n, 419. 
Boston, 490. 
BoswelVs Johnson, 178. 
Bowana, Kaffir Chief, 289f, 296. 
Bradley, 428. 
Brain, Miss, 3. 
Branagan, James, 199. 
Brasen, Dr. Christopher, 23, 136. 
Braun, Peter, 53f, 189, 200, 232. 
Brazil, 393, 489. 
Brethren's Society for the Spread of 

the Gospel, 189. 



Bridgetown, Barbadoe, 55, 233. 

Brisbane, 417, 428. 

Bristol, 481, 486. 

British and Foreign Bible Society, 

159, 227, 238, 391. 
British Columbia, 490. 
British East Africa, 452. 
British Honduras, 321f, 344, 4891, 

British Province, 463f. 
Broadleaf, Jamaica, 227. 
Brodbeck, John, 237. 
Brodersen, 23. 

Brookshaw, Benjamin, 55, 199. 
Brotherly Agreement, The, 12. 
Brown, Edwin, 435. 
Brown, John, 199. 
Brown Bank, Nicaragua, 329. 
Bruce, A. B., 152. 
Bruder-Bote, 66. 
Bryce, Viscount, 406. 
Buccus, 391. 

Buchner, John Henry, 220-225. 
Buckley, John, 232. 
Buddhists, 159, 358, 36a 
Biidingsche Sammlungen, 20. 
Buffalo, 255. 
Bull, Rev. John, 486. 
Bundali, 439, 448. 
Burckhardt, Christian, 139. 
Burkhardt, Guido, 120, 167, 484. 
Burgsdorf, Aunt of Zinzendorf, 6. 
Bush Negroes, 121-125, 176, 250, 

256f, 326, 478, 484, 499, 510. 
Bussals, 31. 
Buxton, Fowell, 213. 
Buxton Grove, Antigua, 232. 

Cairo, 161ff. 

Calcutta, 357. 

Caledon, Lord, 191, 276. 

California, 408-415, 466, 473, 489, 

497, 504, 511. 
Callenberg, 150. 
Calmucks, The, 159, 202. 
Cambridge History of American 

Literature, 408. 
Cambridge Modern History, 477. 
Cameron, Mrs. Daniel, 354. 
Cammerhof, Bishop, 96ff. 
Canajoharie, 95. 
Candace Souls, 148, 156, 161, 183, 

Canon Bank, Nicaragua, 329. 
Cape Chidley, 300. 
Cape Colony, 288-293. 

Cape Farewell, 236, 245. 

Cape Gracias-a-Dios, 321, 336, 344. 

Cape Town, 126, 129, 191, 266f, 

270, 272-276, 278f, 286f. 
Carey, William, 3, 198f, 201. 
Caribbean Sea, 321, 345. 
Caribs, The, 326. 
Caries, George, 50ff, 199. 
Carisbrook, Jamaica, 227. 
Caritas, The, 61, 65f, 174. 
Carmel, Alaska, 403. 
Carmelites, 160f. 
Carolus, F., Native Helper, 244. 
Carpentaria, Gulf of, 428. 
Carstens, 33, 37, 39, 176. 
Castell, 146. 
Catechism for the Heathen, Zin- 

zendorTe, 179. 
Catharina Sophia, Surinam, 255. 
Cathcart, South Africa, 293. 

Catherine II., Empress of Russia, 
156, 159. 

Caucasus, The, 164. 

Cayuga, Lake, 97f. 

Cayugas, The, 91. 

Cedar Hall, Antigua, 232. 

Cennick, John, 51, 500. 

Ceylon, 157, 201. 

Chaguanas, Trinidad, 234. 

Chalmers, Dr., 303. 

Chamber of Seventeen, 126. 177, 266f. 

Chambers' Journal, 312. 

Chaplin, Dr., 374, 378. 

Charles, Eskimo Boy, 66f. 

Charles of Prussia, 322. 

Charlottenburg, Surinam, 265. 

Chase, Canon, 350ff, 417. 

Chateau Bav, Labrador, 142f. 

Cherokees, The, 78-81, 248f. 

Chicago, 31 If. 

China, 175, 357, 489f. 

Chinese, The, 257f, 404, 490. 

Chini, Western Tibet, 358. 

Chompel, 366. 

Christian VI., King of Denmark, 15, 
41, 45, 59f, 73. 176. 

Christian VII., King of Denmark, 49. 

Christie, British Consul, 323. 

Christy's Old Organ, 314. 

Church, Samuel, 199. 

Church, S. F., 199. 

C.M.S., 201, 300, 357, 458, 463 
487, 490, 497, 502, 507. 

Church of England Messenger, 346. 

Circassia, 489. 

Clarkson, 195. 

Clarkson, South Africa, 281. 


A History of Moravian Missions. 

Classis, The, 130. 

Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, 325, 345. 

Clemens, T. L., 234. 

Clevia, Surinam, 255. 

Clifford, Sir Hugh, 234. 

Clifton, Jamaica, 226. 

Clifton Hill, Barbados, 233. 

Clinton, Governor, 95. 

Coast and Inland, 602. 

Coermatibo River, 121 

Coke, Dr., 198. 

Cole, Sir Tony, 276. 

Colombo, 157. 

Colonisation oj Africa, Sir H. H. 

Johnston's, 438. 
Colorado Desert, 409. 
Comb6, Surinam, 252. 
Comenius, John Amos, 14, 391. 
Commewijne River, 259. 
Conference System, 193. 
Congo, 489, 508. 
Conkras, The, 326. 
Constantinople, 157f, 161, 201. 
Continental Province, 463f, 503f. 
Cook, 423f. 

Cooktown, Australia, 417. 
Coolies, The, 250, 257f, 391, 510. 
Cooper, Fenimore, 85f. 
Cooper, Mrs., 212. 
Copenhagen, 16, 23f, 26f, 29, 37, 40, 

45, 57, 59f, 65, 67, 173, 242. 
Copenkrisi, Surinam, 267. 
Coppename River, 121, 258. 
Copts, The, 161f, 164. 
Coral Bay, 36. 
Corentyne River, 119. 
Cornelius, Native Helper, 49. 
Coromandel Coast, 6, 164, 202. 
Cossart, Henry, 161. 
Cottica River, 121, 256f. 
Council of Policy, 126f. 
Countess of Huntingdon's Connection, 

Covenant of the Three Brethren, 68. 
Cowper, William, 237. 
Craddock, Sir John, 276. 
Craig, General, 276. 
Cranz, David, 194. 
Creed, Dr., 354. 
Creoles, 31, 324, 334. 
Crichton, J. W., 490. 
CrSger, E. W., 167. 
Cromlin, Governor, 121. 
Cruse, The, Jamaica, 212. 
Cuba, 509. 
Cullen Point, 421. 
Cumberland Inlet, 236, 489. 

Cummings Lodge, 391. 
Curtis, Lieutenant, 138. 
Cyril, 158. 

Czecho -Slovakia, 503. 
Czechs, The, 477, 600. 

D&hne, Louis Christopher, 11, 119, 

Daily Mail, 303, 436. 
Dakura, Nicaragua, 336, 338. 
Dale, R. W., 152. 
Dallas-Clarendon Treaty, 345. 
Dalman, Dr., 152, 381. 
Dalton, Dr., 490. 
Daniel, Henry, 29. 
Danish College of Missions, 5, 59f, 

67, 181. 
Danish Missionaries, 131, 242ff, 329, 

Danish State Church, 243. 
Danke, John Henry, 162, 164. 
Dar es-Salam, 457. 
Davey, J. W., 164, 484. 
David, Christian, 10, 69f, 65f, 68, 117. 
Dead Sea, 383. 
Deborah of Labrador, 143. 
Deep Sea Mission, 309, 312. 
Dehm, 23. 

Delaware River, 102. 
Dela wares, 83, 102-111, 115, 182, 

246f, 396, 398. 
Delbo, C, 413. 
Demerara, 117, 388-393, 465, 473, 

489, 510. 
Demole, Pastor, 489. 
Denmark, 12f, 15, 23f, 26, 41, 48, 

332, 486. 
Derryarnish, 432. 
Detroit, 11 If. 
Deycke, Dr., 379. 
Dickie, The, 418. 
Dickson, William, 214. 
Dingwall, John, 391f, 500. 
Disko, Greenland, 72. 
Divinity of Our Lord, The, Liddon's, 

Dobor, Jamaica, 227. 
Dober, Leonard, llf, 16-19, 21-24. 

26f, 29, 34-38, 57, 59, 131, 148, 

173, 176, 178, 181, 463, 495. 
Domburg, Surinam, 265. 
Dominica, 490. 
Dominicans, 161. 
Douglas, Hon. John, 418, 427f. 
Downs, Mary, 334f. 
Doyl«, Arthur Conan, 364. 



Drachart, Lawrence, 23, 133-136, 

186, 301. 
Drakensberge, 296. 
Dresden, 4, 9, 147. 
Dresden Socrates, The, 147. 
Drummond, Henry, 440. 
Dry Salt Lake, 409. 
Dublin, 477. 
Ducie River, 427. 
Duncan, Jane Ellen, 365, 373. 
Dundee, 236, 489. 
Dungeon, 423. 

Dutch Auxiliary Society, 189, 195. 
Dutch East India Company, 126f, 

177, 181. 
Dutch Reformed Church, 30, 41, 127, 

157, 182, 250, 502. 
Dutch Trading Company, 117. 
Dutchess County, 83. 
Duyfhen Point,* 432. 

East India Company, 5. 

East Indies, 4f. 

East London, South Africa, 293. 

Eastern Counties Clerical Association, 

Ebenezer, Australia, 346, 350ff, 355. 
Economy, at Bethlehem, 82. 
Ecuador, 489. 
Edinburgh, 303, 436, 501. 
Edinburgh Association, 478, 486. 
Edkins, Pastor, 489. 
Edward VII., 498. 
Edwards, William, 199. 
Egede, Hans, 20, 57-61, 65ff, 69, 

71, 174. 
Egerton, Sir Walter, 393. 
Egypt, 162ff, 202. 
Einsler, Dr., 378ff, 383. 
Elias, 288, 294f, 484. 
Elim, Cape Colony, 281, 486. 
Ehm, Jamaica, 51. 
EUer, Dr., 157, 172. 
Elliott, Captain, 112. 
Ellis, Bishop F., 338. 
Ellis, John, 208, 210-213, 216f. 
Ellis, Trapp, 77. 
Elmina, 156. 

Elukolweni, HlubUand, 288, 297. 
Emancipation, 213, 216f, 230f, 281. 
Embley River, 435. 
Emmaus, St. John, 49, 231. 
Encydopoedia Britannica, 185. 
England, 12, 20, 109f, 198, 218, 225, 

272, 304, 342, 374f, 388, 420, 

463, 470, 480f, 484ff, 488f, 504, 


English Aborigines Protection Society, 

English Bank, Nicaragua, 325, 329. 
English in the West Indies, Froude's, 

English Malady, The, 178. 
Engotini, Cape Colony, 288. 
Enon, Cape Colony, 281, 290. 
Enquiry into the Obligations of 

Christians, Carey's, 198. 
Entwanazana, Tembuland, 288, 293. 
Entumasi, Hlubiland, 288, 297. 
Ephraim, Surinam, 119. 
Ephrata, Nicaragiia, 330, 337. 
Erdmann, Friedrich, 316. 
Erdmuth Dorothea, 9. 
Erhardt, John Christian, 131, 307. 
Eskimo Dictionary. Erdmann's, 316. 
Eskimos, 57f, 60-65, 131-145, 176, 

186, 188, 300-316, 394-407, 497f, 

Eskimos about Behring Strait, The, 

Nelson's, 397. 
F^trada, General, 343. 
Estridge, St. Kitts, 231. 
Ethiopian Church, 284. 
Evening Prayer, ZiniendorTs, 91. 
Ezincuka, Hlubiland, 288, 296ff. 

Fabricius, Greorge, 100. 

Faden, Nicholas, 258. 

Fairfield, Canada, 246. 

Fairfield, Jamaica, 210-216, 219f, 

223-226, 391, 481f. 
Fan of Tomgak, Davey's, 484. 
Fawcett, 322. 
Feder, Albin, 46, 172. 
Ferdinand, Archduke, 495, 503. 
Fiabarema, 446. 
Finances, 176, 189, 304f, 469, 478, 

Fingoos, The, 277. 
First Berlin Mission, 492. 
First Fruits Idea, 183, 192f. 
Fliegel, 237. 
Florida, 490. 
Folk Lore in the Old Testament, 

Frazer's, 397, 456. 
Ford, 420. 
Fort Allen, 101. 
Foster, William, 50f. 
Fox Channel, 490. 
Fozzard, Jolm, 55, 199. 
France, 500, 507. 
Francis of Demerara, 391. 
Francke, A. H., 361, 365. 


A History of Moravian Missions. 

Francke, August Hermann, 5ff. 9, 

14, 174. 
Franklin, Benjamin, 101, 301. 
Frazer, Sir J. G., 397, 456. 
Freeh. Theobald, 136. 
Frederick IV., 58. 

Frederick V., King of Denmark, 177. 
Frederiksdal, Greenland, 236. 
Fremantle, Dean, 487. 
Freiwillige Nachlese, 153. 
Freuudlich, 42. 
Frey, 98. 

Fnedensberg, St. Croix, 49, 231. 
Friedensfeld, St. Croix, 231. 
Friedenshiitten, North America, 103ff. 
Friedenstadt, North America, 106. 
Friedensthal, St. Croix, 48, 231. 
Froude, James Anthony, 228f. 
Fulneck, Jamaica, 214, 225f. 
Fuhieck School, 195. 

Gaarde, 508. 

Galizas, General, 340. 

Gambier, Admiral, 300. 

Ganassatico, King, 96. 

Ganges River, 357. 

Gansee, Surinam, 256. 

Gardelin, Governor, 35. 

Gardiner, 50, 55. 

Garland, Canon, 435. 

Garrison, Captain, 185. 

Garth, Mrs., 330. 

Gekelemukpechunck, Ohio, 106. 

Gelelemend, 398. 

Genadendal, South Africa, 269, 276- 

279, 281, 284, 286, 289f, 478, 481. 

484f, 502. 
George II., 76. 
George III., 109, 133, 136. 
George Frederick, King of Moskito, 

Georgetown, Demerara, 391. 
Georgia, 78-81, 198, 246, 248. 
Gerard, 37. 

German East Africa, 437f, 456, 466. 
German Nyassaland, 438. 
Germany, 486, 488, 500, 503ff. 
Oeschichte der Erneuerten BrUder- 

kirche, 168. 
Gingee, Surinam, 266. 
Gladstone, Mrs., 487. 
Olad Tidings, 88. 

Glasgow Auxiliary Society, 478, 486. 
Glasgow Missionary Society, 201. 
Glikkikan, 106, 114. 
Gnadenhtltten, on the Mahony, 95, 

99, 101 f, 105, 186. 

Gnadenhiitten, Ohio, 108, 112f, 115. 
Gobat, Bishop, 374, 384. 
Godhaab, Greenland, 59, 61, 67, 236. 
Goedverwacht, South Africa, 281. 
Oood Intent, The, 301. 
Good Message, The, 484. 
Gorke, John, 237. 
Gorlitz, 17. 

Goshen, Cape Colony, 288, 293. 
Goshen, Ohio, 115f, 246. 
Goshgoschunck, Ohio, 104ff. 
Gottwalt, 55. 
Grabenstein, 176. 
Grabow, Brandenburg, 11. 
Gracebay, Antigua, 56. 
Gracefield, Antigua, 232. 
Gracehill, Antigua, 53, 56. 
Gradin, Arvid, 158, 160f, 172. 
Graham's Hall, Demerara, 388ff, 

Gralisch, 164. 
Grant of Demerara, 391. 
Grant System, The, 277, 281f, 289, 

Grassman, Andrew, 72f, 155f, 170. 
Great Britam, 257, 321f, 325, 344f, 

478, 503f. 
Great War, The, 177, 393, 406, 450, 

458, 493, 502f. 
Greek Church, 158, 160, 166, 377, 

385, 394. 400, 404, 501. 
Green, Edmund, 211. 
Greenbay, Antigua, 232. 
Greenland, lOff, 17, 20, 23, 67-77, 

79, 118, 131, 134, 137, 144, 170, 

174f, 177, 185, 188, 191, 193, 

201f, 236-245, 397, 399, 465, 

473, 479f, 482, 499f. 
Greenlanders, 9, 19, 236-245 (see also 

Gregson, Gelson, 490. 
Grenfell, Dr. W. T., 309f, 316. 
Grey, Sir George, 276, 293, 346, 499. 
Greytown, Nicaragua, 321, 330, 344. 
Griffith, Sir Samuel, 417. 
Grillich, John, 237. 
Groenekloof, South Africa, 276, 487. 
Groot Chatillon, Surinam, 264f. 
Gross-Hennersdorf, Saxony, 4f. 
Grossmann, 343. 
Grothausen, Dr., 27. 
Gruhl, 164. 

GrOnbeck, Esther, 153. 
Grundler, 6, 7f. 
Grunewald, G., 329, 343. 
Guinea, 166, 201. 
Qiitzlaff, Dr., 367, 489. 



Haberecht, Gottlieb, 51. 

Hagenauer, Frederick Augustus, 350, 
352, 354f, 416, 499. 

Haidt, 183. 

Half -penny Union, 486. 

HaU, Robert, 214. 

Hall, Samuel, 337. 

Hall, Wmiam, 214. 

Hallbeck, Hans Peter, 280, 484, 500. 

Halle, 6ff, 24, 126. 

Haller, John, 261f, 265. 

Hamilton, 50, 55. 

Hamilton, Bishop J. T., 14, 437. 

Hanover, 162. 

H&nsel, John Gotfried, 165. 

Hansina Hinz, Schneider's, 484. 

Hardie, A., 416, 418. 

Harmony, The, 301ff, 307f, 512. 

Harmony of the Gospels, Lieberkuhn's, 
115, 154. 

Hartmann, Adolphus, 248, 394. 

Hartmann, Mrs., 256. 

Harvard Uruversity, 116. 

Harvey, Bennett, 54. 

Hassan, 162. 

Hasse, Bishop E. R., 501. 

Hass^, Otto William, 153. 

Hauck^a Real- Encyclopcedie, 167. 

Hausmann. Pastor, 489. 

Haven, Jens, 23, 131-134, 136, 141, 
301, 484, 500. 

Hayti, 490. 

Heber, Dr., 364, 371. 

Hebron, Labrador, 300, 308, 310, 512. 

Hebron, Palestine, 382. 

Heckewelder, John, 112f. 

Heckmondwike, 225. 

Hedor, The, 302. 

Heerendyke, Holland, 117. 

Heerendvke, Surinam, 255. 

Hegner, J. R., 194. 

Heilitz, Inspector, 353. 

Heinze, Christian, 237. 

Helena, 268f, 275. 

Heller, 23. 

Helpers' Conference, 471. 

Hemel-en-Aarde, 276, 284f, 374. 

Henry, 37. 

Herr, 55. 

Herrmann, 162f. 

Hermhaag, 74, 500. 

Hermhut, Saxony, lOf, 13f, 16, 19f, 
22ff, 26, 28, 34, 37ff, 45-48, 59f, 
65, 76, 78, 98, 119, 126, 129, 
131, 142, 147, lo6f, 161, I70f, 
I83f, 186, 193, 198, 266, 323, 
357, 470, 480, 483, 503. 

Hettasch, Paul, 310. 

Hey, Nicholas, 416-421, 425ff, 429 

435, 499, 506. 
Hey, Mrs., 431f, 506. 
Heyde, Augustus William, 357, 361f, 

366, 370. 
Heyde, H. B., 261f, 264. 
Hibbert Journal, 20. 
Hill, Rowland, 54, 200, 487. 
Hillsborough, Lord, 134. 
Hindoos, The. 362, 391. 
Hinz, John, 397. 
Hirschberg, Sjoiod at, 167. 
Hirschel, Zechariah, 168f. 
History of Christian Missions, Robin- 
son's, 55. 
History of Christian Missions in 

South Africa, du Plessis', 273. 
History of Evangelical Missions in the 

East, Francke's, 6. 
History of Greenland, Cranz's, 194. 
History of Pietism, Ritschl's, 7. 
History of Protestant Missions, 

Wameck's, 186. 
History of the L.M.S., Home's, 201. 
History of the Mission in St. Thomas, 

St. Croix, and St. Jan, Olden- 
dorp's, 194. 
History of the Mission to the North 

American Indians, Loskiel's, 194. 
History of the Moravian Church, 

Cranz's, 194. 
History of the Moravian Church, 

Hegner's, 194. 
Hlubiland, South Africa, 288, 295-299, 

Hocker, Christian Frederick William, 

160ff, 164, 172. 
Hogg, Ethel M., 388. 
Hogg, Major, 291. 
Hogg, Quintin, 388f, 391, 489. 
Holland, 117, 126, 254f, 257, 266f, 

272, 274, 276, 486, 500. 
Honey, Dr., 284f. 
Hooker, Native Helper, 400. 
Hoop (or Hope), Surinam, 120, 190. 
Hopedale, Labrador, 139, 144f, 300, 

310f, 512. 
Home, Rev, C. Silvester, 201. 
Horsham, Australia, 351. 
Hottentots, The, 126-130, 266-287, 

291f, 481, 499. 
Huckoff, Henry, 156. 
Hudson's Bay Company, 311. 
Huesco River, 345. 
Huguenots, 30. 
Hungary, 12, 600. 


A History of Moravian Missions. 

Huron, 114. 

Hutt, Major, 346, 489. 

Button, A. B., 234. 

Hutton, Dr. S. K., 310f, 313, 315. 

Hutton, Mrs., 310. 

Hutton, James, 131, 134, 140. 

Ibrahim, 164. 

Idea Fidei Fratrum, Spangenberg's, 

Igdlorpait, Greenland, 236, 244. 
Ileya, Nyassa, 448. 
Immortality, Heathen ideas of, 85, 

129, 328, 348, 356, 398, 425, 442, 

In Distant Heathen Lands, 484. 
Independents, 487. 
Indian Territory, U.S.A., 248f, 408, 

Indians, Moskito, 321-345. 
Indians, North American, 10, 52, 

78-116, 170, 176, 186, 191, 246- 

249, 408-41.5, 484, 498. 
Indians, South American, 117-120, 

Indus Valley, 507. 
Inleesha, 164. 
Inatitutum Judaicum, Callenberg's, 

Instructions for Brethren and Sisters, 

Spangenberg's, 476. 
Instructions to Missionaries, Zin- 

zendorf's, 78, 175, 178, 182. 
Ipiana, Nyassa, 448, 450f. 
Ipole, Unyamwezi, 454. 
Ipswich, Jamaica, 227. 
Ireland, 500. 
Irene, The, 76, 185. 
Iroquois, The, 83, 91-103. 
Irwin, Major, 346. 
Irwin Hill, Jamaica, 210, 214, 220. 
Ifeles, Samuel, 53, 199. 
Isoko, Nyassa, 448, 450f. 
Ispahan, 160, 
Israel, Gottlieb, 46ff, 118, 181, 186, 

Iversen, Jorgen, Governor, 30. 

J. G. Ward, The, 436. 

Jablonsky, Daniel Ernest, 79, 169. 

Jackman, 50, 65. 

Jackson, Captain, 303. 

Jackson, Dr. Sheldon, 394, 403, 489. 

Jackson, Helen Hunt, 408. 

Jackson, Joseph, 199, 208. 

Jaergenson, 238. 

Jalla, Louis, 490. 

Jamaica, 46, 50ff, 66, 89, 188, 193, 

198f, 207 230, 232, 321ff, 335, 

340, 344, 355, 480-483, 486, 

498, 509. 
Jamaica Courant, 215, 
Jamaica in 1801, Lady Nugent's, 208. 
James of Nicaragua, 332. 
Janie of Alaska, 402. 
Japan, 490, 
Japanese, The, 404. 
Jardine River, 427. 
Jaschke, Andrew, 158, 
Jaschke, Henry Augustus, 360ff, 
Javanese, The, 257, 259, 510. 
Jedda, 162. 
Jemima, The, 302, 
Jensen, Stephen, 23, 134, 136, 301. 
Jeremiah of Okak, 313, 
Jersey Packet, The, 134, 301. 
Jerusalem (Leper Home), 255, 286, 

355, 374-387, 473, 489, 504, 

Jessica's First Prayer, 314, 
Jesuits, 13, 161, 

Jews, The, 146-155, 183f, 201, 250. 
Jimmy of Mapoon, 433. 
Johannesburg, South Africa, 293, jj 

490. ' 

John, John F., 199. 
Johnson, Dr., 134, 194. 
Johnston, Sir Harry H., 438. 
Joppa, 383. 

Jordan Valley, 382. , 

Joseph, Rabbi, 154, .| 

Julienhaab, 244. i 

Jtirgensen, Jean Paul, 23, 329, 33 Iff, 
Juigensen, Mrs., 332f. 
Juvenile Missionary Association, 226, 


Kabagomato, Chief, 453. 
Kaestner, Louis, 309, 
Kaffir Wais, 278, 298, 499. 
Kaffirs, 288-299, 478, 484, 490, 

Kaffraria, 276, 298, 608. 
Kaimanston, Surinam, 257. 
Kalatse, Western Tibet, 388f. 
Kanahooka, The, 428, 
Kandler, 330. 
Kanjek, Greenland, 72. 
Kansas, 248, 
Kant, Lydia, 364. 
Kapik, 144, 
Karaites, 149, 

Karata, Nicaragua, 330, 336. 
Kashgar, 489. 



Kaskan, 362. 

EaBwika, Chief, 457. 

Kayamak, 70ff, 188, 237, 399. 

Keffenbrink-Ascheraden, Baroness, 
374f, 489. 

Kersten & Co., 250, 253, 269f, 469, 
478, 485. 

Kettering, 3, 201. 

Kidd, Benjamin, 354. 

Kilbuck, John Henry, 395, 398-401, 

Kilbuck, Mrs., 396, 399. 

Killinek, Labrador, 300, 305, 312. 

Kim, Kipling's. 368. 

King, John, 256. 

Kingspoint, Eskimo Bay, 135. 

Kingston, Jamaica, 198, 219, 227. 

Kingston Chronicle, 215. 

King Williamstown, South Africa, 

Kipembabwe, Unyamwezi, 464. 
r Kipling, Rudyard, 368. 

Kirchhof, David, 163. 

Kirman, 161. 

Kitunda, Unyamwezi, 454. 

Kleinschmidt, John, 190, 238. 

Kleinschmidt, Samuel, 238, 242. 

Klipplaat River, 288. 

Kluge, H., 484. 

Klukumlaya, Nicaragua, 329. 

KofEimaka Negroes, 121, 256. 
^ Koffykamp, Surinam, 256. 

Kohlmeister, 190. 
; Kondeland, 438f, 444f, 448. 

Kfinigsberg, Baden, 481. 

Konigseer, Sophia, 237. 

Kopperamanna, Lake, 355. 

Krakau, Daniel, 437, 486. 

Kramer, 355. 

Kranich, John F., 237. 

ELreusano, 155. 

Kfthnel, John Christian, 267, 273. 

Kukulaya, Nicaragua, 330. 

Kulu VaUey, 507. 

Kunawar, 362. 
t Kund, Michael, 159. 

Kunewalde, Moravia, 10. 

Kurban, Kasis Farhud, 386f. 
^ Kurdistan, 490. 

Kurds, The, 160f. 

Kuskokwim River, 395, 404. 

Kuster, 286, 

Kwattahede, Surinam, 266. 
■ Kybodo, 272. 

Kvelang, Western Tibet, 368-362, 

KyimbilA, Nyassa, 448. 

Labrador, 23, 76, 131-145, 186, 

188-191, 193, 199, 201f, 300-316, 

374, 395ff, 473, 478, 480, 482, 

484, 496-499, 512. 
Labrador Doctor, A, Grenfell's, 316. 
Ladak, 357f. 360, 362. 
Ladak News, The, 361. 
Ladies' Associations, 486. 
Ladies' Negro Education Society, 212. 
Lahoul, 358. 

La Jolla, California, 410, 416. 
Lake, General, 489. 
Lamas, 358ff, 363, 366-373. 
Lamington, Lord, 435. 
Lamp, 490. 

Lancaster, Jamaica, 61. 
Landon, Perceval, 366. 
Lang, John, 207-210. 
Lange, Conrad, 159-175. 
L'Anse Noir, Trinidad, 234. 
Lapland, 12f, 17, 155f, 201. 
Laplanders, 9, 19, 155. 
Last of the Mohicans, The, Cooper's, 

La Trobe, Benjamin, 194. 
La Trobe, Bishop Benjamin, 308, 

La Trobe, Bishop James, 374f. 
La Trobe, Christian Ignatius, 64, 

189f, 195ff, 200f, 281, 289, 300, 

La Trobe, Joseph, 346. 
Laugh ton, Captain, 489. 
Laurwig, Count, 15f. 
Layasiksa, Nicaragua, 330. 
Leach, William, 486. 
League of Help, 497. 
Lebanon, Antigua, 232. 
Lieeds 489 
Leh, 'western Tibet, 367f, 363ff, 

371f, 484. 
Lehigh River, 81. 
Leibnitz, 5, 13. 
Leitner, Peter, 286. 
Leliendal, Surinam, 255, 259. 
Leominster, 486. 
Lepers, 2o4f, 276, 284ff, 374-387, 

451, 499, 502, 608, 510. 
Letters on the Nicobar Islands, 

Hansel's, 165. 
Letters to my Children, La Trobe's, 195. 
Leupold, Tobias, 16f, 19, 22, 38, 48. 
Lewis, George, 208t 
Lhasa, 358, 362, 372. 
Lhasa, Landon's, 366. 
Libbey, J. N., 168. 
libya, 161. 


A History of Moravian Missions. 

Liohtenau, Greenland, 75, 236, 238, 

Lichtenau, Ohio, 108, HI. 
Lichtenfels, Greenland, 75, 236, 238. 
Liddon, Canon, 151, 
Lieberkuhn, Samuel, 115, 149-162, 

Lier, Hesperus Ritzman van, 266. 
Life of David Livingstone, 430. 
Life of Willie Wimmera, 352. 
Light, James, 214. 
Lincoln, Abraham, 268. 
Lindsay House, Chelsea, 140. 
Lipscombe, Bishop, 215. 
Lisier, Christian, 136, 199. 
Lititz, Jamaica, 211, 217, 226, 
Little Tracts, Kluge's, 484, 
Little Whetstone, 401. 
Living Christ and the Four GoapeU, 

Dale's, 152. 
Livingstone College, 310. 
Livingstone Hills, 438. 
Livingstonia Mission, 492. 
Livonia, 160, 202. 
Lebschutz, Upper Silesia, 11. 
LShans, Valentine, 43f. 
Lohans, Mrs., 43. 
London, 4, 8, 55, 76, 78, 96, 131, 

133f, 137, 140, 146, 168, 178, 

302ff, 347, 388, 485!, 504, 512. 
London Association in Aid of 

Moravian Missions, 212, 223, 486f. 
London Medical Mission, 490. 
London Missionary Society, 54, 199ff, 

452f, 463, 489, 492. 
London Society for promoting 

Christianity amongst the Jews, 

Lorenzen, 29, 37* 
Los Angeles, 409, 412. 
Loskiel, George Henry, 194. 
Lot, Use of, 15, 21, 38, 93, 120, 162, 

168, 172f, 190f, 476. 
Louis, Native Helper, 238. 
Louis XVI., King of Prance, 301. 
Ludidi, 297. 
Luna, Dr., 342f. 
Lutherans, 9, 11, 19, 22, 24, 30, 

183, 250, 501f, 
Liitken, Dr., 5. 

Macartney, Lord, 276. 
MacDonald, Colonel, 321, 344. 
MacGregor, Sir William, 311, 499. 
MachiwishUusing, Pa., 103. 
Mack, John Martin, 49, 79, 95, 112. 
Mftckay of Uganda, 437, 489. 

Magazines, Missionary, ld4f, 390, 

392, 475f, 502. 
Magdala, Nicaragua, 329f, 334ff. 
Magdalene of St. Thomas, 44. 
Magorugampcll, Ceylon, 157. 
Mahometans, 14, 164, 234, 250, 259, 

287, 365, 377, 382, 384-388, 

454, 457f, 497, 508. 
Mahony, River, 95, 99. 
Makkovik, Labrador, 300, 311. 
Malabar, 126, 490. 
Malays, 346. 
Malone, 284. 
Malta, 500. 

Mamre, Cape Colony, 281, 485, 
Managua, Treaty of, 345. 
Manantial, Trinidad, 234. 
Manchester, Parish of, Jamaica, 211. 
Mandeville, Jamaica, 215. 
Manittoes, 85. 
Mankendorf, Moravia, 10, 
Manners, Charlie, 423. 
Manual of Doctrine, Beck's, 361. 
ManzaniUa, Trinidad, 234. 
Mapasa, 290f. 
Mapoon, North Queensland, 418, 

420f, 423, 427ff, 431-436, 506. 
Marienbom, 73, 148. 
Maripastoon, Surinam, 256. 
Maroni River, 121. 
Maroons, 217. 
Marriage Customs, 261-265, 326, 424, 

Marshman, 199. 

Marsveld, Henry, 267f, 271, 600. 
Martha of Tibet, 366. 
Martin, Augustus, 329f, 335. 
Martin, Bishop, 314. 
Martin, Frederick, 11, 38-46, 48f, 91, 

95, 169, 176, 182, 186, 188, 484, 

Martin, George, 439. 
Martinez, California, 409, 41 If. 
Martinique, 36. 
Martins, 27. 

Marx, Dr. Carl, 364, 372. 
Matelot, Trinidad, 234. 
Matilda, Princess, 324. 
Matthiesen, 23. 
Matuari Negroes, 256. 
Maud of Mapoon, 506. 
Maurice, Native Helper, 244. 
Mawanda, 440, 448. 
May Day Hills, Jamaica, 210. 
Maynard, Constance, 20. 
Mbozi, Nyassa, 448, 450. 
Mcintosh, General, HI, 




Mecca, 162. 

Medical Missions, 363f, 402f, 452. 

Meier, 457. 

Meissel, Gottlieb, 351, 355f. 

Melbourne, 346, 349-353, 356, 416f, 

Meniolagomeka, 95. 

Merere, 439, 444f. 

Mesopotamia, 490, 505. 

Mesopotamia, Jamaica, 208, 214. 

Messenger of Peace, The, 330. 

Messenger, Moravian, 376. 

Mela, The, 342. 

Metcalf, John, 199. 

Methodists, 487, 601. 

Methodius, 158. 

Meyer, Henry, 288, 296f, 438. 

Meyer, Theodore, 438f, 444. 

Meyer, Mrs., 445. 

Meyer's Pass, 297. 

Mico Institution, 219, 489. 

Middleton, Ladv, 195. 

Middleton, Sir Charles, 195. 

Mieksch, 166. 

Mikak, 140. 

Miller, James, 211. 

Mingo, 43. 

Miracle of Mapoon, Ward's, 428, 484. 

Mission Board, 211, 218, 232, 242, 
263ff, 308, 322, 325, 339, 362f, 
357, 374, 388f, 416, 437, 463, 
465-471, 491f, 495, 497, 604f. 

Mission College, 470, 480f, 494. 

Missionary Studies, Burkhardt's, 484. 

Missions-Blatt, 470, 476. 

Mite Association, 485. 

Mizpah, Jamaica, 227. 

Mkulwe, 456. 

Mohawks, 85, 91, 95, 102. 

Mohicans, 81-90. 

Mongolia, 357, 489. 

Monteith, Archibald, 208. 

Montgomery, James, 30, 55. 199. 

Montgomery, John, 55, 199. 

Montgomery, Tobago, 234. 

Montserrat, 489. 

Moody, D. L., 388. 

Moore, Henrv, 389ff. 

Moravia, 9-12, 43, 59, 65, 79, 126, 158, 

Moravia, Jamaica, 227. 

Moravian Hill, South Africa, 287. 

Moravian Hope, South Africa, 287. 

Moravian Missionary Society, 
Jamaica, 486. 

Moravian Missions, 228, 233, 392. 

Morgan, Colonel, 108. 

Moriah, Tobago, 234. 

Morongo, Captain John, 409, 414. 

Morton, John Thomas, 490f. 

Mt. Graybok, 409. 

Mt. Tabor, Barbados, 233. 

Moscow, 159. 

Moses of Labrador, 143. 

Moskito Coast, 23, 321ff, 326f, 332, 

334, 339ff, 344f, 355, 479, 484, 

489. 499. 
Moule, H. C. G., 487. 
Mueia, Nyassa, 448. 
Mulattoes, 31. 
Mulgrave, Earl, 215. 
Muller, Dr., of Vienna. 361. 
Muller, Dr. J. T., 167, 377. 
Muller, Dr. Max, 361. 
Mailer, Elizabeth, 377. 
Mailer, Fritz, 376-379. 
Muller, J., 237. 

Munchroth, Wurtemberg, 11. 
Murkkikandi, 443. 
Muskingum, 108. 
Muskito Bay, St. Thomas, 44. 
Mvenyane, Hlubiland, 288, 299. 
Myalism, 220ff, 226. 

Nachrichien aiu der BrUdergemeine, 

Nahoe, Jamaica, 226. 
Nain, Labrador, 137f, 146, 300, 309f 

313, 512. 
Nain, Pa., 102. 
Nakin, John, 297. 
Napier, Sir George, 277. 
Napoleonic Wars, 272, 476, 486. 
Nathan, 309. 
Nathaniel of Nain, 313. 
Nattaniel of Tibet, 366. 
Native Church Idea, 224, 261, 284 

450, 491-494, 497, 509. 
Native Helpers and Evangelists, 44, 

214, 216, 234, 238, 241, 244, 

256, 287, 293, 299, 307, 400f, 

403, 406, 447, 449, 454, 492. 
Native Ministers, 224, 227, 232, 235, 

239, 243, 261, 297, 389, 479, 

482f, 492. 
Natural Reflections, Zinzendorfs, 7, 

Nazareth, Pa., 81f. 
Negro School Fund, 212. 
Neisser, Joseph, 10, 136, 142, 
Nelson, E. W., 397. 
Netawetwes, 106, 109f. 
Neumeister, 9. 
New Account of Guinea and the Slave 

Trade, Snelgrave's, 195, 


A History of Moravian Missions. 

New England Society, 87. 
New Bambey, Surinam, 124. 
New Bethlehem, Jamaica, 211. 
New Carmel, Jamaica, 51, 56, 211, 

213f, 225. 
New Eden, Jamaica, 2101, 214f. 
New Fairfield, Canada, 115, 246-249. 
New Gnadenhiitten, North America, 

New Hermhut, Greenland, 61, 69f, 

74f, 236, 238. 
New Herrnhut, St. Thomas, 39, 44, 

New HoUand, 475. 
New Hope, Jamaica, 217, 226. 
New Salem, North America, 114f. 
New Springplace, Georgia, 248. 
New York, 56, 83, 85, 94ff, 101, 185, 

New Zealand, 276, 346. 
Newby, Joseph, 199. 
Newfield, Antigua, 232. 
Newfoundland, 131, 301, 311. 
Newton, Jamaica, 210, 221. 
Nicaragua, 321-345, 465, 473, 496f, 

604, 511. 
Nicaragua, Lake, 321. 
Nickerie, Surinam, 266. 
Nicobar Islands, 165f, 202, 490. 
Nicodemus of Tibet, 366. 
Niesky, St. Thomas, 49, 230. 
Niesky, Silesia, 130, 478, 481. 
Nile, River, 164. 
Nitschmann, David, 22, 26-28, 33f, 

40, 43, 79f, 157, 169f, 173, 186, 

Nitschmann, John, 166. 
Nitschmann, Martin, 99. 
Nitschmann, Mrs., 99. 
Nitschmanns, The, 10. 
Noailles, Cardinal, 8. 
Noel, Lady, 487. 
Nmdlyset, The, 244. 
North, Goodwin, 225. 
Northern Missionary Society, 201. 
Northern Star, The, 310. 
North-Schleswig Union, 486. 
Norway, 500. 
Nottingham, 198. 

Noviasima Sinica, Leibnitz's, 6, 13. 
Nubra, 362. 
Nugent, Lady, 208. 
Nushagak River, 403. 
Nxotchane, Hlubiland, 288. 
Nyassa, 437-452, 454f. 465, 473, 489, 

497, 508. 
Nyassa, Lake, 437ff, 444, 453. 

Nyika, 439, 448, 462. 

Obeahiam, 122f, 208, 220, 609. 

Ockbrook School, 485. 

Ogavik, Alaska, 401, 403. 

Ogle's Industry, Demerara, 391. 

O'Hara, James, 311. 

Ohio, 83, 106f, 109ff, 115, 246. 

Okak, Labrador, 139, 300, 305f, 310, 

313f, 512. 
Okeden, Pariv, 436. 
Old Carmel, Jamaica, 89, 207, 209ff. 
Old Charley of Victoria, 351. 
Oldendorp, G. A., 194. 
Oneidas, 91, 93. 
Onin, 246. 

Onondaga, Pa., 96-99, 102, 104. 
Onondagas, 91, 115. 
Ontario, Lake, 83, 96. 
Oochgelogy, Georgia, 248. 
Oonalaska, 394. 
Oppelt, Mrs. Von, 489. 
Older of the Mustard Seed, 8, 146. 
Orkneys, The, 303, 505. 
Orinoco, River, 118. 
Ormond College, Missionary Society, 

Omatti, The, 294. 
Ossessi, Chief, 257. 
Ostergren, 156. 
Oxford, 361. 

Pachgatgoch, 95. 

Padel, Otto, 242. 

PageU, Edward, 367, 362ff, 366, 369. 

Pagell, Mrs., 364. 

Palermo, Sicily, 477. 

PaUisser, Sir Hugh, 131ff, 140, 191. 

Pall Mall Magazine, 316. 

Palmerston, Lord, 322. 

Papus, 276, 346-355, 416f, 419, 421, 

423-435 499. 
Paramaribo,' 117, 121, 188, 191, 250, 

252ff, 257-261, 264, 484. 
Paravicini, Consul, 157. 
Paris, 31 If, 477. 
Partsch, George, 100. 
Partsch, Mrs., 100. 
Pastoral Letter, 142. 
Patrick Town, Jamaica, 227. 
Paulu, 366. 
Payas, The, 326. 
Peace of Paris, 101, 344. 
Pearl Lagoon, Nicaragua, 325. 
Peart, Robert, 209. 
Pechanga, California, 410. 



Peck, C. J., 490. 

Pella, South Africa, 281. 

Pemell, Mrs., 490. 

Penn, William, 90. 

Pennsylvania, 81, 83, 90, 93, 95, 

lOlff, 113, 498. 
Pepper, Nathaniel, 350f. 
Periodical Accounts, 3, 189f, 194ff, 

198ff, 289, 297, 310, 316, 338, 

397, 412, 475, 495. 
Perl, St. Thomas, 44. 
Perrens, Mrs. or Miss, 489. 
Perry, Bishop of Melbourne, 346, 350. 
Persia, 160, 202. 
Peter of Labrador, 142. 
Peter of St. Thomas, 44. 
Peru, 490. 
Peyster, Major, 112. 
Pfeififer, Henry GottUeb, 215, 322-325. 
Philadelphia, 102. 
Philadelphia Philosophical Society, 

Pierson, Dr. A. T., 201. 
Pietism, 3, 4, 11, 65. 
Pilder, George, 161f. 
Pilgerhut, 117. 
Pilgemih, 114f, 120. 
Pilgrim, Alexander, 389. 
Pilgrim's Progress, The, Banyan's, 

227, 314. 
Piper, 334. 
Pisani, 274f. 

Pless, Count von, 25f, 48, 60. 
Plessis, Dr. du, 273. 
Plutschau, Henry, 5-8. 
Poland, 503. 
Pommerschwitz, Upper Silesia, 11, 

Pontiac War, lOlf. 
Poo, Western Tibet, 358f, 363ff, 369. 
Port Elizabeth, South Africa, 286f. 
Port of Spain, Trinidad, 234. 
Porteous, Bishop of London, 195. 
Porto Rico, 489. 

Posaunenberg, St. Thomas, 39, 47. 
Post, 95. 

Potrero, CaUfomia, 409, 412ff. 
Potribo, Surinam, 255. 
Powell, Joseph, 199. 
Prague, 477. 
Presbyterians, 350f, 353, 355, 394, 

416, 435, 486f, 489, 502, 506. 
Price, 216. 

Prichard, Major Heaketh, 303, 312. 
Priestley, 428. 

Prince and Princess of Wales, 76. 
Pringle, 279. 


Prins, Stephen, 484. 
Prochnow, 357. 
Protten, Christian Jacob, 156. 
Province Island, 102. 
Pumpkin, 423f. 

Quama, Surinam, 123. 
Quamwatla, Nicaragua, 336ff. 
Quebec, 112. 
Queensland, North, 355, 416-436, 465, 

469, 473, 484, 489, 499, 505. 
Queenstown, Demerara, 391f. 
Queenstown, South Africa, 293. 
Quingillingok, Alaska, 403. 
Quinhagak, Alaska, 404ff. 
Quintin Hogg : a Biography, Ethel 

M. Hogg's, 388. 
Quirpoint Harbour, 132. 

Rabbinites, 149. 

Ramah, Labrador, 300. 

Ramah Indians, 326, 331ff. 

Ramah Key, 326, 331f. 

Ramah River, 345. 

Ramahyuck, Victoria, 352-355, 416. 

Ramona, Jackson's, 408. 

Rampoor, 357. 

Rasmus, Jens, 48. 

Rauch, Christian Henry, 52, 85-90, 

170, 181. 
Reading, 352. 
Red Sea, 162. 
Rcdgauntttt, Scott's, 185. 
Redslob, Frederick Adolphus, 361f, 

Regnier, Dr., 170, 172. 
R^ichel, Leonard, 338. 
Reichel, Bishop John Frederick, 266. 
Reichel, Eugene, 264, 488. 
Reichel, Gerhard, 168. 
Reigel, 244. 
Reinke, Andrew, 322. 
Reis, 219. 

Reitapura, Nicaragua, 329. 
Reliance, Demerara, 388f. 
Renan, Ernest, 347. 
Rephaim, 377. 
Reports oj the Brethren's Missions, 

Resolution, The, 302. 
Retrospect of the Mission in Antigua, 

Rhenish Missionaries, 283. 
Rhenius, Governor, 267. 
Rhine, The, 172. 
Rhodes, James, 136, 199. 
Ribbach, Mrs., 364fi 


A History of Moravian Missions. 

Richard, Marc, 234, 500. 

Richard, Theophilus, 438, 444. 

Richmond, Legh, 487. 

Richter, 435. 

Richter, Abraham, 157. 

Riebeck, Governor van, 127. 

Rigolette, 311. 

Rincon, California, 410, 415. 

Ritschl, Albrecht, 7. 

Rittmansberger, Andrew, 65. 

Riverside, California, 413. 

Robben Island, South Africa, 285f, 

Robert Charles Frederick, King of 

Moskito, 322. 
Robert Clarence, King of Moskito, 

Roberts, Edward, 199. 
Robinson, 55. 
Robinson, S., 418. 
Robinson Crusoe, Defoe's, 55, 117, 
Roller, Dr., 162. 
Roman Catholics, 158, 165, 250, 

255, 340, 343, 345, 377, 414f, 

432, 438, 501. 
Romig, Benjamin, 339. 
Romig, Dr. J. H., 403. 
Ronneburg Castle, 147. 
Roonjon, Surinam, 252. 
Roosevelt, President, 255. 
Rosehill, Tiinidad, 234. 
Roth, Dr., 432f. 
Rothe, John Andrew, 9. 
Roumania, 158. 
RiifEer, Dr., 160f. 

Rungwe, Nyassa, 438ff, 443-448, 451. 
Russell, Samuel, 199. 
Russia, 156, 158, 201, 292, 357, 394, 

500, 503. 
Rust-en-Vrede, Surinam, 252. 
Rust-en-Wcrk, Surinam, 255. 
Rutenganio, Nyassa, 448f, 451. 
Ryle, Bishop J. C, 487. 

Sachalin, 490. 

Sachems, 98. 

Sacred Songs and Solos, Sankey's, 

Salem, Jamaica, 211. 
Salem, Ohio, 108, 112. 
Salem, Surinam, 255. 
Salich of Jerusalem, 379. 
Salvation Army, 507. 
Samoa, 276. 
Samoyedos, 9, 156. 
San Domingo, 235, 489, 609. 
San Francisco, 394. 

San Pedro, 235. 

Sandusky, 113f. 

Sandy Bay, Nicaragua, 336. 

Sang Sangta, Nicaragua, 343, 611. 

Sankey, 425. 

Saramakka River, 119, 121, 256, 

Saramakker Negroes, 121, 123, 256. 

Sarepta, 159f. 

Savannah, 78. 

Savannah River, 81. 

Saxony, 167. 

Schafcr, Melchior, 17, 

Schmidt, George, 10, 43, 126-130, 

169, 174-177, 266ff, 271f, 279. 
Schmidt, Isaac, 160. 
Schmidt, Rasmus, 23, 256. 
Schmitt, John Henry, 276. 
Schneider, Daniel, 155. 
Schneider, H. G., 483f. 
Schneider, John, 136, 156. 
Schneller, 55. 
Schochert, 404. 
Scholefield, John, 213. 
Schonberg-Waldenburg, Prince of, 

Schonbrunn, Ohio, 107f, 112, 114. 
Schreve, 373. 

Schubert, Karl, 376, 381, 385f. 
Schumann, Theophilus Solomon, 11, 

117-120, 124, 172, 181, 188. 
Schuysken, Governor, 275. 
Schwabel, 362. 
Schwenkf elders, 11. 
Schwinn, Daniel, 267. 
Scotland, 303, 486, 500. 
Scott, 351. 

Scott, Hutchinson, 211. 
Scott, Mrs. Hutchinson, 212, 223. 
Scottish Missionary Society, 201. 
Sehlen, Moravia, 10. 
Seidel, Nathaniel, 170. 
Seiilerth, Anthony, 80. 
Self -Support Synod, 481. 
Senecas, 91. 

Senftleben, Moravia, 10. 
Senseman, Joachim, 99, 112. 
Senscman, Mrs., 100. 
Senthea Creek, 123. 
Serajevo, 503. 
Serampore, 198. 
Sergeant's River, 268. 
Seven Years' War, 99, lOlf, 188. 
Shallcross, Thomas, 51, 199, 
Shamans, 398. 

Shamokin, Pa., 93, 95, 99, 101. 
Sharon, Barbados, 55f. 
Sharon, Nicaragua, 336 



Sharon, Surinam, 119f. 

Shaw, Thomas F., 452. 

Shawanese Indians, 83, 93, 99. 

Shawe, Becker, 371. 

Shawe, Dr. Ernest, 3fr4. 

Shawe, Jackson, 485. 

Sheda Mahinda, 455. 

Shekomeko, New York, 85, 87, 90, 

92-95, 102. 
Shelley, 477. 
Shikellimey, 93, 95, 97. 
Shiloh, Cape Colony, 288-293, 296, 

Short History of Christian Missions, 

Smith's, 199. 
Shussele's Picture, 104. 
Siberia, 357. 
Sieborger, 337. 
Signal Hill, Tobago, 55f. 
Sikonge, Unyamwezi, 454, 458. 
Siksigak, 145. 
Siloah, 384, 508. 
Simmonds, The, 79, 186, 198. 
Single Brethren's Song, Zinzendorf s, 

Skrop, 46. 

Slavery, Abolition of, 216. 
Slavery, Moravian attitude towards, 

Smith, 311. 
Smith, George, 199. 
Smith, Mrs., 266. 
Smith, R. Brough, 349. 
Smith, Sir Harr^^ 291. 
Snaife, Hon. D., 211. 
Snelgrave, Captain William, 195. 
Social Evolution, Kidd's, 354. 
Society for Qiristian Fellowship, 

Society for the Advancement of 

Civilisation and Christianity, 87. 
S.F.C.K., 486. 
S.F.G., 134f, 189, 195, 218, 304-308, 

468, 475, 478, 482, 485. 
S.P.C.K., 8. 
S.P.G. (American Moravian), 189, 

394, 468, 478, 485, 504. 
S.P.G. (Anglican), 20, 79, 174, 181. 
S.P.G. (North Carolina), 486. 
Somerset, Lord Charles, 289. 
Sonderend, The, 279. 
Sonderman, 225. 
Sophia, Princess, 40. 
Sorcerers, 58, 106, 122f, 220, 246, 

295, 299, 348, 401, 450 (see 

also Angegoks). 
Sorensen, John, 23, 74, 237. 

Soukias, 325, 327f, 332, 336. 

South Au